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Extractivism and Territorial Dispossession in Rural Colombia: A Decolonial Commitment to Campesinas’ Politics of Place 哥伦比亚农村的采掘主义和领土处置:对坎佩西纳斯地方政治的非殖民化承诺
IF 1.8 2区 社会学 Q3 WOMENS STUDIES Pub Date : 2021-07-01 DOI: 10.1177/01417789211015269
Laura Rodriguez Castro
Linked to extractive practices, territorial dispossession can be traced back to the colonisation of Abya Yala. From a decolonial commitment, this article complicates notions of dispossession and extractivism as merely emerging from war in Colombia and focuses on their presence in Campesinas territories. Based on the conceptualisations of the coloniality of power and coloniality of gender, I narrate how territorial dispossession and extractivism are felt in women’s ‘body-lands’ through foreign tourism/conservation development and new export crops in two rural veredas in the Colombian Andes and in the Sierra Nevada de Santa Marta where I conducted participatory visual projects in 2016. From a relational understanding of place, I also demonstrate the ways that the rural population is resisting and negotiating within these processes. Ultimately, I make a call for feminist scholars to politically commit to the dismantling of the coloniality of gender, and to the resistances to territorial dispossession and extractivism (epistemic and economic) that rural women are leading in place in the Global South.
与采掘行为有关的领土剥夺可以追溯到阿比亚亚拉的殖民化。从非殖民化的承诺出发,本文将剥夺和榨取主义的概念复杂化,因为它们仅仅是在哥伦比亚的战争中出现的,并重点关注它们在Campesinas领土上的存在。基于权力殖民主义和性别殖民主义的概念,我叙述了在哥伦比亚安第斯山脉和圣玛尔塔内华达山脉的两个农村地区,通过外国旅游/保护发展和新的出口作物,如何在女性的“身体土地”中感受到领土剥夺和榨夺行为,我于2016年在那里进行了参与性视觉项目。从对地方的关系理解出发,我还展示了农村人口在这些过程中抵制和谈判的方式。最后,我呼吁女权主义学者在政治上致力于消除性别的殖民性,并抵制农村妇女在全球南方领导的领土剥夺和榨取主义(知识和经济)。
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引用次数: 5
Black Women’s Lives Matter: Social Movements and Storytelling against Sexual and Gender-based Violence in the US 黑人女性的生命至关重要:美国反对性暴力和基于性别的暴力的社会运动和故事讲述
IF 1.8 2区 社会学 Q3 WOMENS STUDIES Pub Date : 2021-07-01 DOI: 10.1177/01417789211013446
D. Keys
According to the US Department of Justice, women (33 per cent) are more likely than men (19 per cent) to experience violent victimisation (Morgan and Kena, 2018). Black women students are especially at risk of experiencing rape or sexual assault (Planty et al., 2013). A special report on sexual violence among college-age women found that between 1995 and 2013, the rate of sexual violence victimisation for Black females was 2.5 times higher than for white females (Sinozich and Langton, 2014). Furthermore, unlike other groups, Black women students were more likely to experience sexual victimisation than Black women non-students (ibid.). While Black women students experience higher rates of sexual violence, they remain on the periphery in discussions about sexual violence in higher education and violence against Black women (Wooten, 2017). Black women’s violent victimisation in higher education and the marginal attention to the problem reveal the persistence of the US’ historical legacy of racist and sexual violence.
根据美国司法部的数据,女性(33%)比男性(19%)更有可能遭受暴力伤害(Morgan和Kena,2018)。黑人女学生尤其有遭受强奸或性侵犯的风险(Planty等人,2013)。一份关于大学年龄女性性暴力的特别报告发现,1995年至2013年间,黑人女性的性暴力受害率是白人女性的2.5倍(Sinozich和Langton,2014)。此外,与其他群体不同,黑人女学生比非学生的黑人女学生更有可能遭受性伤害(同上)。虽然黑人女学生遭受性暴力的比率更高,但她们在高等教育中的性暴力和对黑人女性的暴力讨论中仍然处于边缘地位(Wooten,2017)。黑人女性在高等教育中的暴力受害以及对这一问题的忽视,揭示了美国种族主义和性暴力的历史遗留问题的持久性。
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引用次数: 3
The Radical Limits of Decolonising Feminism 女性主义非殖民化的根本局限
IF 1.8 2区 社会学 Q3 WOMENS STUDIES Pub Date : 2021-07-01 DOI: 10.1177/01417789211015334
Suzanne C. Persard
From yoga to the Anthropocene to feminist theory, recent calls to ‘decolonise’ have resulted in a resurgence of the term. This article problematises the language of the decolonial within feminist theory and pedagogy, problematising its rhetoric, particularly in the context of the US. The article considers the romanticised transnational solidarities produced by decolonial rhetoric within feminist theory, asking, among other questions: What are the assumptions underpinning the decolonial project in feminist theory? How might the language of ‘decolonising’ serve to actually de-politicise feminism, while keeping dominant race logics in place? Furthermore, how does decolonial rhetoric in sites such as the US continue to romanticise feminist solidarities while positioning non-US-born women of colour at the pedagogical end of feminist theory? I argue that ‘decolonial’, in its current proliferation, is mainstreamed uncritically while serving as a catachresis within feminist discourse. This article asks feminism to reconsider its ease at an incitement to decolonise as a caution for resisting the call to decolonise as simply another form of multicultural liberalism that masks oppression through imagined transnational solidarities, while calling attention to the homogenous construction of the ‘Global South’ within decolonising discourse.
从瑜伽到人类世再到女权主义理论,最近呼吁“非殖民化”导致了这个词的复兴。这篇文章在女权主义理论和教育学中对非殖民化的语言提出了问题,对其修辞提出了问题——尤其是在美国的背景下。这篇文章考虑了女权主义理论中非殖民化修辞所产生的浪漫化跨国团结,并提出了其他问题:女权主义理论的非殖民化项目的假设是什么?“非殖民化”的语言如何在保持主流种族逻辑的同时,真正实现女权主义的非政治化?此外,美国等地的非殖民化修辞如何继续将女权主义团结浪漫化,同时将非美国出生的有色人种女性定位在女权主义理论的教学端?我认为,在目前的扩散中,“非殖民化”被不加批判地纳入主流,同时在女权主义话语中充当了一个污点。这篇文章要求女权主义重新考虑其在煽动非殖民化方面的轻松性,以此警告抵制将非殖民化视为另一种多元文化自由主义形式的呼吁,这种自由主义通过想象中的跨国团结来掩盖压迫,同时呼吁人们注意非殖民化话语中“全球南方”的同质结构。
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引用次数: 3
In Defence of an Unalienated Politic: a Critical Appraisal of the ‘No Outsiders’ Protests 捍卫一个非异化的政治:对“拒绝外来者”抗议的批判性评价
IF 1.8 2区 社会学 Q3 WOMENS STUDIES Pub Date : 2021-07-01 DOI: 10.1177/01417789211013777
A. Khan
The trope of the repressive Muslim, obstinately attached to their regressive world views, recalcitrant antagoniser of modernity, has become a thoroughly familiar drama. Redundant spectacles abound: events often highly mediatised, substantiated by conservativism and liberalism alike, deployed as justification for policing, surveillance and invasion. The 2019 protests against the ‘No Outsiders’ LGBT lessons held in Birmingham, England are one such spectacle. Foregoing the dominant portrayal of the protests as an event of Muslim homophobia, I instead examine the social processes that render the event exceptional in the British imaginary and the statecraft it subsequently enables. First, the protests’ production as a spectacular event is analysed through the historical conditions of Europe’s self-constitution through Islam-as-Threat. It is through liberalism’s amnesiac frame, one that erases its imperial and racist culpability, that the sexual exceptionalism that undergirds the spectacle of the protests can be understood. Second, reading the protests ‘sideways’, I argue, reveals how the displacement of homophobia onto Muslims continues liberalism’s tradition of situating its Others as oppositional to its purported gendered and sexual freedoms. In this context, sex education as deradicalisation of Muslim pupils becomes normalised, even as British liberalism disavows racism. Thirdly, the inclusion of queer Muslims as the authentic voice emerging from the cross-sections of queer and Muslim identity is critiqued as a ‘non-performativity’. Rather than offering a relational understanding of queer, Muslim and queer Muslim vulnerabilities, this inclusion elides an intersectional analysis of British homonationalism. I conclude by arguing for ‘an unalienated politics’ that is vigilant to co-optation, refusing to treat queerness as an exceptional site of injury. As such, how can we imagine the ‘queer’ in queer Muslim as a political position that refuses to capitulate to the hierarchisation of the human?
压抑的穆斯林顽固地依附于他们倒退的世界观,顽固地对抗现代性,这一比喻已经成为一出完全熟悉的戏剧。重复的场景比比皆是:事件往往被高度调解,被保守主义和自由主义所证实,被用作维持治安、监视和入侵的理由。2019年在英国伯明翰举行的反对“禁止外人”LGBT课程的抗议活动就是这样一个奇观。我不再把抗议活动描述为穆斯林恐同事件,而是考察了使这一事件在英国人的想象中与众不同的社会过程,以及它随后促成的治国方略。首先,通过伊斯兰教作为威胁的欧洲自我宪法的历史条件,分析了抗议活动作为一个壮观事件的产生。正是通过自由主义的失忆症框架,抹去了其帝国主义和种族主义的罪责,人们才能理解支撑抗议场面的性别例外论。其次,我认为,从“侧面”解读抗议活动,揭示了将同性恋恐惧症转移到穆斯林身上是如何延续了自由主义的传统,即将其他者置于其所谓的性别和性自由的对立面。在这种背景下,性教育作为穆斯林学生的去激进化变得常态化,即使英国的自由主义否认种族主义。第三,将酷儿穆斯林作为来自酷儿和穆斯林身份交叉部分的真实声音被批评为“非表演性”。这本书并没有对酷儿、穆斯林和酷儿穆斯林的脆弱性提供一种相互关联的理解,而是忽略了对英国同性恋民族主义的交叉分析。最后,我主张“一种非异化的政治”,对合作保持警惕,拒绝将酷儿视为一种特殊的伤害场所。因此,我们怎么能把酷儿穆斯林中的“酷儿”想象成一种拒绝屈服于人类等级制度的政治立场呢?
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引用次数: 9
Book Review: M Archive: After the End of the World by Alexis Pauline Gumbs 书评:M档案馆:世界末日之后
IF 1.8 2区 社会学 Q3 WOMENS STUDIES Pub Date : 2021-07-01 DOI: 10.1177/0141778921992310
Storäe Michele
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引用次数: 0
Book Review: Women Mobilizing Memory edited by Ayșe Gül Altınay, María José Contreras, Marianne Hirsch, Jean Howard, Banu Karaca and Alisa Solomon 《书评:动员记忆的女性》,作者:Ayșe g<e:1> l Altınay, María乔斯·孔特雷拉斯,玛丽安·赫希,让·霍华德,巴努·卡拉卡和艾丽莎·所罗门
IF 1.8 2区 社会学 Q3 WOMENS STUDIES Pub Date : 2021-07-01 DOI: 10.1177/01417789211006140
Anikó Szûcs
Women Mobilizing Memory is the first comprehensive anthology in the emerging field of practice-based feminist memory studies. The book, as outlined in Marianne Hirsch’s insightful introduction, and then exemplified by a wide variety of case studies, performs three important theoretical and methodological interventions in the field of memory studies. First, Women Mobilizing Memory explores what constitutes feminist memory today, primarily by emphasising a feminist ‘ethics of transculturality’ that facilitates transnational conversations while also acknowledging ‘the limits of translatability’ of singular experiences and distinctive sociopolitical contexts (pp. 12–13). Second, it underlines the inherent transculturality of the twenty-first century virtual memory sites and spaces by forging new methodologies in the practices and analyses of online memory practices. Thirdly, and perhaps most importantly, the book illuminates how feminist acts of memory discussed in the volume extend the ritual of commemoration and become powerful acts of resistance.
妇女动员记忆是第一个综合选集在新兴领域的实践为基础的女权主义记忆研究。正如玛丽安·赫希(Marianne Hirsch)富有洞察力的引言所概述的那样,这本书在记忆研究领域进行了三个重要的理论和方法干预,然后通过各种各样的案例研究加以例证。首先,《动员记忆的女性》探讨了今天女权主义记忆的构成,主要是通过强调女权主义的“跨文化伦理”来促进跨国对话,同时也承认单一经验和独特社会政治背景的“可译性限制”(第12-13页)。其次,它通过在在线记忆实践的实践和分析中锻造新的方法,强调了21世纪虚拟记忆场所和空间固有的跨文化性。第三,或许也是最重要的一点,这本书阐明了本书中讨论的女权主义记忆行为如何扩展了纪念仪式,并成为强大的抵抗行为。
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引用次数: 0
A Plea To ‘Middle Eastern and North African’ Feminists: Let’s Liberate Ourselves from Notions of Coloniality 对“中东和北非”女权主义者的呼吁:让我们把自己从殖民观念中解放出来
IF 1.8 2区 社会学 Q3 WOMENS STUDIES Pub Date : 2021-07-01 DOI: 10.1177/01417789211011517
Hasnaa Mokhtar
The 15th of October 2019 was a sunny day in the beautiful city of Rabat, Morocco. A group of twenty fellows at the ‘Women and Politics: Middle East and North Africa (MENA) Experiences’ programme gathered in the hotel’s meeting room to present our work and receive feedback from one another. When it was my turn to share my review, I challenged the persistent dominance of canonical Western theory and methodologies to study and understand women and gender in the ‘MENA’ region. In that moment, I was able to voice a different opinion thanks to the academic resilience and grounding which I owe to the emotional labour and scholarly contributions of pioneering anti-racist, anti-sexist, anti-capitalist decolonial feminists. I also draw my inspiration from conversations and contentions I continue to have with mentors and colleagues who are concerned with destabilising accepted modes of knowledgemaking in other regions of the world.
2019年10月15日,在摩洛哥美丽的城市拉巴特,天气晴朗。“妇女与政治:中东和北非(MENA)经验”项目的20名研究员聚集在酒店的会议室,介绍我们的工作,并听取彼此的反馈。当轮到我分享我的评论时,我挑战了西方经典理论和方法论在研究和理解“中东和北非”地区妇女和性别方面的持续主导地位。在那一刻,我能够发表不同的意见,这要归功于我的学术韧性和基础,这要归因于反种族主义、反性别歧视、反资本主义非殖民化女权主义者的情感劳动和学术贡献。我还从与导师和同事的对话和争论中汲取灵感,他们担心破坏世界其他地区公认的知识创造模式的稳定。
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引用次数: 2
To Decolonise is to Beautify: A Perspective from Two Transgender Latina Makeup Artists in the US 去殖民化就是美化:来自美国两名变性拉丁裔化妆师的视角
IF 1.8 2区 社会学 Q3 WOMENS STUDIES Pub Date : 2021-07-01 DOI: 10.1177/01417789211013432
Karla M Padrón
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引用次数: 2
Book Review: Women Made Visible: Feminist Art and Media in Post-1968 Mexico City by Gabriela Aceves Sepúlveda 书评:可见的女性:1968年后墨西哥城的女权主义艺术和媒体,作者:Gabriela Aceves Sepúlveda
IF 1.8 2区 社会学 Q3 WOMENS STUDIES Pub Date : 2021-07-01 DOI: 10.1177/01417789211006126
Alberto McKelligan Hernández
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引用次数: 0
A Pluralist Approach to ‘the International’ and Human Rights for Sexual and Gender Minorities 性和性别少数群体的“国际”和人权的多元主义途径
IF 1.8 2区 社会学 Q3 WOMENS STUDIES Pub Date : 2021-07-01 DOI: 10.1177/01417789211015333
Po-Han Lee
Queer theorists have considered the problems concerning the political strategy of using LGBT rights to justify racist xenophobia and using homo/transphobia to consolidate heterosexist nationalism. Their timely interventions are important in exposing state violence in the name of human rights and sovereign equality, but they have offered no alternative. They may also have reinforced the assumption of state science. This assumption is based on a trinity structure of the nation-state-sovereignty of ‘modern, self-determining men’, who are against each other and thereby co-built the so-called ‘international’. State-centric internationalism produces exclusionary effects that undermine the rights of sexual and gender minorities. To address this, I first consider the debate over ‘LGBT rights as human rights’, and identify two types of cultural relativism (epistemological and political) as the categories to formulate a decolonial response to the debate. In this article, queer political theorising is pushed forward to: 1) critically evaluate universalism, 2) differentiate cultural relativism (opposing the political version of it) and 3) revise the epistemological version with decolonial-queer praxis. I propose a pluralist approach to sovereignty and human rights; informed by this approach, the lack of international consensus is remedied by recognising the polyvocality within transnational queer activism beyond the monopoly of states’ representation of their own peoples. This proposal also aims to decentre modern statecraft from the political imagination of contemporary international studies scholarship.
酷儿理论家们考虑了利用LGBT权利为种族主义仇外心理辩护和利用同性恋/跨性别恐惧症巩固异质民族主义的政治策略问题。他们的及时干预对于揭露以人权和主权平等为名的国家暴力很重要,但他们别无选择。它们也可能强化了国家科学的假设。这一假设是基于“现代、自决的人”的民族国家主权的三位一体结构,他们相互对立,从而共同构建了所谓的“国际”。以国家为中心的国际主义产生排斥效应,损害性少数群体和性别少数群体的权利。为了解决这一问题,我首先考虑了关于“LGBT权利即人权”的辩论,并确定了两种类型的文化相对主义(认识论和政治)作为对辩论做出非殖民化回应的类别。本文提出酷儿政治理论:1)批判性地评价普遍主义,2)区分文化相对主义(反对其政治版本),3)用非殖民化酷儿实践修正认识论版本。我建议对主权和人权采取多元办法;在这种方法的指导下,国际共识的缺乏通过承认跨国酷儿激进主义的多元性来弥补,这种多元性超越了国家对本国人民代表权的垄断。该提案还旨在将现代治国方略从当代国际研究学术的政治想象中剥离出来。
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引用次数: 4
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Feminist Review
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