Pub Date : 2022-10-17DOI: 10.1017/S1743923X22000368
Brittany R. Leach
{"title":"Why We Lost the Sex Wars: Sexual Freedom in the #MeToo Era. By Lorna N. Bracewell. Minneapolis: Minnesota University Press, 2021. 277 pp. $104.00 (cloth), $25.95 (paper). https://doi.org/10.5749/j.ctv1hqdk2k","authors":"Brittany R. Leach","doi":"10.1017/S1743923X22000368","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/S1743923X22000368","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":47464,"journal":{"name":"Politics & Gender","volume":"19 1","pages":"645 - 647"},"PeriodicalIF":3.4,"publicationDate":"2022-10-17","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48924102","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-10-17DOI: 10.1017/S1743923X22000332
S. Palmieri
As a discipline, we know very little about the experience of women in parliaments across Asia, even though the region is home to “three-fifths of the world’s population” (1) and the world’s first female prime minister (Sirimavo Bandaranaike, Sri Lanka, 1960). In part, thismay be because—in the aggregate—women’s political presence in this region has tended to sit “in the middle” of global rankings: not high enough to warrant “best practice” accounts, yet not low enough to become a focal point of development concern. Our limited collective understanding, however, may also reflect the Euro-American focus of our discipline, which has historically set the standard of what counts as “good research.” Academics who sit and write outside these theoretical frameworks and interpretative lens have been rendered less visible. Devin K. Joshi and Christian Echle’s edited collection, Substantive Representation of Women in Asian Parliaments, therefore represents a significant contribution to our understanding of women’s experiences across 10 very diverse parliaments: Japan, South Korea and Taiwan (in East Asia); Indonesia, Malaysia, the Philippines and Timor-Leste (in Southeast Asia); and Bangladesh, Nepal, and Sri Lanka (in South Asia). Mikiko Eto and Ummu Atiyah Ahmad Zakuan, writing on Japan andMalaysia, respectively, explicitly refer to their studies as the “first” on the substantive representation of women (SRW) in those countries (28, 121), although this would also be the case for a number of other chapters. The collection begins with Joshi’s description of the Asian context, defined in terms of its widespread “patriarchal bureaucratization of power,” which has accounted for “women’s formal exclusion from political institutions,” and the high number of states that can still be classified as “non-democracies, semidemocracies, and newly emerging democracies” (6). Each chapter then follows a similar structure, beginning with a discussion of political and cultural contexts, including legislative and policy efforts to advance gender equality more broadly, followed by descriptions of the individuals surveyed for the study. These are
作为一门学科，我们对亚洲各国议会中女性的经历知之甚少，尽管该地区拥有“世界五分之三的人口”（1）和世界上第一位女总理（斯里兰卡Sirimavo Bandaranaike，1960年）。在某种程度上，这可能是因为在总体上，妇女在该地区的政治地位往往在全球排名中处于“中间”：不高到足以保证“最佳实践”账户，但也不低到足以成为发展关注的焦点。然而，我们有限的集体理解也可能反映出我们学科的欧美焦点，该学科在历史上设定了什么是“好的研究”的标准。那些坐在这些理论框架和解释镜头之外写作的学者变得不那么显眼了。因此，Devin K.Joshi和Christian Echle编辑的合集《妇女在亚洲议会中的实质性代表》对我们理解10个不同议会的妇女经历做出了重大贡献：日本、韩国和台湾（东亚）；印度尼西亚、马来西亚、菲律宾和东帝汶（在东南亚）；孟加拉国、尼泊尔和斯里兰卡（南亚）。Mikiko Eto和Ummu Atiyah Ahmad Zakuan分别在关于日本和马来西亚的文章中明确表示，他们的研究是关于这些国家妇女实质性代表性的“第一次”研究（28121），尽管其他一些章节也是如此。该系列以乔希对亚洲背景的描述开始，根据其广泛的“父权制权力官僚化”来定义，这解释了“女性被正式排斥在政治机构之外”，以及仍有大量国家可以被归类为“非民主国家、半民主国家和新兴民主国家”（6）。然后，每一章都遵循类似的结构，首先讨论政治和文化背景，包括更广泛地促进性别平等的立法和政策努力，然后描述为研究而接受调查的个人。这些是
{"title":"Substantive Representation of Women in Asian Parliaments. Edited by Devin K. Joshi and Christian Echle. London: Routledge, 2022. 294 pp. $128.00 (cloth), $44.95 (paper). https://doi.org/10.4324/9781003275961.","authors":"S. Palmieri","doi":"10.1017/S1743923X22000332","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/S1743923X22000332","url":null,"abstract":"As a discipline, we know very little about the experience of women in parliaments across Asia, even though the region is home to “three-fifths of the world’s population” (1) and the world’s first female prime minister (Sirimavo Bandaranaike, Sri Lanka, 1960). In part, thismay be because—in the aggregate—women’s political presence in this region has tended to sit “in the middle” of global rankings: not high enough to warrant “best practice” accounts, yet not low enough to become a focal point of development concern. Our limited collective understanding, however, may also reflect the Euro-American focus of our discipline, which has historically set the standard of what counts as “good research.” Academics who sit and write outside these theoretical frameworks and interpretative lens have been rendered less visible. Devin K. Joshi and Christian Echle’s edited collection, Substantive Representation of Women in Asian Parliaments, therefore represents a significant contribution to our understanding of women’s experiences across 10 very diverse parliaments: Japan, South Korea and Taiwan (in East Asia); Indonesia, Malaysia, the Philippines and Timor-Leste (in Southeast Asia); and Bangladesh, Nepal, and Sri Lanka (in South Asia). Mikiko Eto and Ummu Atiyah Ahmad Zakuan, writing on Japan andMalaysia, respectively, explicitly refer to their studies as the “first” on the substantive representation of women (SRW) in those countries (28, 121), although this would also be the case for a number of other chapters. The collection begins with Joshi’s description of the Asian context, defined in terms of its widespread “patriarchal bureaucratization of power,” which has accounted for “women’s formal exclusion from political institutions,” and the high number of states that can still be classified as “non-democracies, semidemocracies, and newly emerging democracies” (6). Each chapter then follows a similar structure, beginning with a discussion of political and cultural contexts, including legislative and policy efforts to advance gender equality more broadly, followed by descriptions of the individuals surveyed for the study. These are","PeriodicalId":47464,"journal":{"name":"Politics & Gender","volume":"19 1","pages":"648 - 650"},"PeriodicalIF":3.4,"publicationDate":"2022-10-17","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46431686","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-09-27DOI: 10.1017/S1743923X22000289
Willow Kreutzer
Abstract Women have unique experiences during natural disasters, including higher risks of death, violence, and socioeconomic decline and an increase in specific reproductive health needs. However, government responses often do not directly address these women-specific needs, which can decrease women’s political trust. I investigate women’s trust in government institutions when natural disasters have recently occurred and argue that because of their unique experiences and typical government responses, women’s political trust will decline when there is a natural disaster more than men’s. I find that when there is a high number of disasters and when a larger percentage of the population is affected by disasters, women’s political trust decreases significantly, especially institutional trust. These findings are distinct from previous studies that cluster different types of political trust and support the idea that women’s experiences in a disaster may influence their relationship with institutions differently than men’s.
{"title":"Women’s Support Shaken: A Study of Women’s Political Trust after Natural Disasters","authors":"Willow Kreutzer","doi":"10.1017/S1743923X22000289","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/S1743923X22000289","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Women have unique experiences during natural disasters, including higher risks of death, violence, and socioeconomic decline and an increase in specific reproductive health needs. However, government responses often do not directly address these women-specific needs, which can decrease women’s political trust. I investigate women’s trust in government institutions when natural disasters have recently occurred and argue that because of their unique experiences and typical government responses, women’s political trust will decline when there is a natural disaster more than men’s. I find that when there is a high number of disasters and when a larger percentage of the population is affected by disasters, women’s political trust decreases significantly, especially institutional trust. These findings are distinct from previous studies that cluster different types of political trust and support the idea that women’s experiences in a disaster may influence their relationship with institutions differently than men’s.","PeriodicalId":47464,"journal":{"name":"Politics & Gender","volume":"19 1","pages":"703 - 733"},"PeriodicalIF":3.4,"publicationDate":"2022-09-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44009274","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-09-26DOI: 10.1017/S1743923X22000241
MariaCaterina La Barbera, Julia Espinosa-Fajardo, Paloma Caravantes
Abstract Although feminist scholarship has discussed intersectionality extensively, few studies have addressed its implementation in public policies. This article fills that gap with an empirical study of the obstacles and enabling factors in implementing intersectionality in the Madrid City Council. We focus on the multiple meanings, actors, and structures involved in translating policy planning into concrete measures. Through a content analysis of policy documents, interviews, focus groups, and participant observation, our qualitative study identifies five key factors that hinder the implementation of intersectionality-informed policies: the absence of a legal framework and precise guidelines; the multiple and contrasting interpretations of intersectionality; the lack of training; the compartmentalized work structure and culture; and the unavailability and misuse of data. These findings contribute to the scholarship on the implementation of intersectionality in public policies and provide empirical-based recommendations to overcome the identified obstacles.
{"title":"Implementing Intersectionality in Public Policies: Key Factors in the Madrid City Council, Spain","authors":"MariaCaterina La Barbera, Julia Espinosa-Fajardo, Paloma Caravantes","doi":"10.1017/S1743923X22000241","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/S1743923X22000241","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Although feminist scholarship has discussed intersectionality extensively, few studies have addressed its implementation in public policies. This article fills that gap with an empirical study of the obstacles and enabling factors in implementing intersectionality in the Madrid City Council. We focus on the multiple meanings, actors, and structures involved in translating policy planning into concrete measures. Through a content analysis of policy documents, interviews, focus groups, and participant observation, our qualitative study identifies five key factors that hinder the implementation of intersectionality-informed policies: the absence of a legal framework and precise guidelines; the multiple and contrasting interpretations of intersectionality; the lack of training; the compartmentalized work structure and culture; and the unavailability and misuse of data. These findings contribute to the scholarship on the implementation of intersectionality in public policies and provide empirical-based recommendations to overcome the identified obstacles.","PeriodicalId":47464,"journal":{"name":"Politics & Gender","volume":"19 1","pages":"675 - 702"},"PeriodicalIF":3.4,"publicationDate":"2022-09-26","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49309985","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-09-26DOI: 10.1017/S1743923X22000265
Nik Linders, S. Dudink, N. Spierings
Abstract Research shows that masculinity and sexuality are pivotal to the leadership and success of the populist radical right (PRR). In particular, normative conceptions of masculinity, as seen in gendered nationalism, have been argued to be important to the appeal of PRR parties. However, the supply side of this dynamic remains understudied. To fill this gap, this article uses critical discourse analysis to analyze the role of masculinity and sexuality in the self-positioning and envisioned hegemonies of the most successful Dutch PRR leaders: Pim Fortuyn, Geert Wilders, and Thierry Baudet. The Dutch case is particularly insightful as it presents a diverse array of PRR parties in one country context. We found crucial similarities and differences between the discourses of these leaders. Our findings suggest that masculinity and sexuality, while constitutive at the party level, are largely negotiable or nondefining for the larger party family. These findings problematize often-made identifications of PRR politics with a one-of-a-kind conservative ideology of gender and sexuality.
{"title":"Masculinity and Sexuality in Populist Radical Right Leadership","authors":"Nik Linders, S. Dudink, N. Spierings","doi":"10.1017/S1743923X22000265","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/S1743923X22000265","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Research shows that masculinity and sexuality are pivotal to the leadership and success of the populist radical right (PRR). In particular, normative conceptions of masculinity, as seen in gendered nationalism, have been argued to be important to the appeal of PRR parties. However, the supply side of this dynamic remains understudied. To fill this gap, this article uses critical discourse analysis to analyze the role of masculinity and sexuality in the self-positioning and envisioned hegemonies of the most successful Dutch PRR leaders: Pim Fortuyn, Geert Wilders, and Thierry Baudet. The Dutch case is particularly insightful as it presents a diverse array of PRR parties in one country context. We found crucial similarities and differences between the discourses of these leaders. Our findings suggest that masculinity and sexuality, while constitutive at the party level, are largely negotiable or nondefining for the larger party family. These findings problematize often-made identifications of PRR politics with a one-of-a-kind conservative ideology of gender and sexuality.","PeriodicalId":47464,"journal":{"name":"Politics & Gender","volume":"19 1","pages":"653 - 674"},"PeriodicalIF":3.4,"publicationDate":"2022-09-26","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42623543","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-09-23DOI: 10.1017/S1743923X22000290
Katelyn E. Stauffer, Yoshiharu Kobayashi, Kelsey M. Martin-Morales, Riley Lankes, Tobias Heinrich, Catherine R. Goodwin
Abstract There is optimism that the growing number of women in political office will reorient the focus of international politics toward more social and humanitarian issues. One basis for this optimism is the argument that women legislators hold distinct foreign policy preferences and act on them to affect changes in policy. However, we know little about gender differences in the behavior of individual legislators on these issues. This study investigates the behavior of individual legislators of the United States, one of the most important actors in international politics, in the context of development aid. Analyzing a diverse set of legislative behaviors in the U.S. Congress, we find no evidence that women legislators behave any differently than men with regard to these issues. Beyond its contribution to our understanding of the making and future of American foreign policy, this study contributes to broader debates about women’s representation and foreign policy.
{"title":"The Missing Fingerprints: U.S. Women Legislators and International Development Aid","authors":"Katelyn E. Stauffer, Yoshiharu Kobayashi, Kelsey M. Martin-Morales, Riley Lankes, Tobias Heinrich, Catherine R. Goodwin","doi":"10.1017/S1743923X22000290","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/S1743923X22000290","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract There is optimism that the growing number of women in political office will reorient the focus of international politics toward more social and humanitarian issues. One basis for this optimism is the argument that women legislators hold distinct foreign policy preferences and act on them to affect changes in policy. However, we know little about gender differences in the behavior of individual legislators on these issues. This study investigates the behavior of individual legislators of the United States, one of the most important actors in international politics, in the context of development aid. Analyzing a diverse set of legislative behaviors in the U.S. Congress, we find no evidence that women legislators behave any differently than men with regard to these issues. Beyond its contribution to our understanding of the making and future of American foreign policy, this study contributes to broader debates about women’s representation and foreign policy.","PeriodicalId":47464,"journal":{"name":"Politics & Gender","volume":"19 1","pages":"585 - 610"},"PeriodicalIF":3.4,"publicationDate":"2022-09-23","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42170054","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-08-30DOI: 10.1017/S1743923X22000253
Alexis Henshaw
Abstract Decentralized finance, including cryptocurrency and other blockchain-based applications, promises participants benefits such as financial freedom, security, privacy, and wealth accumulation. More recently, it has also offered the promise of participation, lowering financial barriers, and empowerment—especially to women, the poor, and those residing in the Global South. I argue that the rise of decentralized finance as an alternative development platform is explicitly gendered and calls for feminist analysis. I discuss how cryptocurrency-based approaches to development rest on foundations that are gendered, interacting with hierarchies of race/ethnicity and class. I also explore how they are part of a lineage of neoliberalism, leveraging neoliberal beliefs about entrepreneurialism, financial inclusion, and gender roles. The discussion further introduces the concept of neolibertarianism as an extension of neoliberal logics that advocates for bypassing states entirely in favor of private actors. The current analysis compares this new model of decentralized finance to similarly problematic development trends and assesses how it has—as of yet—failed to deliver on the promises of participation, lowering financial barriers, and empowerment. This analysis concludes with a call to action for feminist and critical scholars, encouraging further work on the topic.
{"title":"“Women, Consider Crypto”: Gender in the Virtual Economy of Decentralized Finance","authors":"Alexis Henshaw","doi":"10.1017/S1743923X22000253","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/S1743923X22000253","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Decentralized finance, including cryptocurrency and other blockchain-based applications, promises participants benefits such as financial freedom, security, privacy, and wealth accumulation. More recently, it has also offered the promise of participation, lowering financial barriers, and empowerment—especially to women, the poor, and those residing in the Global South. I argue that the rise of decentralized finance as an alternative development platform is explicitly gendered and calls for feminist analysis. I discuss how cryptocurrency-based approaches to development rest on foundations that are gendered, interacting with hierarchies of race/ethnicity and class. I also explore how they are part of a lineage of neoliberalism, leveraging neoliberal beliefs about entrepreneurialism, financial inclusion, and gender roles. The discussion further introduces the concept of neolibertarianism as an extension of neoliberal logics that advocates for bypassing states entirely in favor of private actors. The current analysis compares this new model of decentralized finance to similarly problematic development trends and assesses how it has—as of yet—failed to deliver on the promises of participation, lowering financial barriers, and empowerment. This analysis concludes with a call to action for feminist and critical scholars, encouraging further work on the topic.","PeriodicalId":47464,"journal":{"name":"Politics & Gender","volume":"19 1","pages":"560 - 584"},"PeriodicalIF":3.4,"publicationDate":"2022-08-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41579484","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-08-19DOI: 10.1017/S1743923X22000204
C. Slaughter
What constraints are placed on Blackwomenpoliticians’ physical presentation in the United States, and how do Black women candidates navigate choices around their appearance? In Sister Style, Nadia E. Brown and Danielle Casarez Lemi address these questions, examining how Black women political elites make fashion, hairstyle, and beauty decisions with respect to their roles as aspiring representatives and current elected officials. The authors bring forth considerable evidence supporting their hypotheses that Black women’s appearance has political implications and that “dominant, Eurocentric, beauty standards influence the electoral chances of Black women in varied and distinct ways” (16). The book evaluates interpretive, qualitative, and quantitative evidence of how Black women voters and elites modify their appearance to be recognized in politics. This book is a must-read for scholars of gender and politics and offers a serious, well-executed, intersectional analysis of the body politics of Black women. First, Brown and Lemi use the implementation of New Jersey’s Create a Respectful and Open Workplace for Natural Hair (CROWN) Act (2019), which protects individuals against hair-based discrimination, as a case study of how and why hair texture and styling as a reflection of racial, gendered, and class identities is a novel form of discrimination that state legislatures have recently addressed. The increase in the number of Black women legislators allows for the introduction of such topics, which otherwise would be invisible for nonracialized representatives. Here, the authors point to the importance of lived experiences of Black women in influencing how they represent their communities both descriptively and substantively (19). Next, Brown and Lemi analyze in-depth interviews with Black women political elites at various levels of political office to demonstrate how these women are both agentic and constrained in their hair styling and hair texture choices.
{"title":"Sister Style: The Politics of Appearance for Black Women Political Elites. By Nadia E. Brown and Danielle Casarez Lemi. New York: Oxford University Press, 2021. 234 pp. $99.00 (cloth), $27.95 (paper). https://doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197540572.001.0001.","authors":"C. Slaughter","doi":"10.1017/S1743923X22000204","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/S1743923X22000204","url":null,"abstract":"What constraints are placed on Blackwomenpoliticians’ physical presentation in the United States, and how do Black women candidates navigate choices around their appearance? In Sister Style, Nadia E. Brown and Danielle Casarez Lemi address these questions, examining how Black women political elites make fashion, hairstyle, and beauty decisions with respect to their roles as aspiring representatives and current elected officials. The authors bring forth considerable evidence supporting their hypotheses that Black women’s appearance has political implications and that “dominant, Eurocentric, beauty standards influence the electoral chances of Black women in varied and distinct ways” (16). The book evaluates interpretive, qualitative, and quantitative evidence of how Black women voters and elites modify their appearance to be recognized in politics. This book is a must-read for scholars of gender and politics and offers a serious, well-executed, intersectional analysis of the body politics of Black women. First, Brown and Lemi use the implementation of New Jersey’s Create a Respectful and Open Workplace for Natural Hair (CROWN) Act (2019), which protects individuals against hair-based discrimination, as a case study of how and why hair texture and styling as a reflection of racial, gendered, and class identities is a novel form of discrimination that state legislatures have recently addressed. The increase in the number of Black women legislators allows for the introduction of such topics, which otherwise would be invisible for nonracialized representatives. Here, the authors point to the importance of lived experiences of Black women in influencing how they represent their communities both descriptively and substantively (19). Next, Brown and Lemi analyze in-depth interviews with Black women political elites at various levels of political office to demonstrate how these women are both agentic and constrained in their hair styling and hair texture choices.","PeriodicalId":47464,"journal":{"name":"Politics & Gender","volume":"19 1","pages":"642 - 644"},"PeriodicalIF":3.4,"publicationDate":"2022-08-19","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44330935","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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