Pub Date : 2022-03-28DOI: 10.1080/14742837.2022.2054795
Ella Petrini, Å. Wettergren
ABSTRACT Drawing on the literature of social movements and emotions, this article analyses a case of the union-led movement against outsourcing in the UK. Our focus is on the emotional processes of collective identity formation and the movement culture of new grassroot unions, addressing the themes of movement culture, collective identity and political solidarity. Data consists of participant observations, interviews, and additional website and media material. The results show that the movement culture of the new grassroot unions is characterised by direct action and a collective identity based on a proud re-centring of BAME workers as subjects of labour struggles. Key emotional processes consist of sharing emotions of humiliation, anger, and exclusion, but also joy and feelings of solidarity. A crucial part of the movement’s expansion is due to the construction of political solidarity and coalition-building. The results demonstrate the importance of heeding the crucial mobilising power of shared emotions in the analysis of new labour unions. The article contributes to labour movement research with an enhanced understanding of immaterial claims on dignity, respect and care, alongside the cognitivist focus on material work conditions and labour rights.
{"title":"Organising outsourced workers in UK’s new trade unionism - emotions, protest, and collective identity","authors":"Ella Petrini, Å. Wettergren","doi":"10.1080/14742837.2022.2054795","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/14742837.2022.2054795","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Drawing on the literature of social movements and emotions, this article analyses a case of the union-led movement against outsourcing in the UK. Our focus is on the emotional processes of collective identity formation and the movement culture of new grassroot unions, addressing the themes of movement culture, collective identity and political solidarity. Data consists of participant observations, interviews, and additional website and media material. The results show that the movement culture of the new grassroot unions is characterised by direct action and a collective identity based on a proud re-centring of BAME workers as subjects of labour struggles. Key emotional processes consist of sharing emotions of humiliation, anger, and exclusion, but also joy and feelings of solidarity. A crucial part of the movement’s expansion is due to the construction of political solidarity and coalition-building. The results demonstrate the importance of heeding the crucial mobilising power of shared emotions in the analysis of new labour unions. The article contributes to labour movement research with an enhanced understanding of immaterial claims on dignity, respect and care, alongside the cognitivist focus on material work conditions and labour rights.","PeriodicalId":47507,"journal":{"name":"Social Movement Studies","volume":"150 1","pages":"513 - 529"},"PeriodicalIF":3.1,"publicationDate":"2022-03-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"86148614","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-03-23DOI: 10.1080/14742837.2022.2052836
A. Lavizzari, Zorica Siročić
ABSTRACT Contemporary anti-gender movements mobilize against gender and sexual equality for which feminist and LGBTQI+ movements have been advocating for decades. We propose the term ‘contentious gender politics’ to capture this clash of opposing movements concerning bodily integrity, kinship structures, sexual morality, and institutionalization of gender equality. Existing literature has recognized the transnational character of anti-gender movements and identified matching tactics, frames, and allies across different countries. We examine how these transnational movements used similar campaigns to ‘localize’. Localization is conceptualized in this research as the process of adapting frames and tactics to different national contexts. To do so, this study examines the diffusion of social movements and anti-gender campaigns by comparing anti-gender movements in Italy and Croatia through critical events between 2013 and 2019. We demonstrate that the localization of these anti-gender movements occurred through a three-step pathway: first, by adapting frames and tactics of left-liberal civil society and progressive movements; second, by forging alliances with existing right-wing parties; and third, by embedding its agenda within formal political and administrative bodies.
{"title":"Contentious gender politics in Italy and Croatia: diffusion of transnational anti-gender movements to national contexts","authors":"A. Lavizzari, Zorica Siročić","doi":"10.1080/14742837.2022.2052836","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/14742837.2022.2052836","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Contemporary anti-gender movements mobilize against gender and sexual equality for which feminist and LGBTQI+ movements have been advocating for decades. We propose the term ‘contentious gender politics’ to capture this clash of opposing movements concerning bodily integrity, kinship structures, sexual morality, and institutionalization of gender equality. Existing literature has recognized the transnational character of anti-gender movements and identified matching tactics, frames, and allies across different countries. We examine how these transnational movements used similar campaigns to ‘localize’. Localization is conceptualized in this research as the process of adapting frames and tactics to different national contexts. To do so, this study examines the diffusion of social movements and anti-gender campaigns by comparing anti-gender movements in Italy and Croatia through critical events between 2013 and 2019. We demonstrate that the localization of these anti-gender movements occurred through a three-step pathway: first, by adapting frames and tactics of left-liberal civil society and progressive movements; second, by forging alliances with existing right-wing parties; and third, by embedding its agenda within formal political and administrative bodies.","PeriodicalId":47507,"journal":{"name":"Social Movement Studies","volume":"9 1","pages":"475 - 493"},"PeriodicalIF":3.1,"publicationDate":"2022-03-23","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"76133113","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-03-21DOI: 10.1080/14742837.2022.2053515
J. Jung
ABSTRACT About 17 million people participated in candlelight protests from October 2016 to April 2017 in South Korea calling for the president’s impeachment. In this episode, the president was, indeed, impeached through constitutional procedures for the first time in Korean history, and an early presidential election was held after the contentious episode was over. How can we explain this massive mobilization of candlelight protests in South Korea? Using a dynamics of contention approach, this article decomposes the mobilization process of candlelight protests into three mechanisms – attribution of political opportunities, shift in elite alignment, and expansion of mobilization networks. These mechanisms interacted and reinforced one another in the mobilization process of candlelight rallies for six months. This article traces these mechanisms by using various sources, including protest event data, public opinion data, documents by the national coalition for candlelight protests, and news media accounts.
{"title":"The candlelight protests in South Korea: a dynamics of contention approach","authors":"J. Jung","doi":"10.1080/14742837.2022.2053515","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/14742837.2022.2053515","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT About 17 million people participated in candlelight protests from October 2016 to April 2017 in South Korea calling for the president’s impeachment. In this episode, the president was, indeed, impeached through constitutional procedures for the first time in Korean history, and an early presidential election was held after the contentious episode was over. How can we explain this massive mobilization of candlelight protests in South Korea? Using a dynamics of contention approach, this article decomposes the mobilization process of candlelight protests into three mechanisms – attribution of political opportunities, shift in elite alignment, and expansion of mobilization networks. These mechanisms interacted and reinforced one another in the mobilization process of candlelight rallies for six months. This article traces these mechanisms by using various sources, including protest event data, public opinion data, documents by the national coalition for candlelight protests, and news media accounts.","PeriodicalId":47507,"journal":{"name":"Social Movement Studies","volume":"6 1","pages":"767 - 785"},"PeriodicalIF":3.1,"publicationDate":"2022-03-21","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"73209373","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-03-15DOI: 10.1080/14742837.2022.2052837
Jacob S. Lewis
ABSTRACT How does exposure to government repression shape bystander willingness to mobilize into a protest or demonstration? A robust body of scholarship has argued that repression can backfire, motivating activists to take to the streets after the government clamps down. Yet, while the evidence is strong that highly motivated and risk-acceptant citizens are willing to step up, less is known about how repression affects the majority of citizens who do not frequently participate in protests. Yet, theories of civil resistance often depend on mobilizing bystanders. I examine this by drawing on geocoded survey data as well as incident-level data of repression across Africa. I measure each respondent’s exposure to government repression across multiple spatial and temporal buffers. Contrary to expectations in the civil resistance literature, I find that exposure to repression correlates with a lower willingness to consider joining a protest or demonstration. The closer a respondent is, both temporally and spatially, to an incident of repression, the less likely they are to report that they would consider joining a protest. The results are robust to additional testing specifications that address issues of endogeneity, social desirability bias, and omitted variable bias.
{"title":"Repression and bystander mobilization in Africa","authors":"Jacob S. Lewis","doi":"10.1080/14742837.2022.2052837","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/14742837.2022.2052837","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT How does exposure to government repression shape bystander willingness to mobilize into a protest or demonstration? A robust body of scholarship has argued that repression can backfire, motivating activists to take to the streets after the government clamps down. Yet, while the evidence is strong that highly motivated and risk-acceptant citizens are willing to step up, less is known about how repression affects the majority of citizens who do not frequently participate in protests. Yet, theories of civil resistance often depend on mobilizing bystanders. I examine this by drawing on geocoded survey data as well as incident-level data of repression across Africa. I measure each respondent’s exposure to government repression across multiple spatial and temporal buffers. Contrary to expectations in the civil resistance literature, I find that exposure to repression correlates with a lower willingness to consider joining a protest or demonstration. The closer a respondent is, both temporally and spatially, to an incident of repression, the less likely they are to report that they would consider joining a protest. The results are robust to additional testing specifications that address issues of endogeneity, social desirability bias, and omitted variable bias.","PeriodicalId":47507,"journal":{"name":"Social Movement Studies","volume":"10 1","pages":"494 - 512"},"PeriodicalIF":3.1,"publicationDate":"2022-03-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"82006431","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-03-12DOI: 10.1080/14742837.2022.2047639
Anja Habersang
{"title":"Utopia, future imaginations and prefigurative politics in the indigenous women’s movement in Argentina","authors":"Anja Habersang","doi":"10.1080/14742837.2022.2047639","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/14742837.2022.2047639","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":47507,"journal":{"name":"Social Movement Studies","volume":"56 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":3.1,"publicationDate":"2022-03-12","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"74188356","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-03-08DOI: 10.1080/14742837.2022.2047641
C. Cassegård
ABSTRACT For a long time after the end of large-scale student unrest in the 1970s Japan stood out by a comparatively low level of protest. Yet spectacular waves of mass-protest returned with the anti-nuke mobilizations following the 2011 Fukushima meltdown and other ‘post-2011’ movements. In this paper I develop an analytical framework inspired by the multi-level perspective in transition studies to illuminate two questions: how can the relatively low level of protest in Japan before 2011 – in particular the so called ‘ice age’ of protest from the 1970s to the early 2000s – be explained, and what enabled the recovery of protest afterwards, starting in the early 2000s and leading up to the post-2011 protest cycle? I point to the crucial role played on the one hand by niches in the form of social movement spaces in fostering oppositional discourses and on the other hand by landscape changes that destabilized the established politico-cultural regime. A crucial role was played by the creative work of freeter activists in social movement spaces during the 1990s who reinvented activism in response to stigmatization of open protest after the collective trauma of the perceived defeat of the New Left in the 1970s. This creative work was a precondition for the rise of protest movements in the early 2000s which in turn prepared the way for the post-2011 protest wave.
{"title":"The recovery of protest in Japan: from the ‘ice age’ to the post-2011 movements","authors":"C. Cassegård","doi":"10.1080/14742837.2022.2047641","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/14742837.2022.2047641","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT For a long time after the end of large-scale student unrest in the 1970s Japan stood out by a comparatively low level of protest. Yet spectacular waves of mass-protest returned with the anti-nuke mobilizations following the 2011 Fukushima meltdown and other ‘post-2011’ movements. In this paper I develop an analytical framework inspired by the multi-level perspective in transition studies to illuminate two questions: how can the relatively low level of protest in Japan before 2011 – in particular the so called ‘ice age’ of protest from the 1970s to the early 2000s – be explained, and what enabled the recovery of protest afterwards, starting in the early 2000s and leading up to the post-2011 protest cycle? I point to the crucial role played on the one hand by niches in the form of social movement spaces in fostering oppositional discourses and on the other hand by landscape changes that destabilized the established politico-cultural regime. A crucial role was played by the creative work of freeter activists in social movement spaces during the 1990s who reinvented activism in response to stigmatization of open protest after the collective trauma of the perceived defeat of the New Left in the 1970s. This creative work was a precondition for the rise of protest movements in the early 2000s which in turn prepared the way for the post-2011 protest wave.","PeriodicalId":47507,"journal":{"name":"Social Movement Studies","volume":"20 1","pages":"751 - 766"},"PeriodicalIF":3.1,"publicationDate":"2022-03-08","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"83172396","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-03-03DOI: 10.1080/14742837.2022.2047640
Birgan Gokmenoglu
{"title":"Politics of anticipation: Turkey’s 2017 Constitutional Referendum and the Local ‘No’ Assemblies in Istanbul","authors":"Birgan Gokmenoglu","doi":"10.1080/14742837.2022.2047640","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/14742837.2022.2047640","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":47507,"journal":{"name":"Social Movement Studies","volume":"15 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":3.1,"publicationDate":"2022-03-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"77144808","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-03-03DOI: 10.1080/14742837.2022.2047642
Marco Perolini
ABSTRACT Migrant activists with precarious legal status mobilize against border regimes in Berlin under the label of ‘refugees’. They engage in a classification struggle through which they disrupt the legal notion of refugee by reappropriating an externally assigned category. Their struggle is crucial because legal status categories produce an exclusionary system in which only some migrants can obtain residence rights as well as other rights. I contend that migrants, in the context of their mobilization, collectively interpret their structural position vis-a-vis border regimes, characterized by oppression and exclusion. This collective interpretation is associated with the emergence of a refugee* collective identity that disrupts the legal notion of refugee. I argue that migrants mobilize under the label of ‘refugee’ not only for strategic reasons but also because of their shared beliefs regarding the unfairness of the asylum system. The refugee* collective identity not only disrupts exclusionary legal status categories but also interrupts some of the divisions among migrants that border regimes produce. This article contributes to showing that while migrant activism takes place in a political field that is not chosen by migrants, it has an impact on the regulatory framework that characterizes that political field. Moreover, my findings emphasize the importance of the connections between structural forms of oppression, including regulatory frameworks and classificatory systems, and collective identity processes emerging in the mobilization of subaltern groups.
{"title":"‘We are all refugees’: how migrant grassroots activism disrupts exclusionary legal categories","authors":"Marco Perolini","doi":"10.1080/14742837.2022.2047642","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/14742837.2022.2047642","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Migrant activists with precarious legal status mobilize against border regimes in Berlin under the label of ‘refugees’. They engage in a classification struggle through which they disrupt the legal notion of refugee by reappropriating an externally assigned category. Their struggle is crucial because legal status categories produce an exclusionary system in which only some migrants can obtain residence rights as well as other rights. I contend that migrants, in the context of their mobilization, collectively interpret their structural position vis-a-vis border regimes, characterized by oppression and exclusion. This collective interpretation is associated with the emergence of a refugee* collective identity that disrupts the legal notion of refugee. I argue that migrants mobilize under the label of ‘refugee’ not only for strategic reasons but also because of their shared beliefs regarding the unfairness of the asylum system. The refugee* collective identity not only disrupts exclusionary legal status categories but also interrupts some of the divisions among migrants that border regimes produce. This article contributes to showing that while migrant activism takes place in a political field that is not chosen by migrants, it has an impact on the regulatory framework that characterizes that political field. Moreover, my findings emphasize the importance of the connections between structural forms of oppression, including regulatory frameworks and classificatory systems, and collective identity processes emerging in the mobilization of subaltern groups.","PeriodicalId":47507,"journal":{"name":"Social Movement Studies","volume":"12 1","pages":"459 - 474"},"PeriodicalIF":3.1,"publicationDate":"2022-03-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"80303126","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-02-16DOI: 10.1080/14742837.2022.2033115
Carlos Diz, Brais Estévez, R. Martínez-Buján
ABSTRACT In 2011 the Indignados traced a line of flight from austerity policies. They invented unprecedented spaces for participation, re-imagined Spanish democracy and turned their attention to forms of life as spaces for political transformation. Their practices enacted a collective sensitivity that challenged the regime of impotence blocking their lives. The global financial crisis was denying them a future, and their ability to think and act together. Ten years later, while the COVID-19 pandemic interrupted the world’s normal course, self-organizing neighbours updated the Indignados’ sensibility and methods. This article analyses the neighborhood support networks created by the Mutual Aid Groups (GAM) in A Coruña, Spain, during the lockdown in March 2020. As the government urged people to stay at home and obey the public health directives, the GAM took care of vulnerable life and democracy, threatened today by new authoritarian drives. From the standpoint of the ethics of care and an interest in experimental social movements, we discuss the power of a caring democracy, which sustains life and renews the democratic turn of the 15-M.
{"title":"Caring Democracy Now: Neighborhood Support Networks in the Wake of the 15-M","authors":"Carlos Diz, Brais Estévez, R. Martínez-Buján","doi":"10.1080/14742837.2022.2033115","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/14742837.2022.2033115","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT In 2011 the Indignados traced a line of flight from austerity policies. They invented unprecedented spaces for participation, re-imagined Spanish democracy and turned their attention to forms of life as spaces for political transformation. Their practices enacted a collective sensitivity that challenged the regime of impotence blocking their lives. The global financial crisis was denying them a future, and their ability to think and act together. Ten years later, while the COVID-19 pandemic interrupted the world’s normal course, self-organizing neighbours updated the Indignados’ sensibility and methods. This article analyses the neighborhood support networks created by the Mutual Aid Groups (GAM) in A Coruña, Spain, during the lockdown in March 2020. As the government urged people to stay at home and obey the public health directives, the GAM took care of vulnerable life and democracy, threatened today by new authoritarian drives. From the standpoint of the ethics of care and an interest in experimental social movements, we discuss the power of a caring democracy, which sustains life and renews the democratic turn of the 15-M.","PeriodicalId":47507,"journal":{"name":"Social Movement Studies","volume":"63 5","pages":"361 - 380"},"PeriodicalIF":3.1,"publicationDate":"2022-02-16","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"72406976","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-02-16DOI: 10.1080/14742837.2022.2031954
Sander van Haperen, J. Uitermark, W. Nicholls
ABSTRACT While activists have effectively used the #blacklivesmatter hashtag to organize protests against police brutality and racism, this success has also drawn out many who use the hashtag to express their opposition. How do supporters of the Movement for Black Lives and their opponents coordinate on Twitter? Drawing on a corpus of 18.5 million tweets, this paper compares coordination among supporters and opponents of #blacklivesmatter in terms of relations and spatialities. We elaborate two different models of coordination: the swarm and the grassroots. Compared to their adversaries, supporters of #blacklivesmatter are more strongly rooted in places and embedded in local relations, suggesting that their online activism builds on grassroots communities. Opponents can be differentiated into two categories. One group consists of conservatives that are rooted in places but in a markedly different geography than supporters; they are more often located outside of major cities and outside of the coastal states. A second group of digitally networked extreme right opponents coordinates more in the fashion of a swarm: they synchronize without being rooted in places or embedded in local relations. These findings demonstrate that movements and countermovements benefit from the affordances of social media in different ways.
{"title":"The Swarm versus the Grassroots: places and networks of supporters and opponents of Black Lives Matter on Twitter","authors":"Sander van Haperen, J. Uitermark, W. Nicholls","doi":"10.1080/14742837.2022.2031954","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/14742837.2022.2031954","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT While activists have effectively used the #blacklivesmatter hashtag to organize protests against police brutality and racism, this success has also drawn out many who use the hashtag to express their opposition. How do supporters of the Movement for Black Lives and their opponents coordinate on Twitter? Drawing on a corpus of 18.5 million tweets, this paper compares coordination among supporters and opponents of #blacklivesmatter in terms of relations and spatialities. We elaborate two different models of coordination: the swarm and the grassroots. Compared to their adversaries, supporters of #blacklivesmatter are more strongly rooted in places and embedded in local relations, suggesting that their online activism builds on grassroots communities. Opponents can be differentiated into two categories. One group consists of conservatives that are rooted in places but in a markedly different geography than supporters; they are more often located outside of major cities and outside of the coastal states. A second group of digitally networked extreme right opponents coordinates more in the fashion of a swarm: they synchronize without being rooted in places or embedded in local relations. These findings demonstrate that movements and countermovements benefit from the affordances of social media in different ways.","PeriodicalId":47507,"journal":{"name":"Social Movement Studies","volume":"21 1","pages":"171 - 189"},"PeriodicalIF":3.1,"publicationDate":"2022-02-16","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"78120613","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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