The Political QuarterlyEarly View Book Review Some wars are rational Geoffrey Roberts, Corresponding Author Geoffrey Roberts [email protected] [email protected]Search for more papers by this author Geoffrey Roberts, Corresponding Author Geoffrey Roberts [email protected] [email protected]Search for more papers by this author First published: 28 September 2023 https://doi.org/10.1111/1467-923X.13318Read the full textAboutPDF ToolsRequest permissionExport citationAdd to favoritesTrack citation ShareShare Give accessShare full text accessShare full-text accessPlease review our Terms and Conditions of Use and check box below to share full-text version of article.I have read and accept the Wiley Online Library Terms and Conditions of UseShareable LinkUse the link below to share a full-text version of this article with your friends and colleagues. Learn more.Copy URL Share a linkShare onEmailFacebookTwitterLinkedInRedditWechat No abstract is available for this article. Early ViewOnline Version of Record before inclusion in an issue RelatedInformation
{"title":"Some wars <i>are</i> rational","authors":"Geoffrey Roberts","doi":"10.1111/1467-923x.13318","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/1467-923x.13318","url":null,"abstract":"The Political QuarterlyEarly View Book Review Some wars are rational Geoffrey Roberts, Corresponding Author Geoffrey Roberts [email protected] [email protected]Search for more papers by this author Geoffrey Roberts, Corresponding Author Geoffrey Roberts [email protected] [email protected]Search for more papers by this author First published: 28 September 2023 https://doi.org/10.1111/1467-923X.13318Read the full textAboutPDF ToolsRequest permissionExport citationAdd to favoritesTrack citation ShareShare Give accessShare full text accessShare full-text accessPlease review our Terms and Conditions of Use and check box below to share full-text version of article.I have read and accept the Wiley Online Library Terms and Conditions of UseShareable LinkUse the link below to share a full-text version of this article with your friends and colleagues. Learn more.Copy URL Share a linkShare onEmailFacebookTwitterLinkedInRedditWechat No abstract is available for this article. Early ViewOnline Version of Record before inclusion in an issue RelatedInformation","PeriodicalId":47439,"journal":{"name":"Political Quarterly","volume":"38 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-09-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135344768","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The Political QuarterlyEarly View Book Review Capitalism's feeding frenzy Alexandre Leskanich, Corresponding Author Alexandre Leskanich [email protected] [email protected]Search for more papers by this author Alexandre Leskanich, Corresponding Author Alexandre Leskanich [email protected] [email protected]Search for more papers by this author First published: 28 September 2023 https://doi.org/10.1111/1467-923X.13325Read the full textAboutPDF ToolsRequest permissionExport citationAdd to favoritesTrack citation ShareShare Give accessShare full text accessShare full-text accessPlease review our Terms and Conditions of Use and check box below to share full-text version of article.I have read and accept the Wiley Online Library Terms and Conditions of UseShareable LinkUse the link below to share a full-text version of this article with your friends and colleagues. Learn more.Copy URL Share a linkShare onEmailFacebookTwitterLinkedInRedditWechat No abstract is available for this article. Early ViewOnline Version of Record before inclusion in an issue RelatedInformation
{"title":"Capitalism's feeding frenzy","authors":"Alexandre Leskanich","doi":"10.1111/1467-923x.13325","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/1467-923x.13325","url":null,"abstract":"The Political QuarterlyEarly View Book Review Capitalism's feeding frenzy Alexandre Leskanich, Corresponding Author Alexandre Leskanich [email protected] [email protected]Search for more papers by this author Alexandre Leskanich, Corresponding Author Alexandre Leskanich [email protected] [email protected]Search for more papers by this author First published: 28 September 2023 https://doi.org/10.1111/1467-923X.13325Read the full textAboutPDF ToolsRequest permissionExport citationAdd to favoritesTrack citation ShareShare Give accessShare full text accessShare full-text accessPlease review our Terms and Conditions of Use and check box below to share full-text version of article.I have read and accept the Wiley Online Library Terms and Conditions of UseShareable LinkUse the link below to share a full-text version of this article with your friends and colleagues. Learn more.Copy URL Share a linkShare onEmailFacebookTwitterLinkedInRedditWechat No abstract is available for this article. Early ViewOnline Version of Record before inclusion in an issue RelatedInformation","PeriodicalId":47439,"journal":{"name":"Political Quarterly","volume":"130 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-09-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135386392","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract Over two decades, voters who emphasised their English identity played an influential role in the rise of UKIP and the Brexit Party, the Brexit referendum and the election of Conservative governments—a trend overlooked in most electoral analyses. Using twenty years of data from the British Election Study and British Social Attitudes Survey, as well as recent original surveys, the article explores the evolving political behaviour of national identity groups. It finds that ‘more English’ and ‘more British’ identifiers increasingly voted for different parties. The analysis also identifies growing differences in the demographics, social values and immigration attitudes of these groups, which descriptive and regression analysis suggests may underpin these divergent political behaviours. However, a fuller understanding of electoral behaviour must take account of ideas of national democracy and sovereignty. The electoral impact of both the characteristics of English identifying voters and ideas associated with English identity constitute ‘political Englishness’.
{"title":"The Politics of England: National Identities and Political Englishness","authors":"John Denham, Lawrence Mckay","doi":"10.1111/1467-923x.13313","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/1467-923x.13313","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Over two decades, voters who emphasised their English identity played an influential role in the rise of UKIP and the Brexit Party, the Brexit referendum and the election of Conservative governments—a trend overlooked in most electoral analyses. Using twenty years of data from the British Election Study and British Social Attitudes Survey, as well as recent original surveys, the article explores the evolving political behaviour of national identity groups. It finds that ‘more English’ and ‘more British’ identifiers increasingly voted for different parties. The analysis also identifies growing differences in the demographics, social values and immigration attitudes of these groups, which descriptive and regression analysis suggests may underpin these divergent political behaviours. However, a fuller understanding of electoral behaviour must take account of ideas of national democracy and sovereignty. The electoral impact of both the characteristics of English identifying voters and ideas associated with English identity constitute ‘political Englishness’.","PeriodicalId":47439,"journal":{"name":"Political Quarterly","volume":"68 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-09-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"136061287","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract The Scottish National Party (SNP) has emerged from generations on the periphery to make a substantial imprint on mainstream British politics. However, in only a matter of months, the foundations of that success have crumbled and, by the admission of its leaders, the SNP is experiencing its greatest crisis in five decades. The roots of this crisis are not well understood, since most recent research has sought to explain the SNP's post‐2014 successes. However, the article argues that these successes have always hinged upon a prior moment of politicisation in 2014 on the one hand, and annual cycles of mobilisation and demobilisation on the other. The article draws attention to the SNP's governing strategy of stabilising itself through a process of strategic depoliticisation on independence, which supplanted activist mobilisation with a politics of spectatorship. It then goes on to suggest that, for the SNP, this depended on a paradox of crisis in the British state and being a governing party of the British state.
{"title":"The Antinomies of Insurgency: The Case of the Scottish National Party","authors":"James Foley, Tom Montgomery, Ewan Kerr","doi":"10.1111/1467-923x.13314","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/1467-923x.13314","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract The Scottish National Party (SNP) has emerged from generations on the periphery to make a substantial imprint on mainstream British politics. However, in only a matter of months, the foundations of that success have crumbled and, by the admission of its leaders, the SNP is experiencing its greatest crisis in five decades. The roots of this crisis are not well understood, since most recent research has sought to explain the SNP's post‐2014 successes. However, the article argues that these successes have always hinged upon a prior moment of politicisation in 2014 on the one hand, and annual cycles of mobilisation and demobilisation on the other. The article draws attention to the SNP's governing strategy of stabilising itself through a process of strategic depoliticisation on independence, which supplanted activist mobilisation with a politics of spectatorship. It then goes on to suggest that, for the SNP, this depended on a paradox of crisis in the British state and being a governing party of the British state.","PeriodicalId":47439,"journal":{"name":"Political Quarterly","volume":"13 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-09-21","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"136235770","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract Nicola Sturgeon's resignation as First Minister and leader of the SNP has thrown Scottish politics into flux. But beneath the superficial media coverage and frenetic party politics that followed her resignation, the fundamentals of the constitutional debate remain unaltered. One of these fundamentals, the extent to which Scotland is better or worse off being part of the UK political economy, is rarely debated in the depth it deserves. The parlous state of the UK economy and, in particular, the deeply entrenched territorial inequality that results from its extreme core‐periphery structure that safeguards the economic dominance of London and South East England, holds the potential for a surprise shift in the debate over independence to emerge.
{"title":"On Surprises, Strategy, the Economy and What Comes Next for Scottish Independence","authors":"Iain Docherty","doi":"10.1111/1467-923x.13312","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/1467-923x.13312","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Nicola Sturgeon's resignation as First Minister and leader of the SNP has thrown Scottish politics into flux. But beneath the superficial media coverage and frenetic party politics that followed her resignation, the fundamentals of the constitutional debate remain unaltered. One of these fundamentals, the extent to which Scotland is better or worse off being part of the UK political economy, is rarely debated in the depth it deserves. The parlous state of the UK economy and, in particular, the deeply entrenched territorial inequality that results from its extreme core‐periphery structure that safeguards the economic dominance of London and South East England, holds the potential for a surprise shift in the debate over independence to emerge.","PeriodicalId":47439,"journal":{"name":"Political Quarterly","volume":"26 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-09-21","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"136155635","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract This article explores the course of Scottish politics since the establishment of the devolved parliament in 1999. It begins by considering the political roots of devolution before assessing the extent to which the electoral successes of the Scottish National Party (SNP) at the 2007 and 2011 devolved elections indicated a rise in support for Scottish independence. The focus then shifts to the political consequences of the 2014 independence referendum, in particular the relationship between the ‘Yes’ campaign and the SNP, as well as the changing social composition of the SNP's electoral support. The article concludes by examining the attempts of the SNP, and the wider independence movement, to secure a second independence referendum before reviewing recent political developments in Scotland.
{"title":"Politics, the Constitution and the Independence Movement in Scotland since Devolution","authors":"Malcolm Petrie","doi":"10.1111/1467-923x.13311","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/1467-923x.13311","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract This article explores the course of Scottish politics since the establishment of the devolved parliament in 1999. It begins by considering the political roots of devolution before assessing the extent to which the electoral successes of the Scottish National Party (SNP) at the 2007 and 2011 devolved elections indicated a rise in support for Scottish independence. The focus then shifts to the political consequences of the 2014 independence referendum, in particular the relationship between the ‘Yes’ campaign and the SNP, as well as the changing social composition of the SNP's electoral support. The article concludes by examining the attempts of the SNP, and the wider independence movement, to secure a second independence referendum before reviewing recent political developments in Scotland.","PeriodicalId":47439,"journal":{"name":"Political Quarterly","volume":"33 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-09-13","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135740712","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
WHILE PRESIDENT Emmanuel Macron faced street protests over raising the pension age from 62 to 64 in France, the UK government quietly shelved a plan to bring forward an increase in the State Pension age (SPA) to 68 into the 2030s. Major increases have already been implemented. For men the SPA has increased from 65 to 66 and an increase to 67 is going ahead over the period 2026–2028. For women there has been a steeper path (60 in 2010, 66 in 2020 and henceforth in line with men). There has been some protest from women who argued that there was insufficient notice of the steep rise in the 2010s, but otherwise the government faced little resistance. Why has it been rather easy to raise the pension age in the UK? Is it that we have been pummelled into passivity by relentless austerity? Perhaps younger Britons do not protest because they do not think that there will be a state pension for them anyway, so there is no intergenerational contract to maintain. The policy of subsidising private provision pursued by successive governments has produced very large inequalities in the experience of retirement and aging, and these suppress political mobilisation. The protests in France suggest that some idea of solidarity survives there; silence in the UK signifies that it's everyone for themselves. But doesn't this mean that the UK is better placed to respond to the exigencies of an aging population, while the French struggle to adjust to the new reality? We are relentlessly primed in expert commentaries to think that raising the pension age is an appropriate and effective response to longer life expectancy. In 2014 the government legislated for periodic expert reviews of the SPA which would implement the rule that individuals spend on average around one-third of their adult lives in receipt of the state pension. The decision not to proceed with an accelerated rise invoked this logic: life expectancy has not increased as expected, so the pension age should be held accordingly. Framing the pension age as a technical problem is well understood as a way of trying to remove the policy from political contestation. But it is also a way of defining, or redefining, what the pension is for. The link to life expectancy communicates that state pensions insure against the risk of living a long life and running out of savings (longevity risk). But the old age pension has always had another purpose, which is to insure against the risk of forced retirement. The age-based pension provides cover for a number of contingencies that may mean having to stop work: declining health, limited job opportunities, the need to care for aging relatives or partners. Unlike disability and unemployment benefits, eligibility is straightforward and can be relied upon in planning. There is flexibility: the age-based pension provides a kind of basic income to which earnings can be added if the opportunity arises. Understanding the old age pension as providing protection against a bundle of risks h
{"title":"Raising the Pension Age","authors":"Deborah Mabbett","doi":"10.1111/1467-923x.13268","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/1467-923x.13268","url":null,"abstract":"WHILE PRESIDENT Emmanuel Macron faced street protests over raising the pension age from 62 to 64 in France, the UK government quietly shelved a plan to bring forward an increase in the State Pension age (SPA) to 68 into the 2030s. Major increases have already been implemented. For men the SPA has increased from 65 to 66 and an increase to 67 is going ahead over the period 2026–2028. For women there has been a steeper path (60 in 2010, 66 in 2020 and henceforth in line with men). There has been some protest from women who argued that there was insufficient notice of the steep rise in the 2010s, but otherwise the government faced little resistance. Why has it been rather easy to raise the pension age in the UK? Is it that we have been pummelled into passivity by relentless austerity? Perhaps younger Britons do not protest because they do not think that there will be a state pension for them anyway, so there is no intergenerational contract to maintain. The policy of subsidising private provision pursued by successive governments has produced very large inequalities in the experience of retirement and aging, and these suppress political mobilisation. The protests in France suggest that some idea of solidarity survives there; silence in the UK signifies that it's everyone for themselves. But doesn't this mean that the UK is better placed to respond to the exigencies of an aging population, while the French struggle to adjust to the new reality? We are relentlessly primed in expert commentaries to think that raising the pension age is an appropriate and effective response to longer life expectancy. In 2014 the government legislated for periodic expert reviews of the SPA which would implement the rule that individuals spend on average around one-third of their adult lives in receipt of the state pension. The decision not to proceed with an accelerated rise invoked this logic: life expectancy has not increased as expected, so the pension age should be held accordingly. Framing the pension age as a technical problem is well understood as a way of trying to remove the policy from political contestation. But it is also a way of defining, or redefining, what the pension is for. The link to life expectancy communicates that state pensions insure against the risk of living a long life and running out of savings (longevity risk). But the old age pension has always had another purpose, which is to insure against the risk of forced retirement. The age-based pension provides cover for a number of contingencies that may mean having to stop work: declining health, limited job opportunities, the need to care for aging relatives or partners. Unlike disability and unemployment benefits, eligibility is straightforward and can be relied upon in planning. There is flexibility: the age-based pension provides a kind of basic income to which earnings can be added if the opportunity arises. Understanding the old age pension as providing protection against a bundle of risks h","PeriodicalId":47439,"journal":{"name":"Political Quarterly","volume":"4 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-04-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135573984","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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