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Unpacking the Gendered Consequences of Protest-Driven Crises 解读抗议驱动危机的性别后果
IF 3.4 2区 社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-01-12 DOI: 10.1017/S1743923X22000381
Catherine Reyes-Housholder, Julieta Suárez-Cao, Carmen Le Foulon
Citizen protests are common political phenomena, ranging in size, kind, and impact. This essay focuses on a unique kind of citizen protest that reaches a crisis threshold: massive uprisings accompanied by violence and system-level critiques, expressed in phrases such as “It is not 30 cents, it is 30 years,” used by protesters in Chile in 2019–20. Crises meeting this definition have occurred in countries as diverse as Iceland in 2009, Hong Kong in 2019, Chile, and Colombia in 2019–21. In contrast with economic crises (Strolovitch 2013), protesters—not necessarily elites—perform the discursive work of (re)interpreting material and political conditions. Protesters’ framing of their grievances may overwhelm elite attempts to reinterpret these crises for their benefit. We argue that protest-driven crises can alter gendered opportunity structures, but outcomes are likely multifaceted and potentially contradictory.
公民抗议是常见的政治现象,其规模、种类和影响各不相同。这篇文章聚焦于一种达到危机阈值的独特公民抗议:伴随着暴力和系统层面的批评的大规模起义,用智利抗议者在2019-20年使用的“这不是30美分,这是30年”等短语表达。2009年冰岛、2019年香港、智利和2019-21年哥伦比亚等不同国家都发生了符合这一定义的危机。与经济危机(Strolovitch 2013)形成对比的是,抗议者——不一定是精英——进行(重新)解释物质和政治条件的散漫工作。抗议者对自己不满的表述可能会压倒精英们为自己的利益重新解释这些危机的努力。我们认为,抗议驱动的危机可以改变性别机会结构,但结果可能是多方面的,而且可能是矛盾的。
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引用次数: 0
Morality and the Glass Ceiling: How Elite Rhetoric Reflects Gendered Strategies and Perspectives 道德与玻璃天花板:精英修辞如何反映性别策略和视角
IF 3.4 2区 社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-01-09 DOI: 10.1017/S1743923X2200023X
Laura Brisbane, Whitney Hua, T. Jamieson
Abstract Moral rhetoric presents a strategic dilemma for female politicians, who must navigate stereotypes while appealing to copartisan voters. In this article, we investigate how gender shapes elite moral rhetoric given the influence of partisanship, ideology, gender stereotypes, and moral psychology. Drawing on moral foundations theory, we examine how female and male representatives differ in their emphasis on the five foundations of care, fairness, authority, loyalty, and purity. Using the Moral Foundations Dictionary, we analyze a corpus of 2.23 million tweets by U.S. Congress members between 2013 and 2021. We find that female representatives are more likely to emphasize care and less likely to emphasize authority and loyalty than their male peers. However, when subsetting by party, we find that gender effects are most pronounced among Democrats and largely negligible among Republicans. These findings offer insight into the rhetorical dynamics of political leadership at the intersection of gender and partisan identities.
摘要道德修辞给女性政治家带来了一个战略困境,她们必须在吸引两党选民的同时克服刻板印象。在这篇文章中,我们研究了在党派、意识形态、性别刻板印象和道德心理学的影响下,性别如何塑造精英道德修辞。基于道德基础理论,我们考察了女性和男性代表在关注、公平、权威、忠诚和纯洁这五个基础方面的不同。使用《道德基础词典》,我们分析了2013年至2021年间美国国会议员的223万条推文。我们发现,与男性同行相比,女性代表更有可能强调关怀,而不太可能强调权威和忠诚。然而,当按党派划分时,我们发现性别影响在民主党人中最为明显,在共和党人中基本上可以忽略不计。这些发现深入了解了性别和党派身份交叉点上政治领导力的修辞动态。
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引用次数: 1
A Trailblazer or a Barrier? Dynastic Politics and Symbolic Representation of the First Female President of South Korea, Park Geun-hye 开拓者还是障碍?韩国第一位女总统朴槿惠的王朝政治与象征性表现
IF 3.4 2区 社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2022-12-20 DOI: 10.1017/S1743923X22000538
Young-Im Lee
Abstract What is the impact on symbolic representation of female leaders who are seen as failures? Do women from political dynasties elicit symbolic representation? I answer these questions by analyzing how Park Geun-hye’s election as the first woman president of South Korea and her subsequent impeachment shaped voters’ perceptions of women’s potential and contribution as political leaders. Utilizing an original survey and focus groups, I argue that South Korean voters overall did not recognize Park’s election as the country’s first female president as a symbol of women’s political empowerment because of her dynastic background and her failure to promote women-friendly policies. Although she received credit for being the historic first, women across the political spectrum were concerned that the epic failure of the first female president would reinforce voters’ reluctance to vote for women. This study emphasizes the importance of adopting an intersectional approach in studying symbolic representation.
摘要对被视为失败的女性领导人的象征性表现有什么影响?来自政治王朝的女性是否具有象征意义?我通过分析朴槿惠当选韩国首位女总统及其随后的弹劾如何影响选民对女性作为政治领袖的潜力和贡献的看法来回答这些问题。利用一项原始调查和焦点小组,我认为,韩国选民总体上不认为朴当选为该国首位女总统是女性政治赋权的象征,因为她的王朝背景和她未能推行对女性友好的政策。尽管她因历史性的第一位而受到赞誉,但各政治派别的女性都担心,第一位女总统的巨大失败会加剧选民不愿投票给女性的情绪。本研究强调了在符号表征研究中采用交叉方法的重要性。
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引用次数: 1
Explaining Public Support for Gender Quotas: Sexism, Representational Quality, and State Intervention in Japan 解释公众对性别配额的支持:日本的性别歧视、代表性质量和国家干预
IF 3.4 2区 社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2022-12-20 DOI: 10.1017/S1743923X22000617
M. Miura, K. McElwain, Tomoki Kaneko
Abstract Electoral gender quotas remain contentious among many publics. One hurdle is the “principle-policy puzzle”: those who espouse gender egalitarianism may nevertheless oppose affirmative action measures because of disagreements about their necessity and worries about government overreach. Based on an original survey in Japan, where women’s underrepresentation is particularly pronounced, we identify two dimensions that drive attitudes toward quotas. First, modern sexism matters: those who attribute underrepresentation to women’s disinterest or who think that quotas will increase the number of unqualified women candidates are less likely to support quotas. Second, appropriateness matters: those who oppose government intervention in gender affairs are less likely to support quotas. Crucially, these differences hold even among those who desire more women in parliament. Our results suggest that public acceptance of quotas depends more on correcting misperceptions about structural gender barriers and the benign consequences of quotas (“policy”), rather than encouraging people to prefer more women in parliament (“principle”).
摘要选举中的性别配额在许多公众中仍然存在争议。一个障碍是“原则政策难题”:尽管如此,那些支持性别平等主义的人可能会反对平权行动措施,因为他们对这些措施的必要性存在分歧,并担心政府的过度扩张。根据在日本进行的一项原始调查,我们确定了推动对配额态度的两个方面,在日本,女性代表性不足尤为明显。首先,现代性别歧视很重要:那些将代表性不足归因于女性不感兴趣,或者认为配额会增加不合格女性候选人的数量的人,不太可能支持配额。其次,适当性很重要:那些反对政府干预性别事务的人不太可能支持配额。至关重要的是,这些差异甚至在那些希望更多女性进入议会的人中也存在。我们的研究结果表明,公众对配额的接受更多地取决于纠正对结构性性别障碍和配额的良性后果的误解(“政策”),而不是鼓励人们在议会中更喜欢女性(“原则”)。
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引用次数: 1
Gendering the GOP: Intraparty Politics and Republican Women’s Representation in Congress. By Catherine N. Wineinger. New York: Oxford University Press, 2022. $99.00 (cloth), $27.95 (paper). https://doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197556542.001.0001. 对共和党进行分类:党内政治和共和党妇女在国会的代表权。作者:凯瑟琳·N·怀宁格。纽约:牛津大学出版社,2022年$99.00(布),27.95美元(纸)。https://doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197556542.001.0001.
IF 3.4 2区 社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2022-12-12 DOI: 10.1017/s1743923x22000344
S. Shames
The year 2022 has brought a series of political surprises, and thankfully it has also brought us Catherine N. Wineinger’s Gendering the GOP: Intraparty Politics and Republican Women’s Representation in Congress to help us understand the world better. The particular world thatWineinger describes and analyzes is Republican women in Congress, and she does so brilliantly. Her central questions build on, and go beyond, foundational themes of the women and politics subfield. Gender gaps in ambition or participation and the legislative impact that women make are part of her story, but the main question brings us into the realm of partisan-gender intersectionality. AsWineinger puts it, the book “examine[s] the evolution of gender dynamics within the House GOP and how women navigate those dynamics,” allowing her to “unveil the process through which women’s representation occurs in a polarized congressional environment” (2; italics in original). Increasing and asymmetric party polarization has had a differential impact on Republican women, who are overall less conservative than their male counterparts; the hard-right tilt of the party in recent years has therefore put GOP women in, scientifically speaking, a real pickle. Those who resist the extremist policies and cult of charisma in the party suffer the fate of Liz Cheney (effective expulsion through internal processes like party primaries), but it is increasingly difficult to claim to represent “women’s perspective” or “women’s issues” in a party so anti-feminist. Republican women House members, Wineinger tells us, are carving out new ways to represent women, not (as before) with a focus on policy issues but in “using their gendered perspectives to advance conservative issues that align with their party’s communication tactics” (3). This has involved key changes in both rhetoric and practice for these women, necessitating the construction of a “partisan-gender identity,” with the order of
2022年带来了一系列政治惊喜,值得庆幸的是,它还为我们带来了凯瑟琳·N·怀宁格的《共和党的分类:党内政治和国会中的共和党妇女代表权》,帮助我们更好地了解世界。Wininger描述和分析的特殊世界是国会中的共和党女性,她做得非常出色。她的核心问题建立在并超越了妇女和政治子领域的基本主题之上。抱负或参与方面的性别差距以及女性所产生的立法影响是她的故事的一部分,但主要问题将我们带入了党派性别交叉的领域。正如Wininger所说,这本书“研究了众议院共和党内部性别动态的演变,以及女性如何驾驭这些动态”,使她能够“揭示在两极分化的国会环境中女性代表权的过程”(2;原文斜体)。党派两极分化的加剧和不对称对共和党女性产生了不同的影响,她们总体上不如男性保守;因此,从科学角度讲,近年来该党的极右翼倾向使共和党女性陷入了真正的困境。那些抵制党内极端主义政策和个人魅力崇拜的人将遭受利兹·切尼的命运(通过党内初选等内部程序有效驱逐),但在一个如此反女权主义的政党中,越来越难以声称代表“女性观点”或“女性问题”。Wineinger告诉我们,众议院的共和党女性议员正在寻找新的方式来代表女性,而不是像以前那样专注于政策问题,而是“利用她们的性别观点来推动保守派问题,使其与本党的沟通策略相一致”(3)。这涉及到这些女性在言论和实践上的关键变化,需要构建“党派性别认同”
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引用次数: 1
Reimagining the Judiciary: Women’s Representation on High Courts Worldwide. By Maria C. Escobar-Lemmon, Valerie J. Hoekstra, Alice J. Kang, and Miki Caul Kittilson. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2021. 224 pp. $85.00 (cloth). ISBN: 9780198861577.
IF 3.4 2区 社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2022-12-06 DOI: 10.1017/S1743923X22000642
Nancy B. Arrington
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引用次数: 0
PAG volume 18 issue 4 Cover and Front matter PAG第18卷第4期封面和封面问题
IF 3.4 2区 社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2022-12-01 DOI: 10.1017/s1743923x22000745
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引用次数: 0
PAG volume 18 issue 4 Cover and Back matter PAG第18卷第4期封面和封底
IF 3.4 2区 社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2022-12-01 DOI: 10.1017/s1743923x22000757
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引用次数: 0
Blessing in Disguise? How the Gendered Division of Labor in Political Science Helped Achieved Gender Parity in the Chilean Constitutional Assembly 因祸得福?政治学中的性别分工如何帮助智利制宪会议实现性别平等
IF 3.4 2区 社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2022-11-08 DOI: 10.1017/S1743923X22000526
Julieta Suárez-Cao
On October 18, 2019, a social uprising in Chile took many national and foreign analysts by surprise. Protests, demonstrations, arson, looting, and rioting occurred in the streets of major cities across the country, sparked by a modest rise in subway fares and a police crackdown on high school students hopping over turnstiles. Demonstrators’ violence and police abuse, intertwined with large-scale peaceful rallies, exposed structural conditions of social and economic inequality and a profound crisis of political representation. The demonstrators’ motto, “Until Dignity Becomes a Habit!,” brought together the demands of several groups of protesters (Suárez-Cao 2021). Their many demands exposed the limitations of dictator Augusto Pinochet’s constitution as an “institutional straitjacket” that had blocked many widely urged reforms (Piscopo and Siavelis 2021). The idea that a new constitution could set a path to rewriting the broken social pact, at the same time that it could advance the addressing of social grievances, gained strength amid disoriented elites. Late at night onNovember 15, 2019, party leaders from the left and the right signed an agreement to organize a referendum in which voters would decide on whether the constitution should be changed and, if so, what the replacement mechanism should be.
2019年10月18日,智利发生了一场社会起义,令许多国内外分析人士感到意外。由于地铁票价的小幅上涨和警察对高中生跳十字转门的镇压,全国主要城市的街道上发生了抗议、示威、纵火、抢劫和骚乱。示威者的暴力和警察的虐待,与大规模的和平集会交织在一起,暴露了社会和经济不平等的结构性条件以及深刻的政治代表性危机。示威者的口号是“直到尊严成为一种习惯!”,汇集了几组抗议者的要求(Suárez-Cao 2021)。他们的许多要求暴露了独裁者奥古斯托·皮诺切特(Augusto Pinochet)的宪法作为“制度约束”的局限性,它阻碍了许多广泛敦促的改革(Piscopo and Siavelis 2021)。新宪法可以开辟一条道路,重写被打破的社会契约,同时可以推动解决社会不满,这种想法在迷失方向的精英中得到了支持。2019年11月15日深夜,左翼和右翼政党领导人签署了一项协议,组织全民公投,由选民决定是否修改宪法,以及如果修改宪法,应该采用何种替代机制。
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引用次数: 1
Women’s Unveiling in the 2011 Egyptian Uprising: Political Opportunities and Modesty Politics 2011年埃及起义中的女性揭秘:政治机会与谦逊政治
IF 3.4 2区 社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2022-10-24 DOI: 10.1017/S1743923X22000307
Nermin Allam
Abstract Using the case of women’s unveiling during the 2011 Egyptian uprising, I investigate how momentous political events have transformative impacts beyond the overtly “political” sphere of policies and institutions. I trace the choice to unveil among some women protesters to their involvement in collective action and show the different mechanisms that led to their decision. Specifically, I identify three pathways to unveiling: shifts in political opportunities, innovations in the repertoires of contention and the framing of unveiling, and exposure to new mobilizing structures and networks. The data for this project build upon original field research and interview data with women who removed their hijab during the 2011 Egyptian uprising. The article adds to the literature on gender and contentious politics by demonstrating the gendered effects of political opportunity structures on women’s choices around veiling.
摘要以2011年埃及起义期间妇女揭幕为例,我调查了重大政治事件如何在公开的“政治”政策和机构领域之外产生变革性影响。我将一些女性抗议者的选择追溯到她们参与集体行动,并展示了导致她们做出决定的不同机制。具体而言,我确定了三条揭开面纱的途径:政治机会的转变、争论和揭开面纱框架的创新,以及接触新的动员结构和网络。该项目的数据建立在对2011年埃及起义期间摘下头巾的妇女的原始实地研究和采访数据的基础上。这篇文章通过展示政治机会结构对女性面纱选择的性别影响,为性别和有争议的政治文献增添了内容。
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引用次数: 0
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Politics & Gender
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