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Should the Prime Minister Sit in the House of Lords? 首相应该在上议院任职吗?
3区 社会学 Q2 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-10-09 DOI: 10.1111/1467-923x.13317
Conor Farrington
Abstract By long‐standing convention, the prime minister sits in the House of Commons. This article adopts the perspective of a thought experiment in which the premier moves to the House of Lords instead, exploring the potential advantages and drawbacks of this scenario from multiple perspectives. This move would entail shifts in the prime minister's roles and responsibilities, with knock‐on implications for the day‐to‐day functioning of the upper house. While a red‐bench premier would be less connected with the quotidian dynamics of electoral politics, they could also take a more strategic, long‐term view of politics and engage more actively in deliberative debate in a revitalised second chamber. The shift would also prompt significant debates surrounding non‐elective aspects of the constitution, including the House of Lords, raising important questions about legitimacy and representation. While acknowledging the unlikelihood of such a change, the article argues nonetheless that—as with all thought experiments—taking the possibility seriously can stimulate deeper thinking and challenge conventional assumptions about constitutional arrangements.
根据长期以来的惯例,首相在下议院任职。本文采用了一种思想实验的视角,即总理转而进入上议院,从多个角度探讨了这种场景的潜在利弊。此举将导致首相角色和职责的转变,对上议院的日常运作产生连锁影响。虽然红席总理与选举政治的日常动态联系较少,但他们也可以从更战略性、更长远的角度看待政治,并更积极地参与重新焕发活力的下议院的审议辩论。这一转变还将引发围绕宪法非选举方面的重大辩论,包括上议院,提出有关合法性和代表性的重要问题。虽然承认这种变化不太可能发生,但文章认为——就像所有的思想实验一样——认真对待这种可能性可以激发更深层次的思考,挑战关于宪法安排的传统假设。
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引用次数: 0
Concealed silences in politics 政治中隐藏的沉默
3区 社会学 Q2 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-10-09 DOI: 10.1111/1467-923x.13326
Anders Berg‐Sørensen
Concealed Silences and Inaudible Voices in Political Thinking, by Michael Freeden. Oxford University Press. 295 pp. £ 83.00 What does it mean when analyses of contemporary right-wing politicians emphasise how they give voice to radical views that were previously ‘unspeakable’? What does ‘unspeakable’ mean and why should politicians not give voice to their radical views? Why consider these radical views unspeakable in the past and how were they silenced? Which political dynamics do politicians bring into play when saying the unspeakable in the present? An interpretation of the silences involved could point at how the ‘unspeakable’ is culturally and ethically constructed as a norm in order to prevent harm, establish social and political order, and guide public discourse. Furthermore, the ‘unspeakable’ indicates that the radical views are known, but suppressed, because of their destabilising and disruptive potential. This is the self-same potential that contemporary right-wing politicians give voice, claiming to represent the silent majority of the people not represented by the political elites, who have suppressed the views of the silent majority in their political discourse. These considerations illustrate the motivation Michael Freeden has in his Concealed Silences and Inaudible Voices in Political Thinking. Silences play a crucial role in shaping and guiding political life and political thinking, but the field of political theory has not paid sufficient attention to the role of silences. Freeden addresses this gap in the political theory literature and sketches a map showing various ways of approaching silences in political life and political thinking. The book falls into two parts. The first consists of general conceptualisations and approaches to the study and understanding of silence, while the second gives examples of interpretations and case studies of silence in the lived political world and practices of political thought. It operates at both macro- and micro-political levels, highlighting ‘the multiplicity of silences, we experience’ in the world. Concealed Silences & Inaudible Voices in Political Thinking adds a new chapter to Michael Freeden's former work on political theory and the practice of political thinking and the morphological study of political ideologies. Silence is an integral part of everyday language, human expression and signification, emotions and experiences and, as claimed, silence plays a constitutive role in the political domain. Freeden's past work has examined the main features of politics: how it is formed by patterns of thinking and thought-practices driven by the quest for finality and fixing of meaning, distributing ethical and ideological signification, mobilising support, articulating and implementing cooperation or conflict, exercising power and laying out future plans. The aim of the new book is to connect the study of silence with these main features and extend the understanding of the political domain by i
《政治思维中隐藏的沉默和听不见的声音》,迈克尔·弗里登著。当对当代右翼政治家的分析强调他们如何表达以前“无法言说”的激进观点时,这意味着什么?“不可言说”是什么意思,为什么政治家不应该表达他们的激进观点?为什么认为这些激进的观点在过去是不可言说的,它们是如何被压制的?政治家们在谈论当下无法言说的事情时,运用了哪些政治动力?对所涉及的沉默的解释可以指出,“不可言说”是如何在文化和道德上被构建为一种规范,以防止伤害,建立社会和政治秩序,并引导公共话语。此外,“不可言说”表明激进的观点是已知的,但由于它们具有破坏稳定和破坏性的潜力而受到压制。这是当代右翼政治家发出声音的同样的潜力,他们声称自己代表了政治精英所不代表的沉默的大多数人,而政治精英在政治话语中压制了沉默的大多数人的观点。这些考虑说明了迈克尔·弗里登在他的《政治思维中隐藏的沉默和听不见的声音》一书中所阐述的动机。沉默在塑造和引导政治生活和政治思想方面发挥着至关重要的作用,但政治理论界对沉默的作用重视不够。弗里登填补了政治理论文献中的这一空白,并绘制了一幅地图,展示了在政治生活和政治思想中接近沉默的各种方式。这本书分为两部分。第一部分包括研究和理解沉默的一般概念和方法,而第二部分给出了在生活政治世界和政治思想实践中对沉默的解释和案例研究的例子。它在宏观和微观政治层面上发挥作用,突出了世界上“我们所经历的沉默的多样性”。《隐藏的沉默与政治思想中的听不清的声音》为迈克尔·弗里登以前关于政治理论、政治思想实践和政治意识形态形态学研究的著作增添了新的篇章。沉默是日常语言、人类表达和意义、情感和经验的组成部分,正如所声称的那样,沉默在政治领域起着构成作用。弗里登过去的作品考察了政治的主要特征:政治是如何由追求最终目标和确定意义的思维模式和思想实践形成的,如何分配伦理和意识形态意义,如何动员支持,如何阐明和实施合作或冲突,如何行使权力,如何制定未来计划。这本新书的目的是将沉默的研究与这些主要特征联系起来,并通过解释不同层次的政治意义上的多种沉默来扩展对政治领域的理解。正如标题所示,重点是“隐藏的沉默”,被理解为未被承认的和隐藏的政治特征,与已知的沉默和明确的沉默政治策略形成对比。因此,政治理论的任务是阐明认知框架和方法论工具,以挖掘埋藏在更深层次的沉默,并将它们构成解释和分析的对象,这一假设是基于除了那些被构思和检测到的沉默之外,没有其他沉默。从这个意义上说,这本书正在拓宽政治理论的领域。首先,它根据有意沉默和无意沉默、主动沉默和非主动沉默的区别,为操纵解释焦点设定了概念标记,并优先考虑后者。随后,弗里登通过对政治理论、语言学、心理学、社会学、比较文学、神学和艺术等多种方法和概念的跨学科映射,为解释沉默和理解政治思维中的沉默奠定了基础。宏观政治和微观政治之间的区别至关重要。在宏观政治层面上,一个例子是沉默、缺席和缺乏之间的差异和细微差别的概念集群,其中缺席与存在存在一种原始的二元关系,而缺乏与丰富形成对比,两者都在时间尺度上被理解为时间的运动。这个集群中的另一个概念是移除,其特征是“政治的最终胜利”,因为移除意味着用新的最终结果取代一种最终结果,消除争议和争论。另一个值得注意的例子是由沉默、静止和孤独组成的概念集群。
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引用次数: 0
Democracy: not dead yet 民主:还没死
3区 社会学 Q2 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-10-04 DOI: 10.1111/1467-923x.13324
Gianfranco Pasquino
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引用次数: 0
Equality can divide 平等可以分裂
3区 社会学 Q2 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-10-04 DOI: 10.1111/1467-923x.13320
Branko Milanovic
The Political QuarterlyEarly View Book Review Equality can divide Branko Milanovic, Corresponding Author Branko Milanovic [email protected] [email protected]Search for more papers by this author Branko Milanovic, Corresponding Author Branko Milanovic [email protected] [email protected]Search for more papers by this author First published: 04 October 2023 https://doi.org/10.1111/1467-923X.13320Read the full textAboutPDF ToolsRequest permissionExport citationAdd to favoritesTrack citation ShareShare Give accessShare full text accessShare full-text accessPlease review our Terms and Conditions of Use and check box below to share full-text version of article.I have read and accept the Wiley Online Library Terms and Conditions of UseShareable LinkUse the link below to share a full-text version of this article with your friends and colleagues. Learn more.Copy URL Share a linkShare onEmailFacebookTwitterLinkedInRedditWechat No abstract is available for this article. Early ViewOnline Version of Record before inclusion in an issue RelatedInformation
政治季刊年度观点书评平等可以分裂布兰科·米兰诺维奇,通讯作者布兰科·米兰诺维奇[email protected] [email protected]搜索本作者的更多论文布兰科·米兰诺维奇,通讯作者布兰科·米兰诺维奇[email protected] [email protected]搜索本作者的更多论文首次发表:2023年10月4日https://doi.org/10.1111/1467-923X.13320Read全文taboutpdf ToolsRequest permissionExport citationAdd to favoritesTrack citation ShareShare给予accessShare全文accessShare全文accessShare请查看我们的使用条款和条件,并勾选下面的复选框共享文章的全文版本。我已经阅读并接受了Wiley在线图书馆使用共享链接的条款和条件,请使用下面的链接与您的朋友和同事分享本文的全文版本。学习更多的知识。复制URL共享链接共享一个emailfacebooktwitterlinkedinreddit微信本文无摘要在包含问题之前的早期视图在线记录版本相关信息
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引用次数: 0
Former diplomat can finally be less diplomatic 前外交官终于可以少点外交手腕了
3区 社会学 Q2 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-10-02 DOI: 10.1111/1467-923x.13327
Archie Brown
Leadership: Lessons from a Life in Diplomacy, by Simon McDonald. Haus Publishing. 258 pp. £20 After a successful Foreign Office career lasting more than forty years, the final five of them as head of the diplomatic service as Permanent Under-Secretary (PUS), Simon (now Lord) McDonald has produced a mixture of memoir and reflections on leadership. He is, happily for his readers, less than diplomatic in his assessments of some of the politicians, ambassadors and other senior officials with whom his path crossed. For good measure, he devotes a lengthy final chapter to the constitutional reforms he would like to see in Britain. McDonald doesn't mince words when disposing of Boris Johnson. He delivered his book manuscript just as Johnson was being succeeded by his no less irresponsible, but much less influential, successor, Liz Truss. He quotes an unnamed official who aptly remarked that ‘Boris Johnson is the third prime minister to be brought down by Boris Johnson’. McDonald writes that those he knew who worked closely with that unreliable journalist-turned-dodgy-politician found it ‘damaged most of their reputations in the end’, for ‘Johnson as prime minister was undermining the institutions that define the United Kingdom: Parliament, the Civil Service, the judiciary, the Union itself, and the UK's unwavering respect for international law’. The last ‘unwavering’ claim may be overegging the omelette. The deceit involved in the British-French-Israeli collaboration in the attack on Egypt in 1956 was not exactly compatible with ‘unwavering respect for international law’—and most international lawyers regarded, and continue to regard, the 2003 American invasion of Iraq, with British support, to be a breach of international law. That is not to suggest that McDonald is unaware that both those adventures were discreditable and wrong. Tony Blair's team, he observes, ‘fed him the supporting evidence he wanted to read and helped him to make the worst foreign policy mistake since Suez. Robin Cook's resignation speech was not only magnificent oratory, it was also right in all particulars’. McDonald adds, ‘Apart from Blair personally, I know almost no one who supported the Iraq War at the time (who is not Israeli) who still thinks UK involvement a good idea’. McDonald's frankness extends to his assessment of some of his more senior colleagues in the Foreign Office before he himself reached the topmost position in that department. The PUS when he first joined the service, Sir Antony Acland, was ‘Patrician,, diligent, and foul-tempered’; the ambassador in whose British Embassy in Saudi Arabia he served, Sir Derek Plumbly, was pusillanimous in his response to the Saudis when they falsely and absurdly accused McDonald of supplying bombs to British ‘terrorists’ in their country; and, criticising leaders who take themselves too seriously, ‘encouraging (or at least accepting) deference from their colleagues’, he suggests that one of his predecessors as Ambassador to the
麦克唐纳希望重新平衡首相和各部门部长之间的关系,办法是把20世纪中叶以前由国务大臣选择下级部长的权力归还给他们,而不是把首相的选择权强加给他们。在立法和选举改革方面,麦克唐纳不赞成在下议院选举中采用任何形式的比例代表制,他仍然坚定地支持简单多数制,但他对上议院有比例代表制的想法。他提议对上议院进行一项相当复杂的改革,首先是将其臃肿的规模削减到最多400名议员,这是非常必要的。这将使上院的议员人数减少一半以上,上院的议员人数将比下议院少三分之一,而不是比下议院多。麦克唐纳的提议中最直接的部分是实施迟来的对剩余世袭贵族的移除。挑选300个生活同伴要困难得多,麦克唐纳希望通过逐步这样做来减轻对他们自尊的打击。对于未来,他将规定最多20年的会员资格。他的目标是保留上议院在审查和修订立法中发挥的有用作用,同时保留下议院的首要地位。当他提议将上议院成员分为两类(都冠以贵族的头衔)——有投票权的成员和无投票权的成员时,事情变得更加复杂了,后者将从“地区”中选出,苏格兰、威尔士和北爱尔兰分别被指定为一个地区,英格兰被划分为七个地区。麦克唐纳将要求首相仍然从他或她自己的政党中任命“在职同僚”,而上议院任命委员会将全权负责“提名公共服务同僚”。阅读麦克唐纳提案的其余细节,就会提醒我们,上院之所以能以目前的形式存在,部分原因是几乎不可能就替代方案达成共识。在很大程度上,它之所以能幸存下来,还因为首相们发现,这是一种奖励盟友、过期议员、捐助者和朝臣的宝贵方式。更值得尊敬的是,它之所以能坚持下去,是因为尽管上议院的规模和组成荒谬,但它拥有足够多的专业知识、经验和判断力的人来改善立法,并对行政部门提出有说服力的批评。另一波宪法改革是有充分理由的,其中应该包括对总理办公室逐渐蔓延的总统制的检查。正因为如此,它将不得不向即将上任的工党首相施压,因为“唐宁街10号想要的”通常是在唐宁街10号获得更大的权力。这样的改革需要大量的集体审议,但西蒙·麦克唐纳的建议至少值得加入其中。阿奇·布朗,牛津大学政治学名誉教授,著有《人的因素:戈尔巴乔夫、里根和撒切尔,以及冷战的结束》
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引用次数: 0
Tocqueville's nationalist dilemma 托克维尔的民族主义困境
3区 社会学 Q2 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-10-02 DOI: 10.1111/1467-923x.13328
Edmund Fawcett
The Political QuarterlyEarly View Book Review Tocqueville's nationalist dilemma Edmund Fawcett, Corresponding Author Edmund Fawcett [email protected] [email protected]Search for more papers by this author Edmund Fawcett, Corresponding Author Edmund Fawcett [email protected] [email protected]Search for more papers by this author First published: 02 October 2023 https://doi.org/10.1111/1467-923X.13328Read the full textAboutPDF ToolsRequest permissionExport citationAdd to favoritesTrack citation ShareShare Give accessShare full text accessShare full-text accessPlease review our Terms and Conditions of Use and check box below to share full-text version of article.I have read and accept the Wiley Online Library Terms and Conditions of UseShareable LinkUse the link below to share a full-text version of this article with your friends and colleagues. Learn more.Copy URL Share a linkShare onEmailFacebookTwitterLinkedInRedditWechat No abstract is available for this article. Early ViewOnline Version of Record before inclusion in an issue RelatedInformation
政治季刊年鉴书评托克维尔的民族主义困境埃德蒙·福西特通讯作者埃德蒙·福西特通讯作者埃德蒙·福西特[email protected] [email protected]搜索本作者的更多论文[email protected] [email protected]搜索本作者的更多论文首次发表:2023年10月2日https://doi.org/10.1111/1467-923X.13328Read全文taboutpdf ToolsRequest permissionExport citationAdd to favoritesTrack citation ShareShare给予accessShare全文accessShare全文accessShare请查看我们的使用条款和条件,并勾选下面的复选框共享文章的全文版本。我已经阅读并接受了Wiley在线图书馆使用共享链接的条款和条件,请使用下面的链接与您的朋友和同事分享本文的全文版本。学习更多的知识。复制URL共享链接共享一个emailfacebooktwitterlinkedinreddit微信本文无摘要在包含问题之前的早期视图在线记录版本相关信息
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引用次数: 0
What Would the British Party System Look Like under Proportional Representation? 在比例代表制下,英国的政党制度会是什么样子?
3区 社会学 Q2 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-09-30 DOI: 10.1111/1467-923x.13315
Thomas Quinn
Abstract British debates over electoral reform are invariably debates about what party system would emerge. While there is agreement that proportional representation (PR) would boost the size of existing smaller parties, there is no consensus over the emergence and prospering of new parties. The main weakness in the British debate concerns the types of governments that would form under PR. Some believe the Liberal Democrats would be perennial kingmakers. Others suggest that a ‘progressive alliance’ on the centre‐left would sweep all before it. This article considers the experience of west European multiparty systems since the 1980s and argues that party system fragmentation and the growth of non‐centrist parties would characterise Britain under PR. Moreover, the pattern of overlapping centrist coalitions seen in Germany and Benelux would be unlikely to emerge in Britain. Instead, a two‐bloc system, common in Scandinavia and southern Europe, would most likely develop.
英国关于选举改革的辩论总是围绕着将会出现什么样的政党制度展开。虽然人们一致认为,比例代表制将扩大现有小政党的规模,但对新政党的出现和繁荣却没有达成共识。英国辩论的主要弱点在于,在脱欧后将组建什么样的政府。一些人认为,自由民主党(Liberal Democrats)将永远是决定国王的人。另一些人则认为,中左翼的“进步联盟”将大获全胜。本文考虑了自20世纪80年代以来西欧多党制的经验,并认为政党制度的分裂和非中间派政党的增长将成为PR下英国的特征。此外,在德国和比荷卢经济联盟中看到的重叠中间派联盟的模式不太可能出现在英国。相反,一个在斯堪的纳维亚半岛和南欧普遍存在的两大集团体系很可能会发展起来。
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引用次数: 0
Soft power: jeans and US pop better than bombs and ‘development aid’? 软实力:牛仔裤和美国流行音乐比炸弹和“发展援助”更好?
3区 社会学 Q2 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-09-30 DOI: 10.1111/1467-923x.13323
David Ellwood
The Political QuarterlyEarly View Book Review Soft power: jeans and US pop better than bombs and ‘development aid’? David Ellwood, Corresponding Author David Ellwood [email protected] [email protected]Search for more papers by this author David Ellwood, Corresponding Author David Ellwood [email protected] [email protected]Search for more papers by this author First published: 30 September 2023 https://doi.org/10.1111/1467-923X.13323Read the full textAboutPDF ToolsRequest permissionExport citationAdd to favoritesTrack citation ShareShare Give accessShare full text accessShare full-text accessPlease review our Terms and Conditions of Use and check box below to share full-text version of article.I have read and accept the Wiley Online Library Terms and Conditions of UseShareable LinkUse the link below to share a full-text version of this article with your friends and colleagues. Learn more.Copy URL Share a linkShare onEmailFacebookTwitterLinkedInRedditWechat No abstract is available for this article. Early ViewOnline Version of Record before inclusion in an issue RelatedInformation
软实力:牛仔裤和美国流行音乐比炸弹和“发展援助”更好?David Ellwood,通讯作者[email protected] [email protected]搜索该作者的更多论文[email protected] [email protected]搜索该作者的更多论文首次发表:2023年9月30日https://doi.org/10.1111/1467-923X.13323Read全文taboutpdf ToolsRequest permissionExport citationAdd to favoritesTrack citation ShareShare给予accessShare全文accessShare全文accessShare请查看我们的使用条款和条件,并勾选下面的复选框共享文章的全文版本。我已经阅读并接受了Wiley在线图书馆使用共享链接的条款和条件,请使用下面的链接与您的朋友和同事分享本文的全文版本。学习更多的知识。复制URL共享链接共享一个emailfacebooktwitterlinkedinreddit微信本文无摘要在包含问题之前的早期视图在线记录版本相关信息
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引用次数: 0
Back to the Stone Age: Europe's Mainstream Right and Climate Change 《回到石器时代:欧洲主流右翼与气候变化
3区 社会学 Q2 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-09-30 DOI: 10.1111/1467-923x.13316
Mitya Pearson
Abstract While populist radical right parties’ stances on climate change are well‐researched, accounts of Europe's mainstream right parties’ actions in this policy area are less common. This article provides a survey of the approach of four European centre‐right parties—the Christian Democratic Union in Germany, the Moderate Party in Sweden, the People's Party in Spain and the Austrian People's Party—to climate change in recent years. It examines some of the key strategic challenges that mainstream right parties are facing and their implications for climate policy, finding evidence of common approaches among this party family to climate policy.
虽然民粹主义激进右翼政党在气候变化问题上的立场得到了很好的研究,但对欧洲主流右翼政党在这一政策领域的行动的描述却不太常见。本文对四个欧洲中右翼政党——德国的基督教民主联盟、瑞典的温和党、西班牙的人民党和奥地利的人民党——近年来应对气候变化的方法进行了调查。它研究了主流右翼政党面临的一些关键战略挑战及其对气候政策的影响,找到了这个政党家族在气候政策方面的共同方法的证据。
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引用次数: 0
When the world was not Eurocentric 当世界不是以欧洲为中心的时候
3区 社会学 Q2 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-09-30 DOI: 10.1111/1467-923x.13329
Vassilis K. Fouskas
The Political QuarterlyEarly View Book Review When the world was not Eurocentric Vassilis K. Fouskas, Corresponding Author Vassilis K. Fouskas [email protected] Search for more papers by this author Vassilis K. Fouskas, Corresponding Author Vassilis K. Fouskas [email protected] Search for more papers by this author First published: 30 September 2023 https://doi.org/10.1111/1467-923X.13329Read the full textAboutPDF ToolsRequest permissionExport citationAdd to favoritesTrack citation ShareShare Give accessShare full text accessShare full-text accessPlease review our Terms and Conditions of Use and check box below to share full-text version of article.I have read and accept the Wiley Online Library Terms and Conditions of UseShareable LinkUse the link below to share a full-text version of this article with your friends and colleagues. Learn more.Copy URL Share a linkShare onEmailFacebookTwitterLinkedInRedditWechat No abstract is available for this article. Early ViewOnline Version of Record before inclusion in an issue RelatedInformation
政治季刊年鉴书评当世界不是以欧洲为中心的时候,通讯作者瓦西里斯·k·福斯卡斯[email protected]搜索本作者的更多论文,通讯作者瓦西里斯·k·福斯卡斯[email protected]搜索本作者的更多论文首次发表:2023年9月30日https://doi.org/10.1111/1467-923X.13329Read全文taboutpdf ToolsRequest permissionExport citationAdd to favoritesTrack citation ShareShare给予accessShare全文accessShare全文accessShare请查看我们的使用条款和条件,并勾选下面的复选框共享文章的全文版本。我已经阅读并接受了Wiley在线图书馆使用共享链接的条款和条件,请使用下面的链接与您的朋友和同事分享本文的全文版本。学习更多的知识。复制URL共享链接共享一个emailfacebooktwitterlinkedinreddit微信本文无摘要在包含问题之前的早期视图在线记录版本相关信息
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引用次数: 0
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Political Quarterly
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