Pub Date : 2023-12-18DOI: 10.1080/14742837.2023.2296872
Colm Flaherty
{"title":"Action dilemmas in prefigurative politics: making prefiguration feasible in Sweden","authors":"Colm Flaherty","doi":"10.1080/14742837.2023.2296872","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/14742837.2023.2296872","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":47507,"journal":{"name":"Social Movement Studies","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":3.1,"publicationDate":"2023-12-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"138963444","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-11-02DOI: 10.1080/14742837.2021.1988914
Ngok Ma, Edmund W. Cheng
ABSTRACT This paper examines the roles of professional networks in mass protests. The extensive participation of professionals in the anti-extradition movement in Hong Kong, using their professional expertise, specialized networks and institutional positions, constituted a novel form of collective action. Based on framing analysis of sectoral petitions and interviews with participating professionals, this paper shows that state–corporatist arrangements and social movement abeyance structures laid the foundation for sectoral mobilization in the anti-extradition movement. It reveals the conditions under which professional activism can move beyond individual practices and overcome organizational barriers to generating resources to sustain a mass movement. Perceived threats to the professional ethos triggered cross-sectoral participation. Sectoral mobilization modes and levels were contingent on an array of institutional constraints, informal networks and conjunctural events that made for widespread and legitimate professional involvement in a networked movement.
{"title":"Professionals in Revolt: Specialized Networks and Sectoral Mobilization in Hong Kong","authors":"Ngok Ma, Edmund W. Cheng","doi":"10.1080/14742837.2021.1988914","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/14742837.2021.1988914","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This paper examines the roles of professional networks in mass protests. The extensive participation of professionals in the anti-extradition movement in Hong Kong, using their professional expertise, specialized networks and institutional positions, constituted a novel form of collective action. Based on framing analysis of sectoral petitions and interviews with participating professionals, this paper shows that state–corporatist arrangements and social movement abeyance structures laid the foundation for sectoral mobilization in the anti-extradition movement. It reveals the conditions under which professional activism can move beyond individual practices and overcome organizational barriers to generating resources to sustain a mass movement. Perceived threats to the professional ethos triggered cross-sectoral participation. Sectoral mobilization modes and levels were contingent on an array of institutional constraints, informal networks and conjunctural events that made for widespread and legitimate professional involvement in a networked movement.","PeriodicalId":47507,"journal":{"name":"Social Movement Studies","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":3.1,"publicationDate":"2023-11-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"75879285","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-10-26DOI: 10.1080/14742837.2023.2270919
Anke Wonneberger
{"title":"Climate change litigation in the news: litigation as public campaigning tool to legitimize climate-related responsibilities and solutions","authors":"Anke Wonneberger","doi":"10.1080/14742837.2023.2270919","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/14742837.2023.2270919","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":47507,"journal":{"name":"Social Movement Studies","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-10-26","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"134909252","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-10-13DOI: 10.1080/14742837.2023.2269105
Yasmine Nachabe Taan
ABSTRACTOn 17 October 2019 in Beirut, a Lebanese state bodyguard confronted by demonstrators opened fire when a female protestor hit him with a side kick. Another protestor recorded this moment on his mobile phone. A single frame of the video footage was remediated shortly after as a still image and gained rapid traction across social media platforms, as did the original video. The circulation of the content online inspired a group of artists to remediate the digital image themselves into a series of artistic works, adding in the process additional layers of meaning and interpretation to its original context. Taking the digital image of the side kick as a case study, this qualitative research examines how five young Lebanese artists use ‘cyberartivism’ to participate in the rising wave of political and social transformation. Based on empirical material that consists of a series of interviews with five Lebanese artists, this study aims to understand the role of digital images in their transition from forms of evidence to remediated sites of transgression in the context of the October 2019 Revolution in Lebanon. Its purpose is to explore the way camera witnessing, connective witnessing, and the creative modification of an image and its circulation on social media can foster a sense of solidarity and dissent by empowering and strengthening protestors’ voices, thus generating new forms of leadership and agency.KEYWORDS: Visual activismconnective witnessingcounter visualitymiddle east uprisingdigital imagesocial media AcknowledgementsThe author is grateful to Danielle Arbid, Sasha Haddad, Pascale Hares, Noemie Honein, Mohamad Kaaki, and Rami Kanso for sharing their thought-provoking testimonies and images in this article.This article benefitted from constructive comments received on earlier versions by Fred Ritchin. The author wishes to thank him in addition to the two anonymous referees for their valuable comments and for their useful resource suggestions.Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author.Notes1. According to Amnesty International, the protests since October 2019 in Lebanon have been met by the Lebanese military and security forces with beatings, teargas, rubber bullets, live ammunition and pellets.2. For more on the way Lebanese warlords took over the country after the Civil War, see Ussama Makdisi (Citation2000). When the Grand Liban (Greater Lebanon), an independent modern state, was established after the First World War, under the French mandate, it was founded on a sectarian system enshrined by a constitution that divided the ruling authority by assigning the presidency to a Maronite, the House of Representatives to a Shia, and the position of Prime Minister to a Sunni. In the late 1990’s, the Taif Agreement was signed to secure mutual coexistence and power-sharing among the country’s religious groups. This agreement reinforced the separation between different communities, fostering separation inste
{"title":"The image as a site of transgression: the case of Beirut counter-visuality since October 2019","authors":"Yasmine Nachabe Taan","doi":"10.1080/14742837.2023.2269105","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/14742837.2023.2269105","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACTOn 17 October 2019 in Beirut, a Lebanese state bodyguard confronted by demonstrators opened fire when a female protestor hit him with a side kick. Another protestor recorded this moment on his mobile phone. A single frame of the video footage was remediated shortly after as a still image and gained rapid traction across social media platforms, as did the original video. The circulation of the content online inspired a group of artists to remediate the digital image themselves into a series of artistic works, adding in the process additional layers of meaning and interpretation to its original context. Taking the digital image of the side kick as a case study, this qualitative research examines how five young Lebanese artists use ‘cyberartivism’ to participate in the rising wave of political and social transformation. Based on empirical material that consists of a series of interviews with five Lebanese artists, this study aims to understand the role of digital images in their transition from forms of evidence to remediated sites of transgression in the context of the October 2019 Revolution in Lebanon. Its purpose is to explore the way camera witnessing, connective witnessing, and the creative modification of an image and its circulation on social media can foster a sense of solidarity and dissent by empowering and strengthening protestors’ voices, thus generating new forms of leadership and agency.KEYWORDS: Visual activismconnective witnessingcounter visualitymiddle east uprisingdigital imagesocial media AcknowledgementsThe author is grateful to Danielle Arbid, Sasha Haddad, Pascale Hares, Noemie Honein, Mohamad Kaaki, and Rami Kanso for sharing their thought-provoking testimonies and images in this article.This article benefitted from constructive comments received on earlier versions by Fred Ritchin. The author wishes to thank him in addition to the two anonymous referees for their valuable comments and for their useful resource suggestions.Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author.Notes1. According to Amnesty International, the protests since October 2019 in Lebanon have been met by the Lebanese military and security forces with beatings, teargas, rubber bullets, live ammunition and pellets.2. For more on the way Lebanese warlords took over the country after the Civil War, see Ussama Makdisi (Citation2000). When the Grand Liban (Greater Lebanon), an independent modern state, was established after the First World War, under the French mandate, it was founded on a sectarian system enshrined by a constitution that divided the ruling authority by assigning the presidency to a Maronite, the House of Representatives to a Shia, and the position of Prime Minister to a Sunni. In the late 1990’s, the Taif Agreement was signed to secure mutual coexistence and power-sharing among the country’s religious groups. This agreement reinforced the separation between different communities, fostering separation inste","PeriodicalId":47507,"journal":{"name":"Social Movement Studies","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-10-13","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135858505","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-10-12DOI: 10.1080/14742837.2023.2268016
Jonathan S. Davies
{"title":"Gramscian considerations on the contentious politics of austere neoliberalism: critical junctures after the global economic crisis","authors":"Jonathan S. Davies","doi":"10.1080/14742837.2023.2268016","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/14742837.2023.2268016","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":47507,"journal":{"name":"Social Movement Studies","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-10-12","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"136013718","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-10-12DOI: 10.1080/14742837.2023.2267997
Seongcheol Kim
Click to increase image sizeClick to decrease image size Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Additional informationFundingThe work was supported by the Deutsche Forschungsgemeinschaft [469527186].Notes on contributorsSeongcheol KimSeongcheol Kim is a postdoctoral researcher at the Institute of Intercultural and International Studies at the University of Bremen.
{"title":"Review essay: (Left) populism and radical democracy todayTowards a Green Democratic Revolution: Left Populism and the Power of Affects by Chantal Mouffe, London, Verso, 2022, 96 pp., £10.99 (hardback), ISBN: 9781839767500Die populistische Vernunft, by Ernesto Laclau, Vienna, Passagen, 2022, trans. Boris Kränzel with a foreword by Chantal Mouffe, 332 pp., €40.00 (paperback), ISBN: 9783709204054","authors":"Seongcheol Kim","doi":"10.1080/14742837.2023.2267997","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/14742837.2023.2267997","url":null,"abstract":"Click to increase image sizeClick to decrease image size Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Additional informationFundingThe work was supported by the Deutsche Forschungsgemeinschaft [469527186].Notes on contributorsSeongcheol KimSeongcheol Kim is a postdoctoral researcher at the Institute of Intercultural and International Studies at the University of Bremen.","PeriodicalId":47507,"journal":{"name":"Social Movement Studies","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-10-12","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"136014015","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-10-11DOI: 10.1080/14742837.2023.2268011
Rosemary Hancock
ABSTRACTThis article investigates how social movement scholars construct the category of ‘religion’ within the discipline. Using some of the conceptual tools from the critical study of religion – namely, problematising the distinction between the ‘secular’ and the ‘religious’ – it analyzes a sample of articles within the journals Social Movement Studies and Mobilization between 2010 and 2020 that deal with a broad range of religious, spiritual, and ‘religion-like’ or ‘secular sacred’ phenomena. I find three key trends within the data: social movements literature has a narrow construction of what constitutes ‘religion’; those things designated ‘religious’ are often instrumentalized in service to ‘political’ ends; and social movement scholars are more likely to study conservative and extreme politics where it intersects with groups considered ‘religious’ than with those considered ‘secular.’ The article invites scholars of social movements to consider how particular conceptions of both ‘religion’ and ‘politics’ are naturalised within the field.KEYWORDS: Religionsocial movement theorysecular sacredpolitics Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Additional informationNotes on contributorsRosemary HancockRosemary Hancock is Associate Director of the Institute for Ethics and Society at the University of Notre Dame Australia and Convener of the Institute’s Religion, Culture and Society Research Focus Area. Her research interest is primarily the relationship of religion and grassroots politics, and she has particular expertise on religion and environmental politics. She is Co-Host of the sociology podcast Uncommon Sense, and her work has been published widely including in CITY Journal, Journal of Sociology, Social Movement Studies, and Religions.
摘要本文探讨社会运动学者如何在学科范围内建构“宗教”范畴。使用来自宗教批判研究的一些概念工具——即，对“世俗”和“宗教”之间的区别提出问题——它分析了2010年至2020年间《社会运动研究与动员》期刊上的文章样本，这些文章涉及广泛的宗教、精神和“类宗教”或“世俗神圣”现象。我在这些数据中发现了三个关键趋势:社会运动文学对什么是“宗教”有一个狭隘的建构;那些被称为“宗教”的东西往往被用来服务于“政治”目的;社会运动学者更有可能研究保守和极端政治，因为这些政治与被认为是“宗教”的群体有交集，而不是与被认为是“世俗”的群体有交集。这篇文章邀请研究社会运动的学者思考“宗教”和“政治”的特定概念是如何在这个领域内自然化的。关键词:宗教社会运动理论世俗神圣政治披露声明作者未报告潜在的利益冲突。作者简介:rosemary Hancock是澳大利亚圣母大学伦理与社会研究所的副主任，也是该研究所宗教、文化和社会研究重点领域的召集人。她的研究兴趣主要是宗教与基层政治的关系，尤其擅长宗教与环境政治。她是社会学播客Uncommon Sense的联合主持人，她的作品被广泛发表在CITY Journal、Journal of sociology、Social Movement Studies和Religions等杂志上。
{"title":"Sacralising the secular: constructing ‘religion’ in social movement scholarship","authors":"Rosemary Hancock","doi":"10.1080/14742837.2023.2268011","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/14742837.2023.2268011","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACTThis article investigates how social movement scholars construct the category of ‘religion’ within the discipline. Using some of the conceptual tools from the critical study of religion – namely, problematising the distinction between the ‘secular’ and the ‘religious’ – it analyzes a sample of articles within the journals Social Movement Studies and Mobilization between 2010 and 2020 that deal with a broad range of religious, spiritual, and ‘religion-like’ or ‘secular sacred’ phenomena. I find three key trends within the data: social movements literature has a narrow construction of what constitutes ‘religion’; those things designated ‘religious’ are often instrumentalized in service to ‘political’ ends; and social movement scholars are more likely to study conservative and extreme politics where it intersects with groups considered ‘religious’ than with those considered ‘secular.’ The article invites scholars of social movements to consider how particular conceptions of both ‘religion’ and ‘politics’ are naturalised within the field.KEYWORDS: Religionsocial movement theorysecular sacredpolitics Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Additional informationNotes on contributorsRosemary HancockRosemary Hancock is Associate Director of the Institute for Ethics and Society at the University of Notre Dame Australia and Convener of the Institute’s Religion, Culture and Society Research Focus Area. Her research interest is primarily the relationship of religion and grassroots politics, and she has particular expertise on religion and environmental politics. She is Co-Host of the sociology podcast Uncommon Sense, and her work has been published widely including in CITY Journal, Journal of Sociology, Social Movement Studies, and Religions.","PeriodicalId":47507,"journal":{"name":"Social Movement Studies","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-10-11","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"136062441","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-10-11DOI: 10.1080/14742837.2023.2267988
Jacqueline Ross
"Organize, Fight, Win: Black Communist Women’s Political Writing." Social Movement Studies, ahead-of-print(ahead-of-print), pp. 1–2 Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Additional informationNotes on contributorsJacqueline RossJacqueline Ross has a PhD in Sociology from the University of Bristol.
{"title":"Organize, Fight, Win: Black Communist Women’s Political Writing <b>Organize, Fight, Win: Black Communist Women’s Political Writing</b> , Charisse Burden-Stelly and Jodi Dean (eds), New York, Verso, 2022, pp. 323$29.95 (paperback) £19.99 $39.95CAN, ISBN 9781839764974","authors":"Jacqueline Ross","doi":"10.1080/14742837.2023.2267988","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/14742837.2023.2267988","url":null,"abstract":"\"Organize, Fight, Win: Black Communist Women’s Political Writing.\" Social Movement Studies, ahead-of-print(ahead-of-print), pp. 1–2 Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Additional informationNotes on contributorsJacqueline RossJacqueline Ross has a PhD in Sociology from the University of Bristol.","PeriodicalId":47507,"journal":{"name":"Social Movement Studies","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-10-11","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"136212334","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-10-09DOI: 10.1080/14742837.2023.2267996
Yasemin Gülsüm Acar, Özden Melis Uluğ
ABSTRACTThe Gezi Park protests are a milestone for system-challenging collective action practices in Turkey. Now, ten years later, we look back on the protests and their legacy. While the protests started in May 2013 as a response to the Taksim Project, which aimed to remove Gezi Park, they brought together thousands of people, including many who were protesting for the first time, to voice their opposition to then Prime Minister Erdoğan and his policies. Participants were initially held together by their opposition to Erdoğan, but soon overarching identities emerged that increased the connections between groups and created a solidarity that continued, in many cases, for years. In this piece we discuss the events that led up to the Gezi Park protests, the impact on its participants, and the outcome and legacy that they left behind. While the sociopolitical landscape has changed a great deal in the last ten years, the impact of the Gezi Park protests on Turkish society and culture remains.KEYWORDS: Gezi ParkİstanbulprotestsolidarityrepressionGezi spirit Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1. The first author was born in the United States and moved to Turkey as an adult. The second author was born and raised in Turkey but pursued her postgraduate education and career abroad.Additional informationNotes on contributorsYasemin Gülsüm AcarDr. Yasemin Gülsüm Acar is a lecturer in the School of Psychology and Neuroscience at the University of St Andrews. Yasemin’s research interests include political protest and its consequences; political solidarity; politicisation and social identity, and intergroup relations/conflict. She received her PhD from Claremont Graduate University in 2015, where she focused on social identity and identity politicisation through collective action. Together with Özden Melis Uluğ, Yasemin has published numerous book chapters and articles about the Gezi Park protests, as well as a book entitled Bir olmadan biz olmak: Farklı gruplardan aktivistlerin gözüyle Gezi Direnişi [Becoming us without being one: The Gezi Resistance from the perspective of different activists].Özden Melis UluğDr. Özden Melis Uluğ is a lecturer in the School of Psychology at the University of Sussex. She worked at Clark University as a Visiting Assistant Professor between 2019-2020 and was a post-doctoral fellow in the Psychology of Peace and Violence Program at the University of Massachusetts, Amherst between 2016-2019. She received her PhD in Psychology from Jacobs University Bremen, Germany in 2016. Her areas of research interest include intergroup conflict, intergroup contact, collective action, and solidarity between groups.
Gezi公园抗议活动是土耳其挑战体制的集体行动实践的里程碑。十年后的今天，我们回顾这些抗议活动及其遗产。虽然抗议活动始于2013年5月，是对旨在拆除盖齐公园的塔克西姆计划的回应，但他们聚集了数千人，其中许多人是第一次抗议，他们表达了对当时的总理Erdoğan及其政策的反对。参与者最初因反对Erdoğan而团结在一起，但很快就出现了总体身份，增加了群体之间的联系，并创造了一种持续多年的团结，在许多情况下。在这篇文章中，我们将讨论导致Gezi公园抗议活动的事件，对参与者的影响，以及他们留下的结果和遗产。虽然社会政治格局在过去十年中发生了很大变化，但Gezi公园抗议活动对土耳其社会和文化的影响仍然存在。关键词:格兹ParkİstanbulprotestsolidarityrepressionGezi精神披露声明作者未发现潜在利益冲突。第一作者出生在美国，成年后移居土耳其。第二作者在土耳其出生和长大，但在国外接受研究生教育和职业生涯。关于会议参与者的说明 lsls m AcarDr。Yasemin g ls m Acar是圣安德鲁斯大学心理与神经科学学院的讲师。Yasemin的研究兴趣包括政治抗议及其后果;政治团结;政治化和社会认同，以及群体间关系/冲突。她于2015年获得克莱蒙特研究生大学博士学位，专注于通过集体行动进行社会认同和身份政治化。Yasemin与Özden Melis ululu合作，出版了许多关于格兹公园抗议活动的书籍章节和文章，以及一本名为Bir olmadan biz olmak: farklyi gruplardan aktivistlerin gözüyle Gezi direni的书[成为我们而不是一个人:不同活动家视角下的格兹抵抗运动]。Özden Melis UluğDr。Özden梅利斯·乌卢基是苏塞克斯大学心理学院的讲师。她在2019-2020年期间在克拉克大学担任客座助理教授，并在2016-2019年期间在马萨诸塞大学阿默斯特分校的和平与暴力心理学项目中担任博士后研究员。2016年获德国不来梅雅各布斯大学心理学博士学位。她的研究兴趣包括群体间冲突、群体间接触、集体行动和群体间的团结。
{"title":"Ten years after the Gezi Park protests: looking back on their legacy and impact","authors":"Yasemin Gülsüm Acar, Özden Melis Uluğ","doi":"10.1080/14742837.2023.2267996","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/14742837.2023.2267996","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACTThe Gezi Park protests are a milestone for system-challenging collective action practices in Turkey. Now, ten years later, we look back on the protests and their legacy. While the protests started in May 2013 as a response to the Taksim Project, which aimed to remove Gezi Park, they brought together thousands of people, including many who were protesting for the first time, to voice their opposition to then Prime Minister Erdoğan and his policies. Participants were initially held together by their opposition to Erdoğan, but soon overarching identities emerged that increased the connections between groups and created a solidarity that continued, in many cases, for years. In this piece we discuss the events that led up to the Gezi Park protests, the impact on its participants, and the outcome and legacy that they left behind. While the sociopolitical landscape has changed a great deal in the last ten years, the impact of the Gezi Park protests on Turkish society and culture remains.KEYWORDS: Gezi ParkİstanbulprotestsolidarityrepressionGezi spirit Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1. The first author was born in the United States and moved to Turkey as an adult. The second author was born and raised in Turkey but pursued her postgraduate education and career abroad.Additional informationNotes on contributorsYasemin Gülsüm AcarDr. Yasemin Gülsüm Acar is a lecturer in the School of Psychology and Neuroscience at the University of St Andrews. Yasemin’s research interests include political protest and its consequences; political solidarity; politicisation and social identity, and intergroup relations/conflict. She received her PhD from Claremont Graduate University in 2015, where she focused on social identity and identity politicisation through collective action. Together with Özden Melis Uluğ, Yasemin has published numerous book chapters and articles about the Gezi Park protests, as well as a book entitled Bir olmadan biz olmak: Farklı gruplardan aktivistlerin gözüyle Gezi Direnişi [Becoming us without being one: The Gezi Resistance from the perspective of different activists].Özden Melis UluğDr. Özden Melis Uluğ is a lecturer in the School of Psychology at the University of Sussex. She worked at Clark University as a Visiting Assistant Professor between 2019-2020 and was a post-doctoral fellow in the Psychology of Peace and Violence Program at the University of Massachusetts, Amherst between 2016-2019. She received her PhD in Psychology from Jacobs University Bremen, Germany in 2016. Her areas of research interest include intergroup conflict, intergroup contact, collective action, and solidarity between groups.","PeriodicalId":47507,"journal":{"name":"Social Movement Studies","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-10-09","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135095545","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-10-09DOI: 10.1080/14742837.2023.2267998
Anne Kirstine Rønn
ABSTRACTWithin the field of social movement studies, scholars have devoted increasing attention to how protesters reclaim and organize public spaces. Case studies reveal that protesters often split up larger reclaimed spaces by drawing internal, sometimes invisible, boundaries. So far, however, the subdivision of protest spaces remains an under-theorized phenomenon. Through a case study of Lebanon’s 2019 October Uprising, this article contributes to disentangling how spatial subdivisions emerge and shape relations between protesters. The study relies on fieldwork observations and interviews with 51 protesters from Lebanon’s second-largest city, Tripoli, where the protest space was divided into three main zones, reflecting social, ideological, and tactical fault lines in the city’s uprising. By employing Löw’s concepts of spacing and synthesis, it analyzes how Tripoli’s protesters came to associate these three zones with diverging identities, ideologies, and tactical orientations, while also connecting them together as functional parts of the larger movement. Although the separation of Tripoli’s protest space did not alleviate disagreements and conflicts, the article finds that subdivisions facilitated a thin form of order and helped protesters make sense of their internal differences.KEYWORDS: Social movementsspacespatial organizationLebanon Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1. The continuation of Tripoli’s protests has been attributed to several factors, including the absence of violent attacks by alleged supporters of Hezbollah and Amal Movement, which deterred protest participation in Beirut and other parts of the country. Moreover, while the COVID-19 lockdown led protests to die out elsewhere in Lebanon, some Tripolitan citizens defied the curfews and took to the street, due to the economic situation in the city, which has deteriorated severely during the past years’ financial collapse in Lebanon.2. Three interviews were conducted online prior to the fieldwork.3. Three individuals preferred not to be recorded.4. Interview with NGO worker and consultant, July 30, 2021, Tripoli.5. Only a small group of protesters actively sought to put a stop to concerts in Nour Square.6. Author’s interview with journalist and activist, Tripoli, July 2021.7. ‘Educated people’ was here used as a synonym for the middle classes.8. Author’s interview with organizer from Ḥurās al-Medina, July 2021.9. The burning of dumpsters and vandalization of buildings occurred to a smaller extent in the same period as the DJ concerts but became more prevalent as the large musical demonstrations vaned.10. Author’s interview with NGO worker, August 2021, Tripoli.11. Author’s interviews with 14 anonymous male protesters at Nour Square, October 2021, Tripoli.12. Author’s interview with student, August 1, 2021, Tripoli.13. Sāḥa w Masāḥa. (2019, December 28). 73 yawm [English: Day 73]. [image upload]. Facebook.https://www.facebook
{"title":"Unity through separation: spatial divisions and intra-movement relations in Lebanon’s October Uprising","authors":"Anne Kirstine Rønn","doi":"10.1080/14742837.2023.2267998","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/14742837.2023.2267998","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACTWithin the field of social movement studies, scholars have devoted increasing attention to how protesters reclaim and organize public spaces. Case studies reveal that protesters often split up larger reclaimed spaces by drawing internal, sometimes invisible, boundaries. So far, however, the subdivision of protest spaces remains an under-theorized phenomenon. Through a case study of Lebanon’s 2019 October Uprising, this article contributes to disentangling how spatial subdivisions emerge and shape relations between protesters. The study relies on fieldwork observations and interviews with 51 protesters from Lebanon’s second-largest city, Tripoli, where the protest space was divided into three main zones, reflecting social, ideological, and tactical fault lines in the city’s uprising. By employing Löw’s concepts of spacing and synthesis, it analyzes how Tripoli’s protesters came to associate these three zones with diverging identities, ideologies, and tactical orientations, while also connecting them together as functional parts of the larger movement. Although the separation of Tripoli’s protest space did not alleviate disagreements and conflicts, the article finds that subdivisions facilitated a thin form of order and helped protesters make sense of their internal differences.KEYWORDS: Social movementsspacespatial organizationLebanon Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1. The continuation of Tripoli’s protests has been attributed to several factors, including the absence of violent attacks by alleged supporters of Hezbollah and Amal Movement, which deterred protest participation in Beirut and other parts of the country. Moreover, while the COVID-19 lockdown led protests to die out elsewhere in Lebanon, some Tripolitan citizens defied the curfews and took to the street, due to the economic situation in the city, which has deteriorated severely during the past years’ financial collapse in Lebanon.2. Three interviews were conducted online prior to the fieldwork.3. Three individuals preferred not to be recorded.4. Interview with NGO worker and consultant, July 30, 2021, Tripoli.5. Only a small group of protesters actively sought to put a stop to concerts in Nour Square.6. Author’s interview with journalist and activist, Tripoli, July 2021.7. ‘Educated people’ was here used as a synonym for the middle classes.8. Author’s interview with organizer from Ḥurās al-Medina, July 2021.9. The burning of dumpsters and vandalization of buildings occurred to a smaller extent in the same period as the DJ concerts but became more prevalent as the large musical demonstrations vaned.10. Author’s interview with NGO worker, August 2021, Tripoli.11. Author’s interviews with 14 anonymous male protesters at Nour Square, October 2021, Tripoli.12. Author’s interview with student, August 1, 2021, Tripoli.13. Sāḥa w Masāḥa. (2019, December 28). 73 yawm [English: Day 73]. [image upload]. Facebook.https://www.facebook","PeriodicalId":47507,"journal":{"name":"Social Movement Studies","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-10-09","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135142196","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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