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Greece: The Return of the Right 希腊:权利的回归
3区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-11-14 DOI: 10.1111/1467-923x.13339
Vassilis Asimakopoulos, Vassilis K. Fouskas
Abstract New Democracy (ND), the centre‐right party founded by Constantine Karamanlis in summer 1974 and currently led by Kyriakos Mitsotakis, scion of a powerful political family, won the twin electoral contest of May/June 2023 with a landslide. The victory was comprehensive both in terms of the votes received—over 40 per cent of those who cast their vote (abstention was over 45 per cent)—and because of the near collapse of Syriza (17.83 per cent) and the weak recovery of the other centre‐left party, PASOK (11.46 per cent). Moreover, far right and conservative parties, three in total, entered parliament, amassing some 12 per cent of the vote. We argue that two interlinked phenomena account for these developments. The first was the eclipse of conditions that created the Syriza phenomenon in Greece (the 2010–15 debt crisis); the second was the lack of a credible programmatic alternative that spoke to the middle classes on behalf of both centre‐left parties.
新民主党(ND)是由康斯坦丁·卡拉曼利斯于1974年夏天创立的中右翼政党,目前由一个强大政治家族的后裔基里亚科斯·米佐塔基斯领导,以压倒性优势赢得了2023年5月/ 6月的两场选举。这次胜利是全面的,无论是在得票率方面——超过40%的人投了票(超过45%的人弃权)——还是因为激进左翼联盟(Syriza)的几近崩溃(17.83%)和另一个中左翼政党泛希腊社会主义运动党(PASOK)的微弱复苏(11.46%)。此外,共有3个极右翼和保守派政党进入议会,获得了约12%的选票。我们认为,两个相互关联的现象解释了这些发展。第一个是造成希腊激进左翼联盟现象的条件消失(2010 - 2015年债务危机);第二是缺乏一个可信的替代方案,可以代表两个中左翼政党向中产阶级说话。
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引用次数: 0
Unlocking the Pensions Debate: The Origins and Future of the ‘Triple Lock’ 解开养老金之争:“三重锁”的起源和未来
3区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-11-10 DOI: 10.1111/1467-923x.13330
Jonathan Portes
Abstract The ‘triple lock’ mechanism governing the uprating of state pensions is often framed as a transfer from workers to mostly well‐off pensioners, driven by the latter's outsize political influence. Others note that pensioner poverty remains widespread and that the UK state pension remains relatively low compared to other advanced economies. Both perspectives—but especially the first—often omit the historical context and, particularly, the post‐1979 steady fall in the value of the state pension as a proportion of earnings and the resulting increasing dependence on means‐tested benefits. The key insight of the Turner report was that failure to reverse this trend would further erode any incentive to save for lower‐ and middle‐income earners. Reforms that solely focus on the short‐term impacts on current pensioners, rich and poor, risk long‐term damage.
管理国家养老金升级的“三重锁”机制通常被定义为从工人到大多数富裕的养老金领取者的转移,由后者的巨大政治影响力驱动。其他人指出,领取养老金的人仍然普遍贫困,与其他发达经济体相比,英国的国家养老金仍然相对较低。这两种观点——尤其是第一种观点——往往忽略了历史背景,尤其是1979年后国家养老金占收入比例的稳步下降,以及由此导致的对经济状况调查福利的日益依赖。特纳报告的关键观点是,如果不能扭转这一趋势,将进一步削弱中低收入者储蓄的动力。如果改革只关注对现有养老金领取者(无论贫富)的短期影响,可能会造成长期损害。
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引用次数: 0
Growthmanship in the Twenty‐First Century1 21世纪的经济增长
3区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-11-04 DOI: 10.1111/1467-923x.13335
Jim Tomlinson
Abstract In the run‐up to the next general election both main parties are giving high priority to increasing the growth rate. But does past experience suggest this is a sensible strategy? The historical evidence does not support the idea that this is a winning stance, and it places reliance on a concept which is both deeply problematic as measure of economic well‐being and little understood by the public.
随着下届大选的临近,两大主要政党都把提高经济增长率作为当务之急。但过去的经验表明这是一个明智的策略吗?历史证据并不支持这种观点,即这是一种必胜的立场,而且它所依赖的概念,作为经济福祉的衡量标准,既存在严重问题,又很少被公众理解。
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引用次数: 0
Introduction: Scottish Politics After Sturgeon 导言:斯特金之后的苏格兰政治
3区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-11-02 DOI: 10.1111/1467-923x.13334
Ben Jackson
WHERE STANDS Scottish politics? It's a question with significant implications for next year's UK general election and for the dynamics of British politics thereafter. The departure of Nicola Sturgeon as Scotland's first minister earlier this year marks the end of a long and intense phase of constitutional drama. It also casts doubt on the durability of the SNP's electoral hegemony, one of the cardinal achievements of Sturgeon and her predecessor, Alex Salmond. This special issue of Political Quarterly reflects on what has changed in Scottish politics over the last decade and examines the dilemmas that the upheavals of these years now pose for both sides of Scotland's constitutional debate. According to the London-based media, the story seems clear enough: the SNP is on the back foot for the first time since its impressive victory at the 2011 Scottish Parliament election, with scandal, policy mistakes, internal divisions and an unpopular new leader opening the way for a Scottish Labour revival. This is certainly one plausible interpretation of events. The result of the Rutherglen and Hamilton West by-election confirmed that Labour has serious electoral traction in Scotland for the first time since 2010. Both the Conservatives and Labour have made clear that they will not grant a second independence referendum, thus closing off any legal route to a new Scottish state for at least the duration of the next Parliament and probably longer. But there is more to say than that. Despite the political dramas of the last six months, the SNP is slightly ahead or at worst tied with Labour in recent voting intention polls for Westminster and Holyrood. The gap between Labour and the SNP has certainly shrunk considerably and on these figures it looks likely that Labour will pick up many seats in Scotland next year. However, it still faces a difficult task to reinstate itself as the dominant Scottish party at Westminster, let alone at Holyrood. Opinion polling on Scottish independence remains finely balanced, with ‘no’ slightly ahead, although there have been two periods of ‘yes’ leads: one during the height of the Covid pandemic in March to April 2021 and the other in the wake of Liz Truss's brief period as prime minister, from November to December 2022. The assumption of much metropolitan commentary is that the SNP is, as the Sex Pistols might have sung, just another party: the costs of governing will eventually catch up with it. On this view, the SNP will lose office as voters naturally tire of the mistakes of its leaders and the party is held accountable for its policy record. But this underestimates two distinctive features of the SNP, as James Foley, Tom Montgomery and Ewan Kerr discuss in this issue. First, while the SNP is a party of government at Holyrood, it is also a permanent party of opposition to the UK government. SNP leaders can always mobilise support by highlighting UK state decisions that are unpopular in Scotland, thus displacing unhelpful disc
苏格兰政治现状如何?这个问题对明年的英国大选以及此后的英国政治动态有着重大影响。今年早些时候,苏格兰首席大臣尼古拉·斯特金(Nicola Sturgeon)离职,标志着一场旷日持久、紧张激烈的宪法闹剧告一段落。这也让人对苏格兰民族党选举霸权的持久性产生了怀疑,这是斯特金及其前任亚历克斯·萨尔蒙德(Alex Salmond)的主要成就之一。《政治季刊》的这期特刊反映了过去十年来苏格兰政治的变化,并审视了这些年来的动荡现在给苏格兰宪法辩论双方带来的困境。据伦敦媒体报道,情况似乎足够清楚:苏格兰民族党自2011年在苏格兰议会选举中令人印象深刻的胜利以来,首次处于不利地位,丑闻、政策失误、内部分歧和一位不受欢迎的新领导人为苏格兰工党的复兴开辟了道路。这当然是对事件的一种合理解释。卢瑟格伦和汉密尔顿西补选的结果证实,工党自2010年以来首次在苏格兰获得了严重的选举吸引力。保守党和工党都明确表示,他们不会同意举行第二次独立公投,从而至少在下一届议会期间,甚至可能更长时间内,关闭任何通往新苏格兰国家的法律途径。但还有更多要说的。尽管过去六个月发生了政治上的戏剧性事件,但在最近对威斯敏斯特和荷里路德的投票意向调查中,苏格兰民族党略微领先于工党,或者最坏的情况是与工党并列。工党和苏格兰民族党之间的差距已经明显缩小,从这些数据来看,工党明年可能会在苏格兰获得许多席位。然而,它仍然面临着一项艰巨的任务,即恢复自己在威斯敏斯特的主导地位,更不用说在荷里路德了。关于苏格兰独立的民意调查仍然保持着微妙的平衡,“反对”略微领先,尽管有两个时期的“支持”领先:一个是在2021年3月至4月的新冠疫情高峰期,另一个是在利兹·特拉斯(Liz Truss)短暂担任首相之后,即2022年11月至12月。许多大都会评论的假设是,正如性手枪乐队(Sex Pistols)可能唱过的那样,苏格兰民族党只不过是另一个政党:执政的成本最终会让它付出代价。按照这种观点,苏格兰民族党将失去执政地位,因为选民自然会厌倦其领导人的错误,该党要对其政策记录负责。但正如詹姆斯•福利、汤姆•蒙哥马利和尤恩•科尔在本期讨论的那样,这种观点低估了苏格兰民族党两个鲜明的特点。首先,尽管苏格兰民族党(SNP)在苏格兰议会(Holyrood)是一个政府党,但它也是英国政府的一个永久反对党。苏格兰民族党领导人总是可以通过强调英国政府在苏格兰不受欢迎的决定来动员支持,从而取代对该党在苏格兰议会(Holyrood)执政记录细节的无益讨论。汉娜•格雷厄姆(Hannah Graham)在这一问题上的贡献借鉴了首席大臣的官方日记,以确定尼古拉•斯特金(Nicola Sturgeon)在交通、农村事务和毒品等政策领域花费的时间很少,这些政策领域的处理引发了对苏格兰政府的严重批评。但苏格兰民族党巧妙地转移了部分注意力,将注意力集中在伦敦的保守党政府身上,这对苏格兰民族主义者来说是一个目标丰富的环境。2024年工党政府的回归不会自动关闭苏格兰民族党(SNP)的这条道路。正如伊恩•多赫蒂(Ian Docherty)在本期杂志中指出的那样,斯塔默政府将面临解决英国经济根本性结构性弱点的艰巨任务,尤其是自英国退欧公投以来迅速提上政治议程的地区经济表现不平等问题。苏格兰民族党将不可避免地有机会批评它做得不够远,或者让自己被金融城或右翼媒体束缚住手脚。想象一下,一个更加平等的政府可能会大大减少英国的地区不平等,这是令人愉快的,但这可能不会发生,而且肯定不会在一个议会任期内发生。工党领导下对现状的渐进式改善令人欢迎,但苏格兰民族党仍有空间将英国的生活描绘成与保守党领导下的生活大致相同,尤其是在2026年苏格兰议会选举中。对苏格兰民族党来说,令人高兴的是,这将与斯塔默的中期支持率可能大幅下降相吻合。莱斯利·里多克(Lesley Riddoch)在这个问题上的贡献表明了2024年后独立支持者将采取的攻击工党的路线。苏格兰民族党(SNP)的第二个显著特征是,它的存在是为了推进一个基本的意识形态目标——苏格兰独立,这一目标的实现超越了对该党支持者来说公共政策的日常细节。
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引用次数: 0
Democracy: often in private hands 民主:通常在私人手中
3区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-10-26 DOI: 10.1111/1467-923x.13321
Duncan Campbell
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引用次数: 0
From Donald Dewar to Humza Yousaf: The Role of Scotland's First Ministers and the Importance of Political Leadership 从唐纳德·杜瓦到哈姆扎·优素福:苏格兰首席大臣的角色和政治领导的重要性
3区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-10-26 DOI: 10.1111/1467-923x.13333
Gerry Hassan
Abstract The establishment of the Scottish Parliament created new institutions and a political environment which has had lasting implications for Scottish and UK politics, including furthering the rise of the Scottish National Party and the independence question. One central element of this new terrain has been the emergence of the Scottish government and the post of First Minister of Scotland. The latter, the most prominent devolved political position in Scotland, has so far been subjected to little detailed analysis. Drawing on a wide array of material, research and interviews with key individuals, this article explores four aspects: first, the nature of the office of first minister; second, how it has evolved over the past quarter century; third, what various post‐holders have brought to the role; and finally, how they have been influenced by wider contextual factors such as the changing dynamics of party support, electoral competition and intra‐party considerations. The article offers some provisional conclusions about the changing nature of political leadership and the interplay between institutional factors, public opinion and the role of the individual political actors in the twenty‐first century, which has relevance not just for Scotland but further afield.
苏格兰议会的建立创造了新的制度和政治环境,对苏格兰和英国政治产生了持久的影响,包括进一步推动苏格兰民族党和独立问题的崛起。这个新领域的一个核心因素是苏格兰政府的出现和苏格兰首席部长的职位。后者是苏格兰最重要的权力下放的政治职位,迄今为止,几乎没有人对其进行详细分析。本文借鉴了大量的材料、研究和对关键人物的采访,探讨了四个方面:第一,第一部长办公室的性质;其次,它在过去25年里是如何演变的;第三,不同的岗位给这个角色带来了什么;最后,他们如何受到更广泛的背景因素的影响,如政党支持的动态变化、选举竞争和党内考虑。本文提供了一些临时结论,关于政治领导的变化性质和制度因素之间的相互作用,公众舆论和个人政治行动者在21世纪的作用,这不仅与苏格兰有关,而且与更远的地方有关。
{"title":"From Donald Dewar to Humza Yousaf: The Role of Scotland's First Ministers and the Importance of Political Leadership","authors":"Gerry Hassan","doi":"10.1111/1467-923x.13333","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/1467-923x.13333","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract The establishment of the Scottish Parliament created new institutions and a political environment which has had lasting implications for Scottish and UK politics, including furthering the rise of the Scottish National Party and the independence question. One central element of this new terrain has been the emergence of the Scottish government and the post of First Minister of Scotland. The latter, the most prominent devolved political position in Scotland, has so far been subjected to little detailed analysis. Drawing on a wide array of material, research and interviews with key individuals, this article explores four aspects: first, the nature of the office of first minister; second, how it has evolved over the past quarter century; third, what various post‐holders have brought to the role; and finally, how they have been influenced by wider contextual factors such as the changing dynamics of party support, electoral competition and intra‐party considerations. The article offers some provisional conclusions about the changing nature of political leadership and the interplay between institutional factors, public opinion and the role of the individual political actors in the twenty‐first century, which has relevance not just for Scotland but further afield.","PeriodicalId":47439,"journal":{"name":"Political Quarterly","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-10-26","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"134908670","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 0
Diary of an SNP First Minister: A Chronopolitics of Proximity and Priorities 苏格兰民族党第一部长日记:邻近和优先事项的时间政治
3区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-10-25 DOI: 10.1111/1467-923x.13331
Hannah Graham
Abstract This article provides a content analysis of Nicola Sturgeon's first ministerial diaries in the final two years of her leadership (April 2021–March 2023). As first minister, to whom and what did she give her time—which issues and interest groups had access? Which didn't? Or, who and what may be missing? An audience with a national leader can be indicative of priorities and potential for influence—as can its absence. The lens of chronopolitics—the politics of time—is used here to consider twenty‐four months of diaries, with 681 entries. Some key social and political issues in Scotland were kept away from the FM's meetings and delegated to other ministers to oversee, whereas other issues appear to be signature priorities, including climate and the environment, economy and finance, culture, and health and Covid‐19.
本文对尼古拉·斯特金(Nicola Sturgeon)在其执政的最后两年(2021年4月至2023年3月)的首份部长日记进行了内容分析。作为第一部长,她把时间花在了谁和什么事情上——哪些问题和利益集团可以接触到?没有哪一个?或者,谁和什么可能失踪?与国家领导人会面可以表明其优先事项和潜在的影响力——如果没有这种影响力也可以。时间政治的视角——时间政治——在这里被用来考虑24个月的日记,有681条条目。苏格兰的一些关键社会和政治问题被排除在FM会议之外,并委托给其他部长监督,而其他问题似乎是签名优先事项,包括气候和环境、经济和金融、文化、卫生和Covid - 19。
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引用次数: 0
From ‘I Think’ to ‘I Feel’ 从“我想”到“我感觉”
3区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-10-25 DOI: 10.1111/1467-923x.13332
Stephen Coleman
Abstract This article explores what pollsters, journalists and politicians mean when they refer to the ‘mood’ of a nation, population or community. To what extent does the concept of mood resemble and differ from the notion of ‘public opinion’? It is argued that the ubiquity of mood‐talk reflects a move away from the myth that political action is motivated by rational instrumentalism. Attention to mood takes seriously the force of pre‐cognitive affectivity and its shaping of public disposition; the disorientating effects of diffuse globalism in which experiences and the feelings to which they give rise do not have obvious causes; and the emergence of new spaces in which affects travel and mutate freely, widely and rapidly. The article suggests that we are living in moody times in which attention to the public zeitgeist may be more important than polling responses to discrete issues.
本文探讨了民意测验专家、记者和政治家在提到一个国家、人口或社区的“情绪”时的意思。情绪的概念在多大程度上与“公众舆论”的概念相似或不同?有人认为,无处不在的情绪谈话反映了政治行动是由理性工具主义驱动的神话的转变。对情绪的关注重视认知前情感的力量及其对公众性格的塑造;弥漫性全球主义的迷失方向的影响,其中的经验和它们所产生的感情没有明显的原因;新空间的出现影响了旅行,并自由、广泛、迅速地变异。这篇文章表明,我们生活在一个喜怒无常的时代,在这个时代,对公众时代精神的关注可能比对离散问题的民意调查反应更重要。
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引用次数: 0
Labour Party expels Jews for ‘antisemitism’ 工党因“反犹太主义”驱逐犹太人
3区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-10-12 DOI: 10.1111/1467-923x.13319
Richard Kuper
The Political QuarterlyEarly View Book Review Labour Party expels Jews for ‘antisemitism’ Richard Kuper, Corresponding Author Richard Kuper [email protected] Search for more papers by this author Richard Kuper, Corresponding Author Richard Kuper [email protected] Search for more papers by this author First published: 12 October 2023 https://doi.org/10.1111/1467-923X.13319Read the full textAboutPDF ToolsRequest permissionExport citationAdd to favoritesTrack citation ShareShare Give accessShare full text accessShare full-text accessPlease review our Terms and Conditions of Use and check box below to share full-text version of article.I have read and accept the Wiley Online Library Terms and Conditions of UseShareable LinkUse the link below to share a full-text version of this article with your friends and colleagues. Learn more.Copy URL Share a linkShare onEmailFacebookTwitterLinkedInRedditWechat No abstract is available for this article. Early ViewOnline Version of Record before inclusion in an issue RelatedInformation
《政治季刊》《年度观点书评》工党以“反犹太主义”为由驱逐犹太人搜索本作者的更多论文[email protected]搜索本作者的更多论文首次发表:2023年10月12日https://doi.org/10.1111/1467-923X.13319Read全文taboutpdf ToolsRequest permissionExport citationAdd to favoritesTrack citation ShareShare给予accessShare全文accessShare全文accessShare请查看我们的使用条款和条件,并勾选下面的复选框共享文章的全文版本。我已经阅读并接受了Wiley在线图书馆使用共享链接的条款和条件,请使用下面的链接与您的朋友和同事分享本文的全文版本。学习更多的知识。复制URL共享链接共享一个emailfacebooktwitterlinkedinreddit微信本文无摘要在包含问题之前的早期视图在线记录版本相关信息
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引用次数: 0
The flight of the USA from Afghanistan 美国从阿富汗起飞
3区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-10-11 DOI: 10.1111/1467-923x.13322
David Loyn
The Political QuarterlyEarly View Book Review The flight of the USA from Afghanistan David Loyn, Corresponding Author David Loyn [email protected] [email protected]Search for more papers by this author David Loyn, Corresponding Author David Loyn [email protected] [email protected]Search for more papers by this author First published: 11 October 2023 https://doi.org/10.1111/1467-923X.13322Read the full textAboutPDF ToolsRequest permissionExport citationAdd to favoritesTrack citation ShareShare Give accessShare full text accessShare full-text accessPlease review our Terms and Conditions of Use and check box below to share full-text version of article.I have read and accept the Wiley Online Library Terms and Conditions of UseShareable LinkUse the link below to share a full-text version of this article with your friends and colleagues. Learn more.Copy URL Share a linkShare onEmailFacebookTwitterLinkedInRedditWechat No abstract is available for this article. Early ViewOnline Version of Record before inclusion in an issue RelatedInformation
政治季刊年鉴书评美国从阿富汗的飞行大卫·洛恩,通讯作者大卫·洛恩[email protected] [email protected]搜索本作者的更多论文大卫·洛恩,通讯作者大卫·洛恩[email protected] [email protected]搜索本作者的更多论文首次发表:2023年10月11日https://doi.org/10.1111/1467-923X.13322Read全文taboutpdf ToolsRequest permissionExport citationAdd to favoritesTrack citation ShareShare给予accessShare全文accessShare全文accessShare请查看我们的使用条款和条件,并勾选下面的复选框共享文章的全文版本。我已经阅读并接受了Wiley在线图书馆使用共享链接的条款和条件,请使用下面的链接与您的朋友和同事分享本文的全文版本。学习更多的知识。复制URL共享链接共享一个emailfacebooktwitterlinkedinreddit微信本文无摘要在包含问题之前的早期视图在线记录版本相关信息
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引用次数: 0
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Political Quarterly
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