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Class or regional cleavage? The Russian invasion and Ukraine’s ‘East/West’ divide 阶级还是地区分裂?俄罗斯入侵和乌克兰的“东/西”分裂
1区 社会学 Q2 SOCIOLOGY Pub Date : 2023-11-06 DOI: 10.1080/14616696.2023.2275589
Volodymyr Ishchenko
ABSTRACTWhy did the Kremlin fail to rely on the ‘soft power’ to secure its interests in Ukraine and instead opt for the military invasion? At the same time, why did the Kremlin believe that Russia could achieve its goals with relatively limited forces in the course of a rapid regime-change ‘special operation’? These questions pose a puzzle for the two main arguments that dominate the vast literature on Ukrainian regionalism, which either present a largely symmetrical ‘East/West’ regional cleavage or question the salience and even the existence of any such cleavage in favor of a more fluid local diversity that the ascendant Ukrainian civic identity has ultimately encompassed. Instead, the article argues that Ukraine’s ‘regional’ cleavage could be understood as a nationally specific articulation of the class conflict common to many post-Soviet countries in the context of hegemony crisis. This perspective can better explain the disparate capacity of Ukraine’s ‘pro-Western’ and ‘pro-Russian’ political camps to universalize the particular class interests standing behind them and support them through civic mobilization, the rationale behind the original plan of the Russian invasion, and the reactions of supposedly ‘pro-Russian’ Ukrainian elites and regular citizens to its failure.KEYWORDS: Russia-Ukraine warUkrainian regional cleavagePolitical capitalismHegemony crisisCivil society AcknowledgementsI would like to thank Oleg Zhuravlev, the editors of the special issue and the journal, as well as the anonymous reviewers for their constructive comments, which helped me to improve my argument considerably.Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1 The sanctions against Viktor Medvedchuk and his TV stations were not an isolated fact, but a step in the long series of repressive and restrictive decisions and legislation in politics, culture, and the public sphere under securitizing and nationalizing justifications parallelled with violent attacks by the nationalist civil society, which began in 2014–2015 with the repression of the Communist Party of Ukraine under decommunization laws, and continued after the sanctioning of Medvedchuk in 2021 with the blocking of almost all other major media labeled as ‘pro-Russian’ (Chemerys Citation2016; Ishchenko Citation2018a, Citation2023c, Citation2022b; Kasianov Citation2021; Way Citation2019).2 Recently, there may have been a shift among specialists on Ukraine toward the ‘twenty-two Ukraines’ approach, reflecting both the scholarly advances in the study of Ukrainian regionalism and a reaction to the Russian instrumentalization of the Ukrainian regional cleavage. However, some recent major works based on the assumption of a conflict between Ukrainian and Russian-speaking communities or between the varieties of Ukrainian national identity prove that the debate on Ukrainian regionalism is not settled (e.g. Arel and Driscoll Citation2023; Petro Citation2023).3 Many questioned
这并不适用于已加入欧盟的波罗的海国家,也许中亚部分例外,因为对这些国家来说,欧洲一体化不在议程上例如,与政府官员的非正式关系以及经常故意设计的逃税和资本外逃的法律漏洞,也促进了竞争对手对公司的敌意收购因此,例如Hale (Citation2015)分析了反复出现的继任危机在乌克兰,与工人阶级相比,中产阶级在政治参与和对“西方”议程的支持方面都有过多的代表。特别是,中产阶级的入党率明显更高(Simonchuk Citation2020, 77)。中产阶级不成比例地参与了乌克兰社会的橙色革命和亲欧盟革命,以及定期的抗议活动和公民行动主义(Beissinger Citation2022, 293-294;[j] .中国科学:自然科学,2016,(1):1 - 2。在加利西亚以外,较富裕的公民比较贫穷的受访者更有可能表达民族主义和亲西方的态度(Alexseev Citation2021;Hale and Kulyk Citation2021).13可以肯定的是,并非所有由“西方”公民社会推动的后亲欧盟运动改革都不受欢迎。例如,权力下放改革是最受赞誉的成功之一,特别是在增加税收,改善当地基础设施方面,甚至有助于乌克兰在战争期间的恢复力(Brik和Murtazashvili Citation2022;Harus and Nivyevskyi citation(2020)。有人可能会怀疑,分权改革是否不是例外证明规则的案例,因为它与当地精英的利益一致,并且与许多其他改革不同,它从来都不是西方援助或乌克兰欧洲一体化的条件,并且与跨国关系的推进只有微弱的关系(Bader Citation2020;粗柴油高温裂解Citation2020) .14点特别是通过所谓的“三明治模式”(Nitsova et al.)与外国和国际机构的合作。Citation2018)。
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引用次数: 0
The effects of female education on child education: a prospective analysis 女性教育对儿童教育的影响:一项前瞻性分析
1区 社会学 Q2 SOCIOLOGY Pub Date : 2023-11-06 DOI: 10.1080/14616696.2023.2275591
Michael Grätz
This study estimates the effects of women’s education on their offspring using quasi-experimental evidence from six educational reforms that increased the length of compulsory schooling in several European countries. The empirical analysis uses data from the Survey of Health, Ageing and Retirement in Europe and instrumental variable estimation to estimate the effects of female education on fertility and on children’s education. This study provides the first analysis using quasi-experimental variation in education to estimate prospective models of intergenerational effects. These models start with a birth cohort and link information on their fertility and on their children’s outcomes. These models account for the effect of female education on the probability that women have children when estimating the effect of female education. The direct effect of female education on children’s educational attainment, i.e. the effect conditional on the birth of a child, is positive. In addition, higher female education increases fertility. Therefore, the probability that a woman has a child with a high educational attainment is increased when considering the effect of female education on fertility. Studies that estimate retrospective models of intergenerational effects using reforms in the length of compulsory schooling may underestimate the total effect of female on child education.
本研究利用准实验证据估计了女性教育对其后代的影响,这些证据来自几个欧洲国家的六项教育改革,这些改革增加了义务教育的长度。实证分析使用欧洲健康、老龄化和退休调查的数据和工具变量估计来估计女性教育对生育率和儿童教育的影响。本研究提供了第一个使用准实验教育变化来估计代际影响的前瞻性模型的分析。这些模型从一个出生队列开始,将他们的生育能力和孩子的结果联系起来。在估计女性教育的影响时,这些模型考虑了女性教育对女性生育概率的影响。女性教育对儿童受教育程度的直接影响,即以孩子的出生为条件的影响是积极的。此外,女性受教育程度越高,生育率就越高。因此,考虑到女性受教育程度对生育能力的影响,女性生下高学历子女的可能性就会增加。利用义务教育时间改革估算代际影响的回顾性模型的研究可能低估了女性对儿童教育的总体影响。
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引用次数: 0
Social solidarity with Ukrainian and Syrian refugees in the twitter discourse. A comparison between 2015 and 2022 在推特上,乌克兰和叙利亚难民得到了社会的声援。2015年和2022年的对比
1区 社会学 Q2 SOCIOLOGY Pub Date : 2023-11-06 DOI: 10.1080/14616696.2023.2275604
Maximilian Weber, Daniela Grunow, Yanran Chen, Steffen Eger
ABSTRACTIncoming refugees from Ukraine are currently encountering a wave of solidarity that is seen, according to some, in stark contrast to the solidarity experienced by earlier groups of refugees i.e. from Syria during the so-called ‘immigration crisis’ in 2015. We aim to inform this debate on solidarity bias by collecting and analyzing quantitative data on (anti-)solidarity statements posted on Twitter during both waves of refugee immigration. We assess how social solidarity towards refugees differed between 2015 and the current wave of refugees fleeing Ukraine. To this end, we collect and analyze a longitudinal dataset of refugee-related tweets selected via hashtags and covering the period between January 2015 and August 2022. We first annotate the tweets for (anti-)solidarity expressions towards refugees. On these annotations, we train a supervised machine learning model and use it to automatically label over 2.3 million tweets. We assess the automatically labeled data for how statements related to refugee (anti-)solidarity developed and differed for distinct groups of refugees. Our findings show that in relative terms, refugee solidarity was expressed more often in tweets during September 2015 compared to March 2022. However, we find some evidence of solidarity bias in March 2022.KEYWORDS: Social solidaritycrisesrefugeesNatural Language Processing AcknowledgmentsThe authors would like to thank the participants of the ConTrust lunch seminar 04–2022, the participants of the Workshop ‘The Comparative Politics of Solidarity’, held at Politicologenetmaal 2023 in Leuven, Belgium, and anonymous reviewers for their constructive comments on earlier drafts of this paper.Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Replication filesThe Python code for data cleaning and analysis is available at https://zenodo.org/record/8232678.Additional informationFundingDaniela Grunow would like to acknowledge funding from the German Research Foundation (FOR 5173, no. 439346934) and the Federal Ministry of Education and Research (funding code 01UG2114). Steffen Eger gratefully acknowledges support from the German Research Foundation (Heisenberg grant EG 375/5–1). Steffen Eger's NLLG group is further supported by the Federal Ministry of Education and Research via the grant “Metrics4NLG”.
来自乌克兰的难民目前正遭遇一波团结的浪潮,根据一些人的说法,这与2015年所谓的“移民危机”期间来自叙利亚的早期难民群体所经历的团结形成鲜明对比。我们的目标是通过收集和分析两波难民移民期间Twitter上发布的(反)团结声明的定量数据,为这场关于团结偏见的辩论提供信息。我们评估了2015年和当前逃离乌克兰的难民潮之间,社会对难民的团结有何不同。为此,我们收集并分析了一个纵向数据集,其中包括2015年1月至2022年8月期间通过标签选择的与难民相关的推文。我们首先在推特上注释(反)声援难民的表达。在这些注释上,我们训练了一个有监督的机器学习模型,并用它来自动标记超过230万条推文。我们对自动标记的数据进行评估,以了解与难民(反)团结有关的陈述如何在不同的难民群体中发展和不同。我们的研究结果表明,相对而言,与2022年3月相比,2015年9月期间,难民团结在推特上的表达频率更高。然而,我们在2022年3月发现了一些团结偏见的证据。作者要感谢4 - 2022年“社会团结”午餐研讨会的参与者,在比利时鲁汶举行的“团结的比较政治”研讨会的参与者,以及匿名审稿人对本文早期草稿的建设性意见。披露声明作者未报告潜在的利益冲突。复制文件用于数据清理和分析的Python代码可在https://zenodo.org/record/8232678.Additional informationFundingDaniela Grunow感谢德国研究基金会的资助(for 5173, no。439346934)和联邦教育与研究部(资助代码01UG2114)。Steffen Eger感谢德国研究基金会(Heisenberg grant EG 375/5-1)的支持。Steffen Eger的NLLG小组通过“Metrics4NLG”拨款得到了联邦教育和研究部的进一步支持。
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引用次数: 0
Parental investment or parenting stress? Examining the links between poverty and child development in Ireland 父母投资还是父母压力?研究爱尔兰贫困与儿童发展之间的联系
1区 社会学 Q2 SOCIOLOGY Pub Date : 2023-11-06 DOI: 10.1080/14616696.2023.2275592
Mengxuan Li, Yekaterina Chzhen
ABSTRACTThis study investigates the relationship between multidimensional household poverty and cognitive and behavioural development during the formative years of childhood (from 9 months to 9 years), using nationally representative longitudinal data from Ireland for the cohort of children born in 2007-2008. The results indicate substantial inequalities in Irish children’s cognitive and behavioural outcomes at age 9 by multidimensional poverty duration. Children with at least one spell in poverty (out of four interviews) have worse cognitive and behavioural outcomes. Dynamic structural equation models provide evidence in support of a hybrid family investment/family stress model. Although family investment processes account for some of the cumulative effects of childhood poverty on cognitive outcomes, family stress processes help explain the links between poverty and both cognitive and behaviour outcomes in early childhood. Overall, poverty is strongly related to child outcomes over time via the direct effects of current poverty on child outcomes and path dependency in both poverty and child outcomes over time. There are also indirect effects via the two child outcomes reinforcing each other as children grow older (with the effects of behaviour problems dominating those of cognitive ability), even as the parental investment and maternal stress pathways become less pronounced.KEYWORDS: Early childhoodchild povertycognitive abilitybehaviour problemsgrowing up in Ireland AcknowledgementsThe authors wish to thank Richard Layte, Jan Skopek, and PhD students at the Department of Sociology at Trinity College Dublin for their feedback on earlier versions of this study, as well as participants in the 2021 European Consortium for Sociological Research Annual Conference, the 2021 Growing Up in Ireland conference, and the 2023 Spring Meeting of the Research Committee 28 on Social Stratification and Mobility of the International Sociological Association. Growing Up in Ireland (GUI) is funded by the Department of Children and Youth Affairs (DCYA). It is managed by DCYA in association with the Central Statistics Office (CSO). Results in this report are based on analyses of data from Research Microdata Files provided by the Central Statistics Office (CSO). Neither the CSO nor DCYA take any responsibility for the views expressed or the outputs generated from these analyses.Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).
摘要本研究利用爱尔兰2007-2008年出生的儿童队列的全国代表性纵向数据,调查了儿童成长期(9个月至9岁)多维家庭贫困与认知和行为发展之间的关系。结果表明,爱尔兰儿童在9岁时的认知和行为结果因多维贫困持续时间而存在巨大的不平等。至少有一段时间处于贫困状态的儿童(在四次访谈中)的认知和行为结果更差。动态结构方程模型为家庭投资/家庭压力混合模型提供了证据支持。虽然家庭投资过程解释了儿童贫困对认知结果的一些累积影响,但家庭压力过程有助于解释贫困与儿童早期认知和行为结果之间的联系。总体而言,随着时间的推移,通过当前贫困对儿童结果的直接影响以及贫困和儿童结果的路径依赖,贫困与儿童结果密切相关。即使父母的投入和母亲的压力途径变得不那么明显,随着孩子年龄的增长,这两种孩子的结果也会产生间接影响,相互加强(行为问题的影响主导了认知能力的影响)。关键词:作者要感谢都柏林圣三一学院社会学系的Richard Layte、Jan Skopek和博士生们对本研究早期版本的反馈,以及2021年欧洲社会学研究联合会年会、2021年爱尔兰成长会议的参与者。国际社会学协会社会分层和流动性研究委员会2023年春季会议。在爱尔兰成长(GUI)是由儿童和青年事务部(DCYA)资助的。它由DCYA与中央统计局(CSO)联合管理。本报告的结果是根据中央统计局提供的研究微数据文件的数据分析得出的。CSO和DCYA都不对这些分析所表达的观点或产生的结果承担任何责任。披露声明作者未报告潜在的利益冲突。
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引用次数: 0
Subjective financial insecurity and support for European unification 主观的财政不安全感和对欧洲统一的支持
1区 社会学 Q2 SOCIOLOGY Pub Date : 2023-11-01 DOI: 10.1080/14616696.2023.2271982
Juan J. Fernández, Céline Teney
ABSTRACTThe utilitarian approach to pro-EU attitudes – noting that citizens establish their preferences based on their perceived self-interest – remains the dominant one in the social science literature on these attitudes. Yet previous work following this approach has overlooked the role of subjective financial insecurity. Based on prospect theory and marginal utility theory, we argue that individuals who feel financially insecure determine their preference for further European unification in terms of the gains and losses for themselves and that, since they are disproportionately sensitive to economic losses, they display more risk aversion and oppose further macro-political changes in the form of further European unification. Using hybrid models and 15 waves of a representative panel survey conducted in the Netherlands and covering 2008–2023, the evidence strongly supports our expectation. Controlling for individual education, occupational status, individual income, gender and age, subjective financial insecurity is cross-sectionally and longitudinally related to support for European integration. People generally feeling financially insecure (those who over time increased their feeling of financial insecurity) display significantly less support for further European unification than people who generally feel financially secure (people who over time did not feel more financially insecure).KEYWORDS: AttitudesEuropean Unionfinancial insecurityperceptionspanel datathe Netherlands AcknowledgementsWe are grateful to Stephan Dochow-Sondershaus, Carl-Friedrich Elmer, Antonio Jaime-Castillo, Giuseppe Pietrantuono and participants in the 2023 Annual Conference of the World Association for Public Opinion Research (WAPOR) for their feedback regarding previous versions of this study. We are also grateful to the two anonymous referees for their insightful comments, which have helped to improve the manuscript.Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1 We hereafter use ‘European unification’ and ‘European integration’ as synonyms.2 Although support for further European integration and EU support are not synonymous and sometimes even have different determinants (e.g. van den Hoogen et al. Citation2022), in this section we focus on the latter as it has been the main theme of the debate between utilitarian and non-utilitarian approaches to EU-related attitudes.3 ‘How does the financial situation of your household now compare with what it was 12 months ago?’ for the retrospective version and ‘What are your expectations for the next 12 months: will the next 12 months be better, worse or the same, when it comes to the financial situation of your household?’ for the prospective version.4 In this paper we make use of data of the LISS (Longitudinal Internet studies for the Social Sciences) panel administered by Centerdata (Tilburg University, The Netherlands).5 Replication files for all models are available at https://figsh
Fernández,马德里卡洛斯三世大学社会科学系社会学副教授。他的研究主要集中在欧洲一体化、性别与政治以及社会政策。他是柏林自由大学社会学研究所宏观社会学正教授Universität。她的研究兴趣包括政治社会学、欧洲一体化、移民与一体化。
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引用次数: 0
Family resources and children’s skills: development of a skills attainment model 家庭资源与儿童技能:技能获得模型的发展
1区 社会学 Q2 SOCIOLOGY Pub Date : 2023-11-01 DOI: 10.1080/14616696.2023.2275602
Babs Jacobs, Rolf van der Velden
The association between parental SES and children’s educational outcomes is one of the key topics in stratification research. Although most differences between social groups are explained by initial differences in performance, the influence of family resources associated with children’s basic skills is still poorly understood. We therefore developed a skills attainment model, focusing on the relative contribution of three family resources: parents’ own basic skills at age 12, other parental skills developed in education and financial resources in the household. In addition, we examine potential heterogeneity across social groups. We develop a unique dataset, the Intergenerational Transmission of Skills dataset, covering 25,000 Dutch parents and 41,000 children. It includes high-quality test scores in math and language, similarly measured among parents and children, and detailed register information on educational attainment and income. Using structural equation modeling, we find that about one-fifth of children’s basic skills is explained by the three parental resources. Of this explained variance, 69 percent is related to parent’s basic skills, 21 percent to other parental skills developed in education and 10 percent to household income. We find no substantial differences in the transmission across sex, between low- and high-income families and between low- and high-educated parents.
父母社会经济地位与子女教育成果的关系是分层研究的重要课题之一。虽然社会群体之间的大多数差异可以用最初的表现差异来解释,但人们对与儿童基本技能有关的家庭资源的影响仍然知之甚少。因此,我们开发了一个技能获得模型,重点关注三种家庭资源的相对贡献:父母在12岁时自己的基本技能,父母在教育中培养的其他技能和家庭的经济资源。此外,我们还研究了社会群体之间潜在的异质性。我们开发了一个独特的数据集,即技能代际传递数据集,涵盖了25,000名荷兰父母和41,000名儿童。它包括数学和语言方面的高质量考试成绩,在父母和孩子之间进行类似的衡量,以及详细的教育程度和收入登记信息。利用结构方程模型,我们发现大约五分之一的儿童基本技能是由三种父母资源解释的。在这些被解释的差异中,69%与父母的基本技能有关,21%与父母在教育中培养的其他技能有关,10%与家庭收入有关。我们发现,在性别、低收入家庭和高收入家庭以及受教育程度低和受教育程度高的父母之间,这种传播没有实质性的差异。
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引用次数: 0
Employees’ perceptions of co-workers’ internal promotion penalties: the role of gender, parenthood and part-time 员工对同事内部升职惩罚的看法:性别、父母身份和兼职的作用
1区 社会学 Q2 SOCIOLOGY Pub Date : 2023-10-26 DOI: 10.1080/14616696.2023.2270049
Ole Brüggemann
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引用次数: 0
The gendered division of cognitive household labor, mental load, and family–work conflict in European countries 欧洲国家认知家务劳动的性别分工、心理负荷与家庭工作冲突
1区 社会学 Q2 SOCIOLOGY Pub Date : 2023-10-25 DOI: 10.1080/14616696.2023.2271963
Andreas Haupt, Dafna Gelbgiser
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引用次数: 0
The forced migration from Ukraine after the full scale Russian invasion: dynamics and decision making drivers 俄罗斯全面入侵后乌克兰的被迫移民:动态和决策驱动因素
1区 社会学 Q2 SOCIOLOGY Pub Date : 2023-10-18 DOI: 10.1080/14616696.2023.2268150
Iryna Maidanik
ABSTRACTThe Russian invasion into Ukraine prompted a large-scale population exodus. The data reveal fluctuating cross-border movements characterized by an initial outflow (February–April 2022), followed by a period of return and stabilization (May–September 2022), then a renewed outflow caused by missile attacks on civilians (October 2022–February 2023), and oscillating migrations during Spring 2023. These oscillations during Spring 2023 are possibly linked to refugees visiting Ukraine for Easter and the activation of border crossings due to the high holiday season that began in late spring. This essay reviews several data sources to address decisions of Ukrainians to relocate. It argues that immobility perspective is crucial to understand the dynamics of migration in Ukraine.KEYWORDS: Forced migrationinternal displacementUkraineRussian–Ukrainian warSUBJECT CLASSIFICATION CODES: J15J17I31 Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1 The net migration rate for a given period of time is the difference between the number of border crossing into the country and the number of border crossing out of there.2 The respondents were asked to answer the question: ‘What were the most important decisions you had to make since the beginning of the full-scale war until today?’Additional informationNotes on contributorsIryna MaidanikIryna Maidanik is a senior research fellow in the migration studies department of the Ptoukha Institute for Demography and Social Studies of the National Academy of Science of Ukraine. She holds a PhD degree in Sociology. She has around 70 publications, among them – two personal books.
【摘要】俄罗斯入侵乌克兰引发了大规模的人口外流。数据显示,跨境流动波动,其特点是最初出现外流(2022年2月至4月),随后是一段时间的回归和稳定(2022年5月至9月),然后是导弹袭击平民造成的再次流出(2022年10月至2023年2月),以及2023年春季的振荡迁移。2023年春季的这些振荡可能与复活节期间访问乌克兰的难民以及由于春末开始的假日旺季而激活的过境点有关。本文回顾了几个数据来源,以解决乌克兰人搬迁的决定。文章认为,不流动的观点对于理解乌克兰的移民动态至关重要。关键词:被迫迁移;国内流离失所;乌克兰-俄罗斯-乌克兰战争主题分类代码:J15J17I31披露声明作者未报告潜在的利益冲突。注1:某一时期的净移徙率是指进入该国的越境人数与从该国越境人数之差受访者被要求回答这样一个问题:“从全面战争开始到今天,你必须做出的最重要的决定是什么?”作者简介:kiryna Maidanik是乌克兰国家科学院普图哈人口与社会研究所移民研究部门的高级研究员。她拥有社会学博士学位。她出版了大约70本出版物,其中包括两本个人书籍。
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引用次数: 0
Constructing a transnational childcare bricolage: Chinese migrant families in Italy coordinating transnational mobility and childcare 构建跨国托儿拼盘:意大利中国移民家庭跨国流动与托儿协调
1区 社会学 Q2 SOCIOLOGY Pub Date : 2023-10-11 DOI: 10.1080/14616696.2023.2267638
Ru Gao, Devi Sacchetto
ABSTRACTResearch on the childcare arrangements of migrant families has primarily focused on transnational childcare practices or childcare-work reconciliation in the host society, without paying appropriate attention to the dynamic and complex negotiation processes that underlie mobility-childcare coordination. This study proposes the concept of transnational childcare bricolage to explore how Chinese migrant families in Italy mobilize and (re)assemble transnationally located and/or unconventional resources and constantly (re)adjust childcare arrangements to achieve a nuanced match between evolving childcare demand and capacity. The study draws on in-depth interviews with members from 50 Chinese migrant families in Italy, as well as participant observation and multi-sited ethnographic observation. Through analyses of their mobility-childcare negotiation processes, we illustrate how migrant families from different social class backgrounds navigate the complexities and contingencies embedded within a family-state-transnational triad. Additionally, our research questions the ethnicized division of care work between migrants and natives, highlighting common experiences of marginalization and work-care tensions faced by women of similar socio-economic positioning, regardless of their ethnicity and/or nationality.KEYWORDS: Transnational mobilitychildcaretransnational childcare bricolageChinese migrant familyItaly AcknowledgementsWe would like to express our sincere gratitude to the reviewers and Professor Francesca Alice Vianello for their thoughtful and constructive comments, which greatly contributed to improving the quality of our manuscript.Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1 In this article, we use business ownership as an analytical marker for social class positions within the specific context of Chinese migrants’ childcare strategies. We acknowledge that class identities and distinctions can be fluid, multifaceted, and situated on a continuum, as well as shaped by various factors, such as occupation, income, education, social status, and cultural capital. Nevertheless, our analysis of the interviewees’ experiences revealed the influential role of family businesses in shaping Chinese migrants’ childcare arrangements, which is consistent with the findings from prior studies (e.g., Ceccagno Citation2007; Citation2016; Krause and Bressan Citation2018). In our analysis of 50 Chinese migrant families, we observed limited ambiguity in class distinctions based on business ownership, as none of the interviewed parents occupied white-collar or managerial positions. Such occupations only have minimal representation within the overall employment landscape of Chinese migrants in Italy (Ministero del Lavoro e delle Politiche Sociali Citation2022: 19).2 http://dati.istat.it/, retrieved 2023, 04, 26.Additional informationFundingThis work was supported by the Fundamental Research Funds for the Central Univer
关于移民家庭托儿安排的研究主要集中在东道国社会的跨国托儿实践或托儿-工作协调方面,而没有适当关注流动-托儿协调背后的动态和复杂的谈判过程。本研究提出了跨国托儿拼装的概念,以探讨在意大利的中国移民家庭如何调动和(重新)组装跨国和/或非常规资源,并不断(重新)调整托儿安排,以实现不断变化的托儿需求和能力之间的微妙匹配。本研究通过对意大利50个中国移民家庭成员的深入访谈,以及参与式观察和多地点民族志观察。通过对流动-儿童保育谈判过程的分析,我们说明了来自不同社会阶层背景的移民家庭如何在家庭-国家-跨国三位一体中应对复杂性和偶然性。此外,我们的研究对移民和本地人之间护理工作的种族分工提出了质疑,强调了具有相似社会经济地位的妇女所面临的边缘化和工作护理紧张关系的共同经历,无论其种族和/或国籍如何。关键词:跨国流动儿童保育跨国托儿拼贴中国移民家庭意大利致谢感谢审稿人和Francesca Alice Vianello教授的周到和建设性意见,对提高我们稿件的质量做出了很大的贡献。披露声明作者未报告潜在的利益冲突。注1在本文中,我们将企业所有权作为社会阶层地位的分析标记,并将其置于中国流动人口育儿策略的特定背景下。我们承认,阶级身份和区别可以是流动的、多方面的、处于连续统一体的,并受到职业、收入、教育、社会地位和文化资本等各种因素的影响。然而,我们对受访者经历的分析揭示了家族企业在塑造中国移民儿童保育安排方面的重要作用,这与之前的研究结果一致(例如,Ceccagno Citation2007;Citation2016;Krause and Bressan Citation2018)。在我们对50个中国移民家庭的分析中,我们观察到基于企业所有权的阶级区分有限的模糊性,因为受访的父母都没有担任白领或管理职位。这些职业在意大利中国移民的整体就业格局中只占最小的代表性(Ministero del Lavoro e delle Politiche Sociali Citation2022: 19)。2 http://dati.istat.it/,检索2023,04,26。本工作由北京外国语大学中央高校基本科研业务费资助,批准号:215500121003。高如,意大利帕多瓦大学社会科学博士,现任北京外国语大学欧洲语言与文化学院讲师。她的研究专长是中国和意大利的人口流动和文化互动领域。Devi Sacchetto是帕多瓦大学的工作社会学教授。主要研究方向为劳动力迁移与劳动力过程。他就这些主题发表了大量文章。他与加布里埃拉·阿尔贝蒂合著的《移民劳工的政治》一书预计将于2024年1月由布里斯托尔大学出版社出版。
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引用次数: 0
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