Pub Date : 2023-04-05DOI: 10.1017/s1743923x22000678
Marian Sawer
Thematic Review: Neoliberalism and the Women’s Movement in Aotearoa - Neoliberalism and Its Impact on the Women’s Movement in Aotearoa/New Zealand: Where Have All the Feminists Gone? By Julia Schuster. Cham, Switzerland: Palgrave Macmillan, 2022. 219 pp. $119.99 (cloth). ISBN: 9783030955229. - Activism, Feminism, Politics and Parliament. By Margaret Wilson. Wellington, New Zealand: Bridget Williams, 2021. 320 pp. $24.92 (paper). ISBN: 9781988587844. Also available as eBook.
{"title":"Thematic Review: Neoliberalism and the Women’s Movement in Aotearoa - Neoliberalism and Its Impact on the Women’s Movement in Aotearoa/New Zealand: Where Have All the Feminists Gone? By Julia Schuster. Cham, Switzerland: Palgrave Macmillan, 2022. 219 pp. $119.99 (cloth). ISBN: 9783030955229. - Activism, Feminism, Politics and Parliament. By Margaret Wilson. Wellington, New Zealand: Bridget Williams, 2021. 320 pp. $24.92 (paper). ISBN: 9781988587844. Also available as eBook.","authors":"Marian Sawer","doi":"10.1017/s1743923x22000678","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/s1743923x22000678","url":null,"abstract":"Thematic Review: Neoliberalism and the Women’s Movement in Aotearoa - Neoliberalism and Its Impact on the Women’s Movement in Aotearoa/New Zealand: Where Have All the Feminists Gone? By Julia Schuster. Cham, Switzerland: Palgrave Macmillan, 2022. 219 pp. $119.99 (cloth). ISBN: 9783030955229. - Activism, Feminism, Politics and Parliament. By Margaret Wilson. Wellington, New Zealand: Bridget Williams, 2021. 320 pp. $24.92 (paper). ISBN: 9781988587844. Also available as eBook.","PeriodicalId":47464,"journal":{"name":"Politics & Gender","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-04-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"136002076","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-03-23DOI: 10.1017/s1743923x23000119
Fulden İbrahimhakkıoğlu
{"title":"Queer in Translation: Sexual Politics Under Neoliberal Islam. By Evren Savcı. Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 2021. 232 pp. $25.95 (paper), ISBN: 9781478011361.","authors":"Fulden İbrahimhakkıoğlu","doi":"10.1017/s1743923x23000119","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/s1743923x23000119","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":47464,"journal":{"name":"Politics & Gender","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":3.4,"publicationDate":"2023-03-23","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43972974","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-03-08DOI: 10.1017/S1743923X23000065
Valentine Berthet
The Istanbul Convention on violence against women and domestic violence has become a major topic of academic discussion, with several books and journal articles published on the subject (e.g., Acar and Popa 2016; DeVido 2016;McQuigg 2017; Niemi, Peroni, and Stoyanova 2020; Ün and Arıkan 2022). Andrea Krizsán and Conny Roggeband’s book stands out because it approaches the backlash against the Istanbul Convention as a threat to democracy through a comparative study of four countries in the Central and Eastern European region (CEE): Croatia, Poland, Bulgaria, and Hungary. Politicizing Gender and Democracy in the Context of the Istanbul Convention demonstrates with convincing arguments that the Istanbul Convention has become a key site for studying contemporary anti-gender movements. Its comparative approach to national cases brings new and important insights to a phenomenon that represents global trends. This book contributes to the field by engaging with several debates that are undeniably relevant to gender and politics. While gender and politics scholars previously focused on theorizing the expansion and politicization of gender equality norms, they now also focus on the processes responsible for their stagnation and regression. Various academic publications have warned against the dangers of antigender trends, which are particularly alarming for democracy. In this book, the authors posit that because anti-gender attacks are core to democratic erosion, the status of democracy must be assessed using concepts that are sensitive to gender-equal democracies. This book is a valuable contribution as it contextualizes anti-gender politics with local examples of policy backsliding and dismantling in the CEE. Further, the book makes explicit the similarities and differences among the anti-gender movements in the four countries under analysis. For instance, the well-known rhetoric of “gender ideology”—used extensively by anti-gender actors to define the Istanbul Convention “as a tool to promote ‘gender ideology’ and foreign imposition of norms” (v)—takes different shapes in the four countries (see Chapter 3). In this way, the book
{"title":"Politicizing Gender and Democracy in the Context of the Istanbul Convention. By Andrea Krizsán and Conny Roggeband. Cham, Switzerland: Palgrave Pivot, 2021. 248 pp. $74.99 (cloth), ISBN: 9783030790691.","authors":"Valentine Berthet","doi":"10.1017/S1743923X23000065","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/S1743923X23000065","url":null,"abstract":"The Istanbul Convention on violence against women and domestic violence has become a major topic of academic discussion, with several books and journal articles published on the subject (e.g., Acar and Popa 2016; DeVido 2016;McQuigg 2017; Niemi, Peroni, and Stoyanova 2020; Ün and Arıkan 2022). Andrea Krizsán and Conny Roggeband’s book stands out because it approaches the backlash against the Istanbul Convention as a threat to democracy through a comparative study of four countries in the Central and Eastern European region (CEE): Croatia, Poland, Bulgaria, and Hungary. Politicizing Gender and Democracy in the Context of the Istanbul Convention demonstrates with convincing arguments that the Istanbul Convention has become a key site for studying contemporary anti-gender movements. Its comparative approach to national cases brings new and important insights to a phenomenon that represents global trends. This book contributes to the field by engaging with several debates that are undeniably relevant to gender and politics. While gender and politics scholars previously focused on theorizing the expansion and politicization of gender equality norms, they now also focus on the processes responsible for their stagnation and regression. Various academic publications have warned against the dangers of antigender trends, which are particularly alarming for democracy. In this book, the authors posit that because anti-gender attacks are core to democratic erosion, the status of democracy must be assessed using concepts that are sensitive to gender-equal democracies. This book is a valuable contribution as it contextualizes anti-gender politics with local examples of policy backsliding and dismantling in the CEE. Further, the book makes explicit the similarities and differences among the anti-gender movements in the four countries under analysis. For instance, the well-known rhetoric of “gender ideology”—used extensively by anti-gender actors to define the Istanbul Convention “as a tool to promote ‘gender ideology’ and foreign imposition of norms” (v)—takes different shapes in the four countries (see Chapter 3). In this way, the book","PeriodicalId":47464,"journal":{"name":"Politics & Gender","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":3.4,"publicationDate":"2023-03-08","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48728771","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-03-02DOI: 10.1017/S1743923X22000666
Luisa Turbino Torres
For a long time, women and gender have been excluded from mainstream understandings of international processes. Feminist perspectives in international relations (IR) scholarship have existed for some time, but they have been put at the margins of mainstream theoretical traditions: feminist IR scholars were not taken seriously, and there was no significant engagement dialogue with them. The crux of feminist IR is to look at global issues in a particular way and to understand those issues through the prism of gender, rejecting the metanarratives. As argued by Cynthia Enloe (2014, 3), “making useful sense—feminist sense—of international politics requires us to follow diverse women to places that are usually dismissed by conventional foreign affairs experts as merely ‘private,’ ‘domestic,’ ‘local,’ or ‘trivial.’” In High-Risk Feminism in Colombia, Julia Margaret Zulver provides a brilliant analysis of women’s lives in conflict and postconflict settings, arguing that the gender continuum of violence does not end with the conflict, even when women are involved in the peace negotiations. Her argument is based on the idea that women’s experiences in violent contexts are often not aligned with the traditional, mainstream understanding of armed conflicts. In that sense, Zulver looks at the question of why these women still decide to mobilize and join organizations fighting for gender justice, despite being dangerous to them to do so. Thus, even with many eminent threats and risks in postconflict settings, many women in grassroots organizations choose to act collectively in pursuit of gender justice. Zulver defines this as “high-risk” behavior, which in Colombia is not exclusive to women’s or feminist groups—in the context of paramilitary groups seeking social control, any activity that seeks community cohesion and collective action can be considered high risk, taking into account the possible consequences. For women, there is the extra layer of risk of subverting the expected gender roles of being a woman andmaking demands around gender equality. As argued by Zulver, when women engage with gender justice work, “not only do their feminist goals
{"title":"High-Risk Feminism in Colombia: Women’s Mobilization in Violent Contexts. By Julia Margaret Zulver. New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press, 2022. 194 pp. $29.95 (paper). ISBN: 9781978827097.","authors":"Luisa Turbino Torres","doi":"10.1017/S1743923X22000666","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/S1743923X22000666","url":null,"abstract":"For a long time, women and gender have been excluded from mainstream understandings of international processes. Feminist perspectives in international relations (IR) scholarship have existed for some time, but they have been put at the margins of mainstream theoretical traditions: feminist IR scholars were not taken seriously, and there was no significant engagement dialogue with them. The crux of feminist IR is to look at global issues in a particular way and to understand those issues through the prism of gender, rejecting the metanarratives. As argued by Cynthia Enloe (2014, 3), “making useful sense—feminist sense—of international politics requires us to follow diverse women to places that are usually dismissed by conventional foreign affairs experts as merely ‘private,’ ‘domestic,’ ‘local,’ or ‘trivial.’” In High-Risk Feminism in Colombia, Julia Margaret Zulver provides a brilliant analysis of women’s lives in conflict and postconflict settings, arguing that the gender continuum of violence does not end with the conflict, even when women are involved in the peace negotiations. Her argument is based on the idea that women’s experiences in violent contexts are often not aligned with the traditional, mainstream understanding of armed conflicts. In that sense, Zulver looks at the question of why these women still decide to mobilize and join organizations fighting for gender justice, despite being dangerous to them to do so. Thus, even with many eminent threats and risks in postconflict settings, many women in grassroots organizations choose to act collectively in pursuit of gender justice. Zulver defines this as “high-risk” behavior, which in Colombia is not exclusive to women’s or feminist groups—in the context of paramilitary groups seeking social control, any activity that seeks community cohesion and collective action can be considered high risk, taking into account the possible consequences. For women, there is the extra layer of risk of subverting the expected gender roles of being a woman andmaking demands around gender equality. As argued by Zulver, when women engage with gender justice work, “not only do their feminist goals","PeriodicalId":47464,"journal":{"name":"Politics & Gender","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":3.4,"publicationDate":"2023-03-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"91088398","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-03-02DOI: 10.1017/S1743923X23000041
Katherine V. R. Sullivan
Abstract Although mayors can have important impacts on citizens’ daily lives, local politics remains understudied, especially compared with national and regional politics. This study focuses on Canadian mayors’ digital political gender performance—or self-presentation—on Facebook, Twitter, and Instagram and the context in which this gendered performance arises. Overall, results confirm that mayors’ gendered performances are on a continuum rather than binary. Results from a visual content analysis of nine Canadian mayors’ social media accounts show that, broadly speaking, women mayors gravitate toward congruent, mixed gendered performances and avoidance strategies, whereas men mayors also display mixed performance of their gender, while more freely exploring congruent and incongruent approaches to gendered stereotypes. Additionally, semistructured interviews with these mayors show that women mayors still work under added constraints because of their gender, which translates into comments on their appearance, attitude, and lifestyle choices; increased aggression and lack of respect; and a generally greater mental load.
{"title":"“Don’t Put Color in Your Hair, Don’t Do This, Don’t Do That”: Canadian Mayors’ Mixed Gender Performance on Social Media","authors":"Katherine V. R. Sullivan","doi":"10.1017/S1743923X23000041","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/S1743923X23000041","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Although mayors can have important impacts on citizens’ daily lives, local politics remains understudied, especially compared with national and regional politics. This study focuses on Canadian mayors’ digital political gender performance—or self-presentation—on Facebook, Twitter, and Instagram and the context in which this gendered performance arises. Overall, results confirm that mayors’ gendered performances are on a continuum rather than binary. Results from a visual content analysis of nine Canadian mayors’ social media accounts show that, broadly speaking, women mayors gravitate toward congruent, mixed gendered performances and avoidance strategies, whereas men mayors also display mixed performance of their gender, while more freely exploring congruent and incongruent approaches to gendered stereotypes. Additionally, semistructured interviews with these mayors show that women mayors still work under added constraints because of their gender, which translates into comments on their appearance, attitude, and lifestyle choices; increased aggression and lack of respect; and a generally greater mental load.","PeriodicalId":47464,"journal":{"name":"Politics & Gender","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":3.4,"publicationDate":"2023-03-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44496294","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-03-01DOI: 10.1017/s1743923x23000120
M. L. Krook
{"title":"From the Editor","authors":"M. L. Krook","doi":"10.1017/s1743923x23000120","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/s1743923x23000120","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":47464,"journal":{"name":"Politics & Gender","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":3.4,"publicationDate":"2023-03-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43439913","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-02-10DOI: 10.1017/S1743923X22000356
Sarah Khan
Although women in India have legal access to criminal and civil remedies for domestic violence, reporting and conviction rates remain dismally low. It is in this space between the law on the books and its enforcement on ground that Poulami Roychowdhury’s debut book Capable Women, Incapable States is situated. Through two years of ethnographic fieldwork in West Bengal, Roychowdhury follows 70 women in their pursuit of justice. These women are exceptional in that they have recognized the injustice of domestic abuse and are seeking a solution by the time Roychowdhury encounters them. However, only three of them are seeking formal legal redress at the outset. Chapter 2—an excellent stand-alone resource on the social, economic, and legal conditions governing domestic violence in India—explains why. Marriage in this context is at once ubiquitous and highly unequal. Women’s exit options from marriage, and their bargaining power within it, are severely limited by their economic dependence on men and by gendered social norms that equate exit with ostracization. Meanwhile, the state and law enforcement are unfamiliar and unlikely allies to them: “Intimate violence was familiar in a way that the potential violence of the state was not” (48). The puzzle, then, is not why so few women seek legal redress, but why any do at all. Roychowdhury describes women’s journey toward the law as “accidental but systematic” (14). The key lies with pivotal “violence brokers.” Chapters 3 and 4 explore these brokers’ identities, incentives, and sources of efficacy. Women brokers (didis) are mostly individuals affiliated with NGOs and women’s self-help groups, while themen (dadas) comprise party workers as well as individuals with
{"title":"Capable Women, Incapable States: Negotiating Violence and Rights in India. By Poulami Roychowdhury. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2020. 252 pp. $110.00 (cloth), $32.95 (paper). https://doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190881894.001.0001.","authors":"Sarah Khan","doi":"10.1017/S1743923X22000356","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/S1743923X22000356","url":null,"abstract":"Although women in India have legal access to criminal and civil remedies for domestic violence, reporting and conviction rates remain dismally low. It is in this space between the law on the books and its enforcement on ground that Poulami Roychowdhury’s debut book Capable Women, Incapable States is situated. Through two years of ethnographic fieldwork in West Bengal, Roychowdhury follows 70 women in their pursuit of justice. These women are exceptional in that they have recognized the injustice of domestic abuse and are seeking a solution by the time Roychowdhury encounters them. However, only three of them are seeking formal legal redress at the outset. Chapter 2—an excellent stand-alone resource on the social, economic, and legal conditions governing domestic violence in India—explains why. Marriage in this context is at once ubiquitous and highly unequal. Women’s exit options from marriage, and their bargaining power within it, are severely limited by their economic dependence on men and by gendered social norms that equate exit with ostracization. Meanwhile, the state and law enforcement are unfamiliar and unlikely allies to them: “Intimate violence was familiar in a way that the potential violence of the state was not” (48). The puzzle, then, is not why so few women seek legal redress, but why any do at all. Roychowdhury describes women’s journey toward the law as “accidental but systematic” (14). The key lies with pivotal “violence brokers.” Chapters 3 and 4 explore these brokers’ identities, incentives, and sources of efficacy. Women brokers (didis) are mostly individuals affiliated with NGOs and women’s self-help groups, while themen (dadas) comprise party workers as well as individuals with","PeriodicalId":47464,"journal":{"name":"Politics & Gender","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":3.4,"publicationDate":"2023-02-10","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46684292","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-02-10DOI: 10.1017/S1743923X22000654
Josip Glaurdić, Christophe Lesschaeve
Abstract The level of women’s parliamentary representation often increases after armed conflict, but do voters in postwar societies actually prefer female electoral candidates? We answer this question by analyzing a unique data set containing information on nearly 7,000 candidates running in three elections with preferential voting in postwar Croatia. Our analysis demonstrates that voters’ gender bias is conditional on the local electorate’s ideology and exposure to war violence, with voters of right-wing parties and voters in areas more affected by war violence being more biased against female candidates. These effects of ideology and exposure to war violence also exhibit a strong interactive relationship, suggesting that bias against women is strongest among right-wing voters in areas exposed to war violence and reversed among left-wing voters in areas exposed to war violence. Our findings highlight the need to better understand the relationship between gender, ideology, and violence in postconflict societies.
{"title":"Choosing Women in Postwar Elections: Exposure to War Violence, Ideology, and Voters’ Gender Bias","authors":"Josip Glaurdić, Christophe Lesschaeve","doi":"10.1017/S1743923X22000654","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/S1743923X22000654","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract The level of women’s parliamentary representation often increases after armed conflict, but do voters in postwar societies actually prefer female electoral candidates? We answer this question by analyzing a unique data set containing information on nearly 7,000 candidates running in three elections with preferential voting in postwar Croatia. Our analysis demonstrates that voters’ gender bias is conditional on the local electorate’s ideology and exposure to war violence, with voters of right-wing parties and voters in areas more affected by war violence being more biased against female candidates. These effects of ideology and exposure to war violence also exhibit a strong interactive relationship, suggesting that bias against women is strongest among right-wing voters in areas exposed to war violence and reversed among left-wing voters in areas exposed to war violence. Our findings highlight the need to better understand the relationship between gender, ideology, and violence in postconflict societies.","PeriodicalId":47464,"journal":{"name":"Politics & Gender","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":3.4,"publicationDate":"2023-02-10","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43793657","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-31DOI: 10.1017/S1743923X2200068X
Lucrecia Rubio Grundell
In The Gendered Politics of Crisis and De-Democratization , Bianka Vida and her coauthors offer an interdisciplinary analysis of the recent rise of opposition against gender þ and LGBTQIA þ equality in the multilevel space of the European Union (EU) (and Turkey). The book is thus part of a burgeoning body of scholarship in the field of gender and politics that has began to address such opposition from an explicitly feminist perspective (Dietze and Roth 2020; Graff, Kapur, and Walters 2019; Graff and Korolczuk 2022; Köttig, Bitzan, and Pet ő 2017; Kuhar and Paternotte 2017; Möser, Ramme, and Takács 2022; Roggeband and Krizsán 2018; Verloo 2018; Verloo and Paternotte 2018). And yet, this book advances such scholarship in important ways: first, by broadening its focus in order to locate current opposition against gender þ and LGBTQIA þ equality within the context of the specifically gendered effects of current de-democratization processes and the 2008 economic crisis, crucially, as these intersect with the role of the EU as a gendered normative power; and second, by deepening that focus to assess the effects of opposition in terms of policy reversals and changes in prevailing gender regimes at both the EU and national levels, as well as feminist responses to these
{"title":"The Gendered Politics of Crisis and De-Democratization: Opposition to Gender Equality. Edited by Bianka Vida. London: ECPR Press, 2022. 266 pp. ISBN: 9781538156780.","authors":"Lucrecia Rubio Grundell","doi":"10.1017/S1743923X2200068X","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/S1743923X2200068X","url":null,"abstract":"In The Gendered Politics of Crisis and De-Democratization , Bianka Vida and her coauthors offer an interdisciplinary analysis of the recent rise of opposition against gender þ and LGBTQIA þ equality in the multilevel space of the European Union (EU) (and Turkey). The book is thus part of a burgeoning body of scholarship in the field of gender and politics that has began to address such opposition from an explicitly feminist perspective (Dietze and Roth 2020; Graff, Kapur, and Walters 2019; Graff and Korolczuk 2022; Köttig, Bitzan, and Pet ő 2017; Kuhar and Paternotte 2017; Möser, Ramme, and Takács 2022; Roggeband and Krizsán 2018; Verloo 2018; Verloo and Paternotte 2018). And yet, this book advances such scholarship in important ways: first, by broadening its focus in order to locate current opposition against gender þ and LGBTQIA þ equality within the context of the specifically gendered effects of current de-democratization processes and the 2008 economic crisis, crucially, as these intersect with the role of the EU as a gendered normative power; and second, by deepening that focus to assess the effects of opposition in terms of policy reversals and changes in prevailing gender regimes at both the EU and national levels, as well as feminist responses to these","PeriodicalId":47464,"journal":{"name":"Politics & Gender","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":3.4,"publicationDate":"2023-01-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48685530","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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