Pub Date : 2023-01-12DOI: 10.1017/S1743923X22000381
Catherine Reyes-Housholder, Julieta Suárez-Cao, Carmen Le Foulon
Citizen protests are common political phenomena, ranging in size, kind, and impact. This essay focuses on a unique kind of citizen protest that reaches a crisis threshold: massive uprisings accompanied by violence and system-level critiques, expressed in phrases such as “It is not 30 cents, it is 30 years,” used by protesters in Chile in 2019–20. Crises meeting this definition have occurred in countries as diverse as Iceland in 2009, Hong Kong in 2019, Chile, and Colombia in 2019–21. In contrast with economic crises (Strolovitch 2013), protesters—not necessarily elites—perform the discursive work of (re)interpreting material and political conditions. Protesters’ framing of their grievances may overwhelm elite attempts to reinterpret these crises for their benefit. We argue that protest-driven crises can alter gendered opportunity structures, but outcomes are likely multifaceted and potentially contradictory.
{"title":"Unpacking the Gendered Consequences of Protest-Driven Crises","authors":"Catherine Reyes-Housholder, Julieta Suárez-Cao, Carmen Le Foulon","doi":"10.1017/S1743923X22000381","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/S1743923X22000381","url":null,"abstract":"Citizen protests are common political phenomena, ranging in size, kind, and impact. This essay focuses on a unique kind of citizen protest that reaches a crisis threshold: massive uprisings accompanied by violence and system-level critiques, expressed in phrases such as “It is not 30 cents, it is 30 years,” used by protesters in Chile in 2019–20. Crises meeting this definition have occurred in countries as diverse as Iceland in 2009, Hong Kong in 2019, Chile, and Colombia in 2019–21. In contrast with economic crises (Strolovitch 2013), protesters—not necessarily elites—perform the discursive work of (re)interpreting material and political conditions. Protesters’ framing of their grievances may overwhelm elite attempts to reinterpret these crises for their benefit. We argue that protest-driven crises can alter gendered opportunity structures, but outcomes are likely multifaceted and potentially contradictory.","PeriodicalId":47464,"journal":{"name":"Politics & Gender","volume":"19 1","pages":"915 - 921"},"PeriodicalIF":3.4,"publicationDate":"2023-01-12","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44109816","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-09DOI: 10.1017/S1743923X2200023X
Laura Brisbane, Whitney Hua, T. Jamieson
Abstract Moral rhetoric presents a strategic dilemma for female politicians, who must navigate stereotypes while appealing to copartisan voters. In this article, we investigate how gender shapes elite moral rhetoric given the influence of partisanship, ideology, gender stereotypes, and moral psychology. Drawing on moral foundations theory, we examine how female and male representatives differ in their emphasis on the five foundations of care, fairness, authority, loyalty, and purity. Using the Moral Foundations Dictionary, we analyze a corpus of 2.23 million tweets by U.S. Congress members between 2013 and 2021. We find that female representatives are more likely to emphasize care and less likely to emphasize authority and loyalty than their male peers. However, when subsetting by party, we find that gender effects are most pronounced among Democrats and largely negligible among Republicans. These findings offer insight into the rhetorical dynamics of political leadership at the intersection of gender and partisan identities.
{"title":"Morality and the Glass Ceiling: How Elite Rhetoric Reflects Gendered Strategies and Perspectives","authors":"Laura Brisbane, Whitney Hua, T. Jamieson","doi":"10.1017/S1743923X2200023X","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/S1743923X2200023X","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Moral rhetoric presents a strategic dilemma for female politicians, who must navigate stereotypes while appealing to copartisan voters. In this article, we investigate how gender shapes elite moral rhetoric given the influence of partisanship, ideology, gender stereotypes, and moral psychology. Drawing on moral foundations theory, we examine how female and male representatives differ in their emphasis on the five foundations of care, fairness, authority, loyalty, and purity. Using the Moral Foundations Dictionary, we analyze a corpus of 2.23 million tweets by U.S. Congress members between 2013 and 2021. We find that female representatives are more likely to emphasize care and less likely to emphasize authority and loyalty than their male peers. However, when subsetting by party, we find that gender effects are most pronounced among Democrats and largely negligible among Republicans. These findings offer insight into the rhetorical dynamics of political leadership at the intersection of gender and partisan identities.","PeriodicalId":47464,"journal":{"name":"Politics & Gender","volume":"19 1","pages":"806 - 840"},"PeriodicalIF":3.4,"publicationDate":"2023-01-09","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48105264","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-12-20DOI: 10.1017/S1743923X22000538
Young-Im Lee
Abstract What is the impact on symbolic representation of female leaders who are seen as failures? Do women from political dynasties elicit symbolic representation? I answer these questions by analyzing how Park Geun-hye’s election as the first woman president of South Korea and her subsequent impeachment shaped voters’ perceptions of women’s potential and contribution as political leaders. Utilizing an original survey and focus groups, I argue that South Korean voters overall did not recognize Park’s election as the country’s first female president as a symbol of women’s political empowerment because of her dynastic background and her failure to promote women-friendly policies. Although she received credit for being the historic first, women across the political spectrum were concerned that the epic failure of the first female president would reinforce voters’ reluctance to vote for women. This study emphasizes the importance of adopting an intersectional approach in studying symbolic representation.
{"title":"A Trailblazer or a Barrier? Dynastic Politics and Symbolic Representation of the First Female President of South Korea, Park Geun-hye","authors":"Young-Im Lee","doi":"10.1017/S1743923X22000538","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/S1743923X22000538","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract What is the impact on symbolic representation of female leaders who are seen as failures? Do women from political dynasties elicit symbolic representation? I answer these questions by analyzing how Park Geun-hye’s election as the first woman president of South Korea and her subsequent impeachment shaped voters’ perceptions of women’s potential and contribution as political leaders. Utilizing an original survey and focus groups, I argue that South Korean voters overall did not recognize Park’s election as the country’s first female president as a symbol of women’s political empowerment because of her dynastic background and her failure to promote women-friendly policies. Although she received credit for being the historic first, women across the political spectrum were concerned that the epic failure of the first female president would reinforce voters’ reluctance to vote for women. This study emphasizes the importance of adopting an intersectional approach in studying symbolic representation.","PeriodicalId":47464,"journal":{"name":"Politics & Gender","volume":"19 1","pages":"756 - 780"},"PeriodicalIF":3.4,"publicationDate":"2022-12-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48866001","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-12-20DOI: 10.1017/S1743923X22000617
M. Miura, K. McElwain, Tomoki Kaneko
Abstract Electoral gender quotas remain contentious among many publics. One hurdle is the “principle-policy puzzle”: those who espouse gender egalitarianism may nevertheless oppose affirmative action measures because of disagreements about their necessity and worries about government overreach. Based on an original survey in Japan, where women’s underrepresentation is particularly pronounced, we identify two dimensions that drive attitudes toward quotas. First, modern sexism matters: those who attribute underrepresentation to women’s disinterest or who think that quotas will increase the number of unqualified women candidates are less likely to support quotas. Second, appropriateness matters: those who oppose government intervention in gender affairs are less likely to support quotas. Crucially, these differences hold even among those who desire more women in parliament. Our results suggest that public acceptance of quotas depends more on correcting misperceptions about structural gender barriers and the benign consequences of quotas (“policy”), rather than encouraging people to prefer more women in parliament (“principle”).
{"title":"Explaining Public Support for Gender Quotas: Sexism, Representational Quality, and State Intervention in Japan","authors":"M. Miura, K. McElwain, Tomoki Kaneko","doi":"10.1017/S1743923X22000617","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/S1743923X22000617","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Electoral gender quotas remain contentious among many publics. One hurdle is the “principle-policy puzzle”: those who espouse gender egalitarianism may nevertheless oppose affirmative action measures because of disagreements about their necessity and worries about government overreach. Based on an original survey in Japan, where women’s underrepresentation is particularly pronounced, we identify two dimensions that drive attitudes toward quotas. First, modern sexism matters: those who attribute underrepresentation to women’s disinterest or who think that quotas will increase the number of unqualified women candidates are less likely to support quotas. Second, appropriateness matters: those who oppose government intervention in gender affairs are less likely to support quotas. Crucially, these differences hold even among those who desire more women in parliament. Our results suggest that public acceptance of quotas depends more on correcting misperceptions about structural gender barriers and the benign consequences of quotas (“policy”), rather than encouraging people to prefer more women in parliament (“principle”).","PeriodicalId":47464,"journal":{"name":"Politics & Gender","volume":"19 1","pages":"781 - 805"},"PeriodicalIF":3.4,"publicationDate":"2022-12-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44732409","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-12-12DOI: 10.1017/s1743923x22000344
S. Shames
The year 2022 has brought a series of political surprises, and thankfully it has also brought us Catherine N. Wineinger’s Gendering the GOP: Intraparty Politics and Republican Women’s Representation in Congress to help us understand the world better. The particular world thatWineinger describes and analyzes is Republican women in Congress, and she does so brilliantly. Her central questions build on, and go beyond, foundational themes of the women and politics subfield. Gender gaps in ambition or participation and the legislative impact that women make are part of her story, but the main question brings us into the realm of partisan-gender intersectionality. AsWineinger puts it, the book “examine[s] the evolution of gender dynamics within the House GOP and how women navigate those dynamics,” allowing her to “unveil the process through which women’s representation occurs in a polarized congressional environment” (2; italics in original). Increasing and asymmetric party polarization has had a differential impact on Republican women, who are overall less conservative than their male counterparts; the hard-right tilt of the party in recent years has therefore put GOP women in, scientifically speaking, a real pickle. Those who resist the extremist policies and cult of charisma in the party suffer the fate of Liz Cheney (effective expulsion through internal processes like party primaries), but it is increasingly difficult to claim to represent “women’s perspective” or “women’s issues” in a party so anti-feminist. Republican women House members, Wineinger tells us, are carving out new ways to represent women, not (as before) with a focus on policy issues but in “using their gendered perspectives to advance conservative issues that align with their party’s communication tactics” (3). This has involved key changes in both rhetoric and practice for these women, necessitating the construction of a “partisan-gender identity,” with the order of
{"title":"Gendering the GOP: Intraparty Politics and Republican Women’s Representation in Congress. By Catherine N. Wineinger. New York: Oxford University Press, 2022. $99.00 (cloth), $27.95 (paper). https://doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197556542.001.0001.","authors":"S. Shames","doi":"10.1017/s1743923x22000344","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/s1743923x22000344","url":null,"abstract":"The year 2022 has brought a series of political surprises, and thankfully it has also brought us Catherine N. Wineinger’s Gendering the GOP: Intraparty Politics and Republican Women’s Representation in Congress to help us understand the world better. The particular world thatWineinger describes and analyzes is Republican women in Congress, and she does so brilliantly. Her central questions build on, and go beyond, foundational themes of the women and politics subfield. Gender gaps in ambition or participation and the legislative impact that women make are part of her story, but the main question brings us into the realm of partisan-gender intersectionality. AsWineinger puts it, the book “examine[s] the evolution of gender dynamics within the House GOP and how women navigate those dynamics,” allowing her to “unveil the process through which women’s representation occurs in a polarized congressional environment” (2; italics in original). Increasing and asymmetric party polarization has had a differential impact on Republican women, who are overall less conservative than their male counterparts; the hard-right tilt of the party in recent years has therefore put GOP women in, scientifically speaking, a real pickle. Those who resist the extremist policies and cult of charisma in the party suffer the fate of Liz Cheney (effective expulsion through internal processes like party primaries), but it is increasingly difficult to claim to represent “women’s perspective” or “women’s issues” in a party so anti-feminist. Republican women House members, Wineinger tells us, are carving out new ways to represent women, not (as before) with a focus on policy issues but in “using their gendered perspectives to advance conservative issues that align with their party’s communication tactics” (3). This has involved key changes in both rhetoric and practice for these women, necessitating the construction of a “partisan-gender identity,” with the order of","PeriodicalId":47464,"journal":{"name":"Politics & Gender","volume":"19 1","pages":"962 - 963"},"PeriodicalIF":3.4,"publicationDate":"2022-12-12","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49647225","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-12-06DOI: 10.1017/S1743923X22000642
Nancy B. Arrington
{"title":"Reimagining the Judiciary: Women’s Representation on High Courts Worldwide. By Maria C. Escobar-Lemmon, Valerie J. Hoekstra, Alice J. Kang, and Miki Caul Kittilson. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2021. 224 pp. $85.00 (cloth). ISBN: 9780198861577.","authors":"Nancy B. Arrington","doi":"10.1017/S1743923X22000642","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/S1743923X22000642","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":47464,"journal":{"name":"Politics & Gender","volume":"19 1","pages":"651 - 652"},"PeriodicalIF":3.4,"publicationDate":"2022-12-06","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44056456","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-11-08DOI: 10.1017/S1743923X22000526
Julieta Suárez-Cao
On October 18, 2019, a social uprising in Chile took many national and foreign analysts by surprise. Protests, demonstrations, arson, looting, and rioting occurred in the streets of major cities across the country, sparked by a modest rise in subway fares and a police crackdown on high school students hopping over turnstiles. Demonstrators’ violence and police abuse, intertwined with large-scale peaceful rallies, exposed structural conditions of social and economic inequality and a profound crisis of political representation. The demonstrators’ motto, “Until Dignity Becomes a Habit!,” brought together the demands of several groups of protesters (Suárez-Cao 2021). Their many demands exposed the limitations of dictator Augusto Pinochet’s constitution as an “institutional straitjacket” that had blocked many widely urged reforms (Piscopo and Siavelis 2021). The idea that a new constitution could set a path to rewriting the broken social pact, at the same time that it could advance the addressing of social grievances, gained strength amid disoriented elites. Late at night onNovember 15, 2019, party leaders from the left and the right signed an agreement to organize a referendum in which voters would decide on whether the constitution should be changed and, if so, what the replacement mechanism should be.
2019年10月18日,智利发生了一场社会起义,令许多国内外分析人士感到意外。由于地铁票价的小幅上涨和警察对高中生跳十字转门的镇压,全国主要城市的街道上发生了抗议、示威、纵火、抢劫和骚乱。示威者的暴力和警察的虐待,与大规模的和平集会交织在一起,暴露了社会和经济不平等的结构性条件以及深刻的政治代表性危机。示威者的口号是“直到尊严成为一种习惯!”,汇集了几组抗议者的要求(Suárez-Cao 2021)。他们的许多要求暴露了独裁者奥古斯托·皮诺切特(Augusto Pinochet)的宪法作为“制度约束”的局限性,它阻碍了许多广泛敦促的改革(Piscopo and Siavelis 2021)。新宪法可以开辟一条道路,重写被打破的社会契约,同时可以推动解决社会不满,这种想法在迷失方向的精英中得到了支持。2019年11月15日深夜,左翼和右翼政党领导人签署了一项协议,组织全民公投,由选民决定是否修改宪法,以及如果修改宪法,应该采用何种替代机制。
{"title":"Blessing in Disguise? How the Gendered Division of Labor in Political Science Helped Achieved Gender Parity in the Chilean Constitutional Assembly","authors":"Julieta Suárez-Cao","doi":"10.1017/S1743923X22000526","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/S1743923X22000526","url":null,"abstract":"On October 18, 2019, a social uprising in Chile took many national and foreign analysts by surprise. Protests, demonstrations, arson, looting, and rioting occurred in the streets of major cities across the country, sparked by a modest rise in subway fares and a police crackdown on high school students hopping over turnstiles. Demonstrators’ violence and police abuse, intertwined with large-scale peaceful rallies, exposed structural conditions of social and economic inequality and a profound crisis of political representation. The demonstrators’ motto, “Until Dignity Becomes a Habit!,” brought together the demands of several groups of protesters (Suárez-Cao 2021). Their many demands exposed the limitations of dictator Augusto Pinochet’s constitution as an “institutional straitjacket” that had blocked many widely urged reforms (Piscopo and Siavelis 2021). The idea that a new constitution could set a path to rewriting the broken social pact, at the same time that it could advance the addressing of social grievances, gained strength amid disoriented elites. Late at night onNovember 15, 2019, party leaders from the left and the right signed an agreement to organize a referendum in which voters would decide on whether the constitution should be changed and, if so, what the replacement mechanism should be.","PeriodicalId":47464,"journal":{"name":"Politics & Gender","volume":"19 1","pages":"302 - 307"},"PeriodicalIF":3.4,"publicationDate":"2022-11-08","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41820125","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-10-24DOI: 10.1017/S1743923X22000307
Nermin Allam
Abstract Using the case of women’s unveiling during the 2011 Egyptian uprising, I investigate how momentous political events have transformative impacts beyond the overtly “political” sphere of policies and institutions. I trace the choice to unveil among some women protesters to their involvement in collective action and show the different mechanisms that led to their decision. Specifically, I identify three pathways to unveiling: shifts in political opportunities, innovations in the repertoires of contention and the framing of unveiling, and exposure to new mobilizing structures and networks. The data for this project build upon original field research and interview data with women who removed their hijab during the 2011 Egyptian uprising. The article adds to the literature on gender and contentious politics by demonstrating the gendered effects of political opportunity structures on women’s choices around veiling.
{"title":"Women’s Unveiling in the 2011 Egyptian Uprising: Political Opportunities and Modesty Politics","authors":"Nermin Allam","doi":"10.1017/S1743923X22000307","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/S1743923X22000307","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Using the case of women’s unveiling during the 2011 Egyptian uprising, I investigate how momentous political events have transformative impacts beyond the overtly “political” sphere of policies and institutions. I trace the choice to unveil among some women protesters to their involvement in collective action and show the different mechanisms that led to their decision. Specifically, I identify three pathways to unveiling: shifts in political opportunities, innovations in the repertoires of contention and the framing of unveiling, and exposure to new mobilizing structures and networks. The data for this project build upon original field research and interview data with women who removed their hijab during the 2011 Egyptian uprising. The article adds to the literature on gender and contentious politics by demonstrating the gendered effects of political opportunity structures on women’s choices around veiling.","PeriodicalId":47464,"journal":{"name":"Politics & Gender","volume":"19 1","pages":"734 - 755"},"PeriodicalIF":3.4,"publicationDate":"2022-10-24","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41470852","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}