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ALL THAT GLITTERS: THE MANY OBJECTS OF ROME'S MUSEUM OF CIVILIZATIONS 所有这些闪闪发光:罗马文明博物馆的许多物品
IF 1.2 2区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2025-06-23 DOI: 10.1111/hith.12395
Arielle Xena Alterwaite

This review article examines the various methodologies practiced by Rome's Museum of Civilizations (Museo delle Civiltà) to discuss the contemporary curatorial approaches of traditional ethnographic museums. It adopts a historical and comparative perspective to situate the diverse collections within ongoing debates about art restitution. In emphasizing the unique work of the curators along with that of contemporary artists, this review article demonstrates how their use of history destabilizes rather than solidifies the permanence of museum collections. An analysis of this dynamic artistic and curatorial work reveals exhibited objects’ multifaceted acquisition histories and, in so doing, presents alternative past value systems to counter the homogenizing and commodifying tendencies of the contemporary art market.

这篇综述文章考察了罗马文明博物馆(Museo delle civilt)实践的各种方法,以讨论传统民族志博物馆的当代策展方法。它采用了历史和比较的观点,将不同的收藏品置于正在进行的关于艺术品归还的辩论中。通过强调策展人和当代艺术家的独特工作,这篇评论文章展示了他们对历史的利用是如何破坏而不是巩固博物馆藏品的持久性的。对这一动态的艺术和策展工作的分析揭示了展出物品的多方面收购历史,并以此为基础,提出了另一种过去的价值体系,以对抗当代艺术市场的同质化和商品化趋势。
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引用次数: 0
FROM ETERNITY TO APOCALYPSE: TIME, NEWS, AND HISTORY BETWEEN THE MUGHAL AND BRITISH EMPIRES, 1556–1785 从永恒到天启:莫卧儿和大英帝国之间的时间、新闻和历史,1556-1785
IF 1.1 2区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2025-04-23 DOI: 10.1111/hith.12381
Abhishek Kaicker

The eighteenth-century origins of colonial orientalism in India spurred not just the translation of Indian texts but the production of interstitial histories, works that were forged in the intellectual culture of the Mughal Empire and created by individuals who explicitly sought to inform and influence their new colonial patrons. Turning to one such interstitial text, Muhammad Bakhsh Ashob's History of the Martyrdom of Farrukh Siyar and the Reign of Muhammad Shah (1782), which was produced at the behest of the East India Company orientalist Captain Jonathan Scott, this article explores the origins of the pervasive misconception that Mughal historical thought had faded to insignificance in the eighteenth century. It examines Ashob's representation of Mughal historiography for Scott in order to propose the existence of three discrete modes of historical writing over the course of the empire, modes that were each marked by a distinct temporal imagination. The article briefly discusses the first two modes—the “millenarian” mode of the late sixteenth century and the “eternal” mode of the seventeenth century—before focusing on the “apocalyptic” mode that became widespread in the early eighteenth century. This article argues that, against the influential and still widespread sense of the decline of historical production in that era, the Mughal bureaucracy (particularly its intelligence infrastructure) spurred the elaboration and efflorescence of historical writing outside the traditional ambit of the imperial court in a period of political turbulence. This article concludes by reflecting on the recasting of the apocalyptic sensibility of late-Mughal historical thought into a vision of imperial decline by men, such as Scott, who were involved in the foundation of British colonial rule in India.

18世纪殖民东方主义在印度的起源,不仅刺激了印度文本的翻译,也刺激了间隙历史的产生,这些作品是在莫卧儿帝国的知识文化中锻造的,由那些明确寻求告知和影响他们的新殖民赞助人的个人创作的。在东印度公司东方学家乔纳森·斯科特船长的授意下,穆罕默德·巴赫什·阿肖布撰写了《法鲁克·西亚尔殉难史和穆罕默德·沙阿统治史》(1782年),本文以这类间隙文本为例,探讨了普遍误解的起源,即莫卧儿历史思想在18世纪已经变得无足轻重。它为斯科特考察了Ashob对莫卧儿历史编纂的描述,以便提出在帝国的进程中存在三种不同的历史写作模式,每种模式都以不同的时间想象为标志。本文简要讨论了前两种模式——16世纪晚期的“千禧年”模式和17世纪的“永恒”模式,然后重点讨论了18世纪早期流行的“启示录”模式。这篇文章认为,在那个时代,历史著作的衰落是有影响力的,而且仍然广泛存在,但在政治动荡时期,莫卧儿官僚机构(尤其是其情报基础设施)刺激了宫廷传统范围之外的历史著作的阐述和繁荣。本文以反思莫卧儿王朝晚期历史思想的末世感观被重新塑造为帝国衰落的愿景为结束,这些人包括斯科特,他们参与了英国在印度殖民统治的建立。
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引用次数: 0
“CIVILIZATION” OR “EMPIRE”? “CHINA” AS A HISTORICAL ENTITY IN CONTESTATION “文明”还是“帝国”?“中国”作为一个历史实体在争论中
IF 1.1 2区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2025-03-25 DOI: 10.1111/hith.12385
Nagatomi Hirayama

Two distinct approaches have shaped the landscape of modern Chinese historical studies. One approach is the civilization-to-nation thesis, which examines modern China's difficult emergence out of its supposedly cohesive civilizational past, a past that could be shared across different groups of people in contemporary China. The other approach—that is, the empire-to-nation thesis—focuses on China's national rise from the disjointed colonial empire of the Qing (and, to a lesser degree, the Ming), a transformation through which China has become the metropolitan center that enacts structural imperial control over different local or ethnic groups across its territorial domains. This article discusses the epistemic capacities, limits, and distortions of both approaches by examining their historiographical and political implications through different historical configurations of late-imperial China and the resubstantiation of national histories in Taiwan and Hong Kong. Although the empire-to-nation approach has become more or less the standard in Western academia over the past three decades, I argue that these two approaches are both essentialist, although in decidedly different ways. In doing so, I call for a more reflective and vibrant perspective on historical China, a perspective that focuses on the lived historical experiences of the diverse groups of people who are not really confined by totalizing and essentializing national subjectivities.

两种截然不同的研究方法塑造了中国近代史研究的格局。一种方法是文明到国家的命题,它考察了现代中国从其被认为具有凝聚力的文明历史中艰难崛起的过程,这一历史可能在当代中国的不同群体中共享。另一种观点——即从帝国到国家的观点——关注的是中国从清朝(以及明朝,在较小程度上)分裂的殖民帝国中崛起的过程,通过这种转变,中国已经成为一个大都市中心,在其领土范围内对不同的地方或民族群体实施结构性的帝国控制。本文通过考察这两种方法的史学和政治含义,探讨了这两种方法的认知能力、局限性和扭曲,考察了中国帝制后期不同的历史形态,以及台湾和香港民族史的重建。虽然帝国到国家的方法在过去三十年中或多或少成为西方学术界的标准,但我认为这两种方法都是本质主义的,尽管方式截然不同。在此过程中,我呼吁对历史上的中国采取一种更具反思性和活力的视角,一种关注不同群体的生活历史经验的视角,而不是真正受到国家主体性的总体化和本质化的限制。
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引用次数: 0
DECOLONIZING THEORY AND CONCEPTS: PERSPECTIVES FROM THE GLOBAL SOUTH 非殖民化理论和概念:来自全球南方的观点
IF 1.1 2区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2025-03-23 DOI: 10.1111/hith.12384
Margrit Pernau

Until recently, most concepts and theories used in social sciences and the humanities were developed in the West. They were both provincial, as they were based on Western experience and designed to interpret these local experiences, and presumed universal. If they did not fit developments in the Global South, this was due not to the inadequacy of the concept but to a “history of lack.” Dilip M. Menon's edited volume Changing Theory: Concepts from the Global South can be situated within the broader movement to not only challenge these concepts and theories but also offer alternatives developed from the Global South. This review article lays out the larger intellectual framework of the volume. The history of concepts offers the possibility to distinguish more precisely between concepts used by the historical actors (hardly anyone challenges the need to base research on their careful investigation) and the analytical concepts. Especially in a global context, using analytical concepts from one of the languages of the Global South raises many questions that need to be addressed; the question of which language academics are to communicate with in the future is not the least important. Paracoloniality, the notion that there are areas of continuity beyond the “tired triad” of the precolonial, colonial, and postcolonial, in turn, needs to be brought into conversation with the central assumption of decoloniality, which argues for an epistemic rupture between the precolonial and the colonial.

直到最近,社会科学和人文科学中使用的大多数概念和理论都是在西方发展起来的。它们都是地方性的,因为它们基于西方经验,旨在解释这些地方经验,并被认为是普遍的。如果它们不适合全球发展中国家的发展,这不是由于概念的不充分,而是由于“缺乏的历史”。迪利普·m·梅农编辑的《变化的理论:来自全球南方的概念》一书可以放在更广泛的运动中,不仅挑战这些概念和理论,而且提供来自全球南方的替代方案。这篇评论文章列出了这本书的更大的知识框架。概念史提供了更精确地区分历史参与者使用的概念(几乎没有人质疑将研究建立在他们仔细调查的基础上的必要性)和分析概念的可能性。特别是在全球范围内,使用来自全球南方语言之一的分析概念提出了许多需要解决的问题;学者们将来用哪种语言进行交流的问题并非最不重要的。反殖民主义,即认为在前殖民、殖民和后殖民的“疲惫的三位一体”之外还有一些连续性领域的概念,需要与非殖民主义的中心假设进行对话,后者主张在前殖民和殖民之间存在认知断裂。
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引用次数: 0
“STRANDED ON THE SHORES OF HISTORY”? MONUMENTS AND (ART-)HISTORICAL AWARENESS “搁浅在历史的岸边”?纪念碑和(艺术)历史意识
IF 1.2 2区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2025-03-21 DOI: 10.1111/hith.12382
Jakub Stejskal

Can past agents deliberately influence our historical awareness by designing objects’ appearances and sending them to us down the stream of time? We know they have certainly tried to do so by raising monuments. But according to an influential narrative, the efforts of the “monumentalists” are destined to fail: no monument can keep a legacy alive in perpetuity. In this article, I argue that this narrative misrepresents the nature of the monumentalists’ mission, and I set out to show that monumentality should be understood as a means of addressing what I term “art-historical awareness.” This mode of historical awareness attends to artifacts’ appearances in search of visual manifestations of relevance that can survive the loss of context. Those who raise monuments aim to produce such artifacts, or what amount to intentional art-historical documents, and they do so in order to overcome the tension between the monuments’ nature as public art and their commemorative function. By visually manifesting a transcendent relevance, monuments ideally appeal to both present and distant audiences, insofar as these audiences are able to appreciate the monuments’ potential to sustain at least a semblance of relevance beyond their immediate contexts.

过去的代理人是否可以通过设计物品的外观并将它们发送给我们,从而故意影响我们的历史意识?我们知道,他们确实试图通过建立纪念碑来实现这一目标。但根据一种颇具影响力的说法,“纪念碑主义者”的努力注定要失败:没有一座纪念碑能让一份遗产永存。在这篇文章中,我认为这种叙述歪曲了纪念碑主义者使命的本质,我开始表明,纪念碑应该被理解为解决我所说的“艺术历史意识”的一种手段。这种历史意识模式关注人工制品的外观,以寻找相关性的视觉表现,这些表现可以在失去语境的情况下幸存下来。那些建立纪念碑的人的目标是生产这样的文物,或者相当于有意的艺术历史文件,他们这样做是为了克服纪念碑作为公共艺术的性质与纪念功能之间的紧张关系。通过在视觉上表现出一种超越的相关性,纪念碑理想地吸引了现在和遥远的观众,只要这些观众能够欣赏纪念碑的潜力,至少保持一种超越其直接背景的相关性。
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引用次数: 0
HISTORICAL NEURODIVERSITY STUDIES: A NEW PARADIGM OF EXPERIENCE 历史神经多样性研究:经验的新范式
IF 1.2 2区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2025-03-18 DOI: 10.1111/hith.12383
Bradley J. Irish

In Emotion, Sense, Experience (2020), Rob Boddice and Mark Smith put forth a paradigm-shifting argument for how we might employ experience as a master category of historical analysis—one that sees matters of cognition, emotion, and sensation as crucially embraided in human subjectivity. Building on their foundation, this review essay imagines the possibilities of a historical neurodiversity studies, an outlook that sees human neurological diversity as vital to understanding experience. The history of experience, I suggest, is the history of neurodiversity, and the history of neurodiversity is the history of human experience.

在《情感、感官、经验》(2020)一书中,罗伯·博迪斯和马克·史密斯提出了一种范式转换的论证,即我们如何将经验作为历史分析的主要范畴——将认知、情感和感觉的问题视为人类主体性的重要组成部分。在他们的基础上,这篇综述文章想象了历史神经多样性研究的可能性,一种认为人类神经多样性对理解经验至关重要的观点。我认为,经验的历史就是神经多样性的历史,而神经多样性的历史就是人类经验的历史。
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引用次数: 0
ON DECOLONIZING THE SOCIAL SCIENCES 关于社会科学的非殖民化
IF 1.2 2区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2025-03-17 DOI: 10.1111/hith.12387
JACOB COLLINS

This review article discusses George Steinmetz's The Colonial Origins of Modern Social Thought, a history of the French social sciences and their colonial entanglements. Surveying a vast array of objects, including institutions, texts, journals, thinkers, and concepts, Steinmetz demonstrates how central the colonial relation was to the production of social knowledge in France. This formation, he argues, has been actively repressed in historical accounts of sociology, and in an effort to decolonize the discipline, Steinmetz brings these connections out of the shadows and uses them to compose an alternative (colonial) history of the field. While acknowledging Steinmetz's major accomplishments, not least among them the consideration of unjustly neglected colonial thinkers, I challenge some of the book's basic narratives around the history and politics of decolonization. In what ways, I ask, is the contemporary call to decolonize the humanities and social sciences related to the social movement of decolonization, which swept through the colonized countries of Asia and Africa after the Second World War? What role did French social scientists play in the historical process of decolonization? Finally, how were these Third World social movements tied to social struggles happening in metropolitan Europe, notably the revolts of 1968? I conclude by suggesting that a more “genealogical” approach to the history of the colonial relation might lead to a more productive set of engagements on these important questions.

这篇评论文章讨论了乔治·斯坦梅茨的《现代社会思想的殖民起源》,这是一部法国社会科学史及其殖民纠葛。斯坦梅茨考察了大量的对象,包括机构、文本、期刊、思想家和概念,证明了殖民关系对法国社会知识的生产是多么重要。他认为,这种形成在社会学的历史叙述中一直受到积极的压抑,为了使这门学科非殖民化,斯坦梅茨将这些联系从阴影中带出来,并用它们来撰写该领域的另一种(殖民)历史。虽然承认斯坦梅茨的主要成就,尤其是对不公正地被忽视的殖民思想家的思考,但我对书中围绕非殖民化历史和政治的一些基本叙述提出了质疑。我问,当代对人文和社会科学非殖民化的呼吁,与二战后席卷亚洲和非洲殖民地的非殖民化社会运动有什么关系?法国社会科学家在非殖民化的历史进程中发挥了什么作用?最后,这些第三世界的社会运动是如何与发生在欧洲大都市的社会斗争联系在一起的,尤其是1968年的起义?最后,我建议,对殖民关系的历史采取更“系谱”的方法,可能会导致对这些重要问题的一系列更有成效的参与。
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引用次数: 0
HISTORICAL ANTIFASCISM AND THE GLOBAL LEFT 历史上的反法西斯主义和全球左翼
IF 1.1 2区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2025-02-05 DOI: 10.1111/hith.12378
TERENCE RENAUD

Joseph Fronczak's Everything Is Possible: Antifascism and the Left in the Age of Fascism presents antifascism in the 1920s and 1930s as a universal cause that united people across social and ideological divides, creating the discursive framework for the global Left we know today. It revises standard accounts according to which the Left originated either with the Atlantic revolutions circa 1800 or with the international workers’ movement that took shape in the late nineteenth century. This article accepts the weak form of the book's argument that the antifascist era was remarkably creative and essential for understanding the development of today's Left. However, it rejects the strong form of the argument that dissociates the Left from any prior history in the revolutionary tradition or the workers’ movement. To complement the book's discursive analysis of languages of the Left, this article outlines a structural analysis of antisystemic opposition in the contexts of global capitalism, imperialism, and mass politics. What results is a long-term concept of the Left that, among other things, highlights the promise and pitfalls of antifascist populism. The core problem of defining the Left is accounting for the historical disjuncture between unity of antisystemic consciousness and unity of organized action.

约瑟夫·弗朗扎克的《一切皆有可能:法西斯主义时代的反法西斯主义和左翼》将20世纪20年代和30年代的反法西斯主义作为一项普遍事业,将跨越社会和意识形态分歧的人们团结在一起,为我们今天所知的全球左翼创造了话语框架。它修正了左派起源于1800年左右的大西洋革命或19世纪后期形成的国际工人运动的标准说法。这篇文章接受了书中论点的弱形式,即反法西斯时代对理解当今左派的发展具有显著的创造性和必要性。然而,它拒绝了将左派与革命传统或工人运动的任何先前历史分离开来的强有力的论点。为了补充本书对左翼语言的话语分析,本文概述了在全球资本主义、帝国主义和大众政治背景下对反体制反对的结构性分析。其结果是左派的一个长期概念,除其他外,突出了反法西斯民粹主义的希望和陷阱。定义左派的核心问题是解释反体制意识的统一性和有组织行动的统一性之间的历史脱节。
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引用次数: 0
PHILOSOPHY OF HISTORY AS A CRITIQUE OF VIOLENCE: HISTORY, THEOLOGY, AND POLITICS IN WALTER BENJAMIN'S EARLY WRITINGS 作为暴力批判的历史哲学:瓦尔特·本雅明早期著作中的历史、神学和政治
IF 1.1 2区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2025-01-30 DOI: 10.1111/hith.12380
VINSENT NOLLET

Walter Benjamin's “Critique of Violence” became a classical work on revolutionary politics mainly due to influential political-theological expositions of its arguments. The main challenge with the political-theological understanding of the essay, however, is that Benjamin seemingly argued against any reconciliation of politics and theology. For this reason, this article develops a historical-philosophical rather than a political-theological interpretation of Benjamin's “Critique of Violence.” It demonstrates how Benjamin's essay on violence can be best understood if it is read as a text containing a speculative philosophy of history. In the essay, Benjamin indeed presented the role of violence in history as a historical “law of oscillation” between lawmaking and law-preserving violence. The problem of violence transcends the framework of the political, which can witness only “administered” violence, not violence as such, and hence cannot escape the dialectical movement of this “law.” While Benjamin's philosophy of history is usually located in the final period of his philosophical activity and comprises a messianic-Marxist complex, Benjamin's “Critique of Violence” suggests the existence of a more substantial philosophy of history in Benjamin's early writings than is usually assumed. The period between 1919 and 1922 especially shows a concentration of anarchistic and nihilistic texts devoted to developing this philosophy of history.

瓦尔特·本雅明的《暴力批判》之所以成为革命政治的经典著作,主要是由于对其论点进行了有影响力的政治神学阐述。然而,对这篇文章的政治神学理解的主要挑战是,本雅明似乎反对任何政治与神学的和解。出于这个原因,本文对本雅明的《暴力批判》进行了历史哲学而非政治神学的解释。它展示了如果将本雅明关于暴力的文章作为包含历史思辨哲学的文本来阅读,它是如何被最好地理解的。在这篇文章中,本雅明确实将暴力在历史中的作用描述为一种介于立法暴力和保法暴力之间的历史“振荡法则”。暴力问题超越了政治框架,政治框架只能见证“管理的”暴力,而不是暴力本身,因此无法逃脱这种“法律”的辩证运动。虽然本雅明的历史哲学通常位于他哲学活动的最后阶段,并包含弥赛亚-马克思主义情结,但本雅明的《暴力批判》表明,本雅明早期著作中存在着比通常假设的更实质性的历史哲学。1919年至1922年这段时期,无政府主义和虚无主义的文本集中在致力于发展这种历史哲学。
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引用次数: 0
ETHICS FOR ARTIFICIAL HISTORIANS 人为历史学家的伦理
IF 1.1 2区 历史学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2025-01-22 DOI: 10.1111/hith.12377
Marnie Hughes-Warrington

Artificial historians do not need to have intentions to complete actions or to solve problems. Consequently, a revised approach to the ethics of history is needed. An approach to ethics for artificial historians can be proposed through the recognition of historiographical logic, which is a hybrid of modal, propositional, and erotetic (question-based) types. Looking to examples of texts produced by artificial and human historians, I argue that this hybrid historiographical logic is seen at play in what Jo Guldi has called “signal” (which can denote both the focus and interpretation of historians) and I call “healthy noise,” or metadiscursive question-begging and possible world generation. Together, the signal and noise of histories generate an ethical stance of openness toward the possibilities of new evidence from the past, new ways of interpreting that evidence, and new combinations of signal and noise. Recognizing the potential presence of this logic in modal-propositional-erotetic statements about the past in a wide range of texts, I argue for the recognition of historiographical logic as broadly useful for AI and specifically useful for the discipline. This historiographical and logical turn facilitates stepping beyond treating ethics as the generation of lists of principles that may fail in application and toward recognizing particular forms of logic as indicating ethically beneficent outcomes. This shift may facilitate the detection and deterrence of histories shaped by logics that indicate ethically maleficent outcomes.

人造历史学家不需要有意图来完成行动或解决问题。因此,需要对历史伦理进行修正。通过认识史学逻辑,可以提出一种人为历史学家的伦理方法,这是模态、命题和情色(基于问题)类型的混合体。通过人工历史学家和人类历史学家所产生的文本的例子,我认为,这种混合的历史编纂逻辑在乔·古尔迪(Jo Guldi)所说的“信号”(既可以表示历史学家的焦点,也可以表示历史学家的解释)中发挥作用,我称之为“健康的噪音”,或元话语的问题乞求和可能的世界生成。总之,历史的信号和噪音产生了一种开放的伦理立场,对来自过去的新证据的可能性,解释证据的新方法,以及信号和噪音的新组合。认识到这种逻辑在各种文本中关于过去的情态-命题-情色陈述中的潜在存在,我主张承认史学逻辑对人工智能广泛有用,对这门学科特别有用。这种史学和逻辑的转变有助于超越将伦理学视为可能在应用中失败的原则列表的产生,并将特定形式的逻辑视为表明道德有益的结果。这种转变可能有助于发现和遏制由逻辑构成的历史,这些逻辑表明道德上的不良后果。
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引用次数: 0
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