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Identify Transformational, Not Just Transactional Giftedness! 识别转型天赋,而不仅仅是交易天赋!
IF 3.1 3区 教育学 Q1 EDUCATION, SPECIAL Pub Date : 2022-01-03 DOI: 10.1177/00169862211037950
R. Sternberg
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引用次数: 3
Asset-Based Decision Making to Address Inequity in Gifted Education Services 解决资优教育服务不公平的资产决策
IF 3.1 3区 教育学 Q1 EDUCATION, SPECIAL Pub Date : 2022-01-03 DOI: 10.1177/00169862211042910
K. Lamb, J. Jolly, J. Lakin
The field of gifted education has faced issues of equity for decades. Peters (2021) highlights a variety of systemic reasons traditional gifted identification processes may fail to equitably identify traditionally underrepresented students; however, at the core of Peter’s argument is a defense of the gifted and talented label. Common criticisms of gifted education include that it promotes fixed labels attached to opaque instructional practices or services that provide greater advantages to a privileged few (Grissom et al., 2019). The gifted label also attracts stereotypes and misconceptions relative to student behaviors and services. For instance, the label perpetuates the misconception that most students are gifted across academic domains rather than having specific areas of strengths and weaknesses (Lohman et al., 2008). As a result, gifted education services rarely meet the unique needs of the students being served, but rather provide a onesize-fits-all service—the antithesis of a specialized service. Dixson et al. (2021) proposed an approach to gifted education focused on maximizing learning, which involves short-term, malleable decisions using assessment data to immediately inform instruction rather than long-term labels. Essentially, these are existing strategies, primarily used in special education, to monitor progress with data-based decision making designed to support students academically. Three key services include (a) diagnostic labels only as needed, (b) push-in services from specialists ensuring students get instruction aligned with their needs, and (c) responsive services, such as Response to Intervention (RtI), that allow teachers to identify needs and modify instruction more effectively for a larger pool of (potentially or currently) highachieving students.
几十年来,资优教育领域一直面临着公平问题。Peters(2021)强调了传统的天才识别过程可能无法公平地识别传统上代表性不足的学生的各种系统性原因;然而,彼得论点的核心是为天才和才华标签辩护。对天才教育的常见批评包括,它给不透明的教学实践或服务贴上了固定的标签,为少数特权阶层提供了更大的优势(Grissom et al., 2019)。天赋异禀的标签也吸引了对学生行为和服务的刻板印象和误解。例如,这个标签延续了一种误解,即大多数学生在学术领域都有天赋,而不是在特定领域有优势和劣势(Lohman et al., 2008)。因此,资优教育服务很少能满足被服务学生的独特需求,而是提供一种一刀切的服务——与专业服务相反。Dixson等人(2021)提出了一种以最大化学习为重点的资优教育方法,该方法涉及使用评估数据立即通知教学的短期、可延展性决策,而不是长期标签。从本质上讲,这些都是现有的策略,主要用于特殊教育,通过基于数据的决策来监控学生的进步,这些决策旨在支持学生的学业。三项关键服务包括(a)仅在需要时才使用诊断标签,(b)由专家提供的自助式服务,确保学生获得符合其需求的指导,以及(c)响应式服务,例如对干预的响应(RtI),使教师能够识别需求并更有效地修改指导,以满足更多(潜在或当前)优秀学生的需求。
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引用次数: 2
Disentangling Inequity in Gifted Education: The Need for Nuance in Racial/Ethnic Categories, Socioeconomic Status, and Geography 拆解天才教育中的不平等:需要种族/民族类别、社会经济地位和地理上的细微差别
IF 3.1 3区 教育学 Q1 EDUCATION, SPECIAL Pub Date : 2022-01-03 DOI: 10.1177/00169862211040533
Jaret Hodges, Rachel U. Mun, Anne N. Rinn
There is consensus among scholars in gifted education on the need to address educational equity for marginalized groups based on racial/ethnic categories (Peters et al., 2019), socioeconomic status (Hamilton et al., 2018), and geography (Hodges, 2018). Marginalization exists in terms of identification for services (Mun et al., 2021; Peters et al., 2019) and the extent of those services (Hodges, 2018). Less clear, however, are the complexities of the subgroups who comprise those marginalized groups. Understanding the nuances of racial/ethnic, socioeconomic, and geographic designations is a critical component of closing gaps in equity within K-12 gifted and talented services. In the proposed solutions to address these equity gaps outlined by Peters (2021), we argue that success is more likely if these nuances are considered. Aggregating students into broad racial/ethnic categorizations occurs at the federal and state level, affecting how students are labeled in schools. The U.S. Department of Education (2008) recognizes seven racial/ethnic categories: American Indian or Alaska Native, Asian, Black or African American, Hispanic, Native Hawaiian or Other Pacific Islander, White, and two or more races. Within those seven categories, though, is an immense amount of variation and nuance with differing levels of economic (e.g., money, property), social (e.g., social networks, connections), and cultural (e.g., education, knowledge, training) capital (Marcucci, 2020). For example, the categorization American Indian or Alaska Native represents not a single monolithic culture but a plethora of diverse peoples with distinct cultures and languages. The categorization Black represents not only individuals who are descendants of African slaves in the United States. but also a diverse group of immigrants from Africa, Latin America, and the Caribbean (Mwangi, 2014). Peters (2021) briefly describes this understanding in his description of the Hmong community in rural Wisconsin. Students who are Asian are considered well represented in gifted education programs (Peters et al., 2019), but it is unlikely that representation extends to all groups of students who would be classified as Asian (e.g., the Hmong). For example, a scholar would likely be met with skepticism for stating that gifted identification for children of Burmese refugees is the same as that for children of highly educated East Asian immigrants. Yet stating that students who are Asian are well represented is common within the field of gifted education (Peters et al., 2019). What Peters (2021) does not discuss is the nuance within socioeconomic status, geography, or their intersection with race/ethnicity. Like the nuanced differences within racial/ ethnic categories, children within differing socioeconomic status and geographic groups vary as well. The field would be well served to consider how this variability is related to gaps in equity in gifted education. Socioeconomic status groups are not monolith
资优教育的学者们一致认为,有必要根据种族/民族类别(Peters等人,2019)、社会经济地位(Hamilton等人,2018)和地理位置(Hodges, 2018)来解决边缘化群体的教育公平问题。在识别服务方面存在边缘化(Mun等人,2021;Peters等人,2019)以及这些服务的范围(Hodges, 2018)。然而,不太清楚的是,构成这些边缘化群体的子群体的复杂性。了解种族/民族,社会经济和地理名称的细微差别是缩小K-12天才和人才服务中公平差距的关键组成部分。在彼得斯(2021)提出的解决这些公平差距的解决方案中,我们认为,如果考虑到这些细微差别,成功的可能性更大。将学生划分为广泛的种族/民族在联邦和州一级发生,影响了学生在学校的标签。美国教育部(2008)承认七个种族/民族类别:美洲印第安人或阿拉斯加原住民,亚洲人,黑人或非裔美国人,西班牙裔,夏威夷原住民或其他太平洋岛民,白人,以及两个或两个以上的种族。然而,在这七个类别中,经济资本(如金钱、财产)、社会资本(如社会网络、联系)和文化资本(如教育、知识、培训)的不同水平存在着巨大的差异和细微差别(Marcucci, 2020)。例如,美国印第安人或阿拉斯加原住民的分类代表的不是单一的单一文化,而是具有独特文化和语言的众多不同民族。黑人的分类不仅代表了美国非洲奴隶的后裔。还有来自非洲、拉丁美洲和加勒比地区的多元化移民群体(Mwangi, 2014)。彼得斯(2021)在他对威斯康星州农村苗族社区的描述中简要地描述了这种理解。亚洲学生被认为在资优教育项目中有很好的代表性(Peters等人,2019),但这种代表性不太可能延伸到所有被归类为亚洲学生的群体(例如,苗族)。例如,如果一位学者说,缅甸难民的孩子与受过高等教育的东亚移民的孩子的天赋身份是一样的,那么他很可能会遭到怀疑。然而,在资优教育领域,亚洲学生的代表性很普遍(Peters et al., 2019)。彼得斯(2021)没有讨论的是社会经济地位、地理或它们与种族/民族的交集的细微差别。就像种族/民族类别之间的细微差异一样,不同社会经济地位和地理群体的儿童也会有所不同。该领域将很好地考虑这种可变性如何与资优教育的公平差距有关。社会经济地位群体不是单一的实体。每个人对贫困及其后果的感受是不同的。虽然经济资本水平可能相似,但生活在世代贫困中的家庭和那些暂时贫困的家庭(例如,研究生所经历的)之间的社会和文化资本可能存在明显差异。与受过良好教育的研究生的孩子相比,出生在一个世代贫困的家庭的孩子的文化资本可能会减少,而一个受过良好教育的研究生的孩子的家庭贫困只是暂时阻止他们获得更高的经济和社会地位。也就是说,这两个孩子都有资格获得联邦膳食补贴,因此受益于为有资格获得联邦膳食补贴的儿童提供规定的天才识别政策。Sakamoto等人(2021)发现,与美国的亚裔或白人相比,来自尼日利亚的移民具有相当或更高的教育和经济成就。到了第二代(这些移民的孩子),教育和经济成果上的差距就消失了。由于文化和社会资本的不同,一个最近从非洲移民过来的暂时贫困家庭的经历可能与一个世代贫困的奴隶制后裔的经历不同。因此,在描述种族/民族与贫穷之间的交集时,一个重要的区别是考虑贫穷是世代的还是暂时的。1040533 GCQXXX10.1177/00169862211040533Gifted Child QuarterlyHodges等
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引用次数: 5
Should it Matter Who Sits Next to Me? 谁坐在我旁边重要吗?
IF 3.1 3区 教育学 Q1 EDUCATION, SPECIAL Pub Date : 2022-01-03 DOI: 10.1177/00169862211037948
Nancy B. Hertzog
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引用次数: 1
Challenges and Efforts of Achieving Equity Beyond Gifted Education: Implications From Mathematics Education 超越资优教育实现公平的挑战与努力:来自数学教育的启示
IF 3.1 3区 教育学 Q1 EDUCATION, SPECIAL Pub Date : 2022-01-03 DOI: 10.1177/00169862211037951
Hyeseong Lee, Sheunghyun Yeo, Jaepil Han
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引用次数: 4
Peter Parker Principle: From White Privilege to Gifted Critical Discourse 彼得·帕克原则:从白人特权到天才批评话语
IF 3.1 3区 教育学 Q1 EDUCATION, SPECIAL Pub Date : 2022-01-03 DOI: 10.1177/00169862211037704
Angela M. Novak
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引用次数: 2
Equity Through the Participation of Twice-Exceptional Students in Gifted Programming 优等生参与资优项目的公平性
IF 3.1 3区 教育学 Q1 EDUCATION, SPECIAL Pub Date : 2022-01-03 DOI: 10.1177/00169862211037717
David P. Walrod
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引用次数: 3
Equity in Gifted Education: The Importance of Definitions and a Focus on Underachieving Gifted Students 资优教育中的公平:定义的重要性和对表现不佳的资优学生的关注
IF 3.1 3区 教育学 Q1 EDUCATION, SPECIAL Pub Date : 2022-01-03 DOI: 10.1177/00169862211037945
J. Y. Jung, Rahmi Luke Jackson, G. Townend, M. Mcgregor
The underrepresentation of disadvantaged gifted students in public school gifted and talented programs is an unresolved issue for school systems and the field of gifted education around the world. Peters (2021) has provided a thoughtful, well-researched, and defensible overview on the topic, that outlines possible reasons for the underrepresentation of disadvantaged gifted students, along with multiple useful proposals for action in the future. In this commentary, two additional courses of action are described that may complement the proposals of Peters (2021). Arguably, one qualifies as “low-hanging fruit” that may be actionable immediately by school systems, while the second may require effort and action over the longer term. The first proposal relates to an issue that was not covered by Peters (2021)—a reexamination of the definitions of giftedness and talent that guide our identification processes and educational interventions. Although multiple different definitions of giftedness and talent are simultaneously being used in different parts of the world, most do not appear to be very inclusive of under-represented subgroups of gifted students. Therefore, one approach to address the inequity in gifted education may be to go beyond Peters’ (2021) suggestion of “reframing” what it means to be gifted, by the adoption of alternative definitions of giftedness that better and more explicitly acknowledge the characteristics, circumstances, and needs of disadvantaged gifted students. One such definition is the definition proposed by Gagné (2009, 2013), which makes a clear distinction between high level ability (i.e., giftedness) and high level achievement (i.e., talent), explicitly acknowledges possible environmental and intrapersonal factors (i.e., environmental and intrapersonal catalysts) that may positively or negatively influence the development of both ability and achievement, and gives recognition and status to highly able individuals who do not necessarily translate their abilities into corresponding achievements. Essentially, Gagné recognizes the phenomenon of underachievement, which is commonly understood to be a substantial discrepancy between one’s level of ability and achievement. Although the definitions and models proposed by other scholars acknowledge both ability (e.g., Renzulli, 1988) and environmental factors in the development of giftedness or talent (e.g., Tannenbaum, 2003), they do not go as far as Gagné (2009, 2013). Some examples of the specificity and elaboration given to ability and environmental factors by Gagné (2009, 2013) include the acknowledgment of maturation and learning processes that lead to the development of abilities, the role of socioeconomic status, the presence/absence of caregivers, the influence of significant others in one’s social environment, access to learning resources, and the availability of educational interventions. The adoption of definitions of giftedness and talent that clearly acknowledge possibl
在公立学校的资优项目中,弱势资优学生的代表性不足是学校系统和世界各地资优教育领域尚未解决的问题。Peters(2021)对这一主题进行了深思熟虑、研究充分、站得住脚的概述,概述了弱势资优学生代表性不足的可能原因,并为未来的行动提出了多项有用的建议。在这篇评论中,描述了两个额外的行动方案,可以补充彼得斯(2021)的建议。可以说,一种是“唾手可得的果实”,学校系统可以立即采取行动,而第二种可能需要长期的努力和行动。第一个建议涉及彼得斯(2021)没有涉及的问题——重新审视指导我们识别过程和教育干预的天赋和才能的定义。尽管在世界不同地区同时使用了多种不同的天赋和才能定义,但大多数定义似乎并不包括代表性不足的天才学生群体。因此,解决资优教育不平等的一种方法可能是超越彼得斯(2021)提出的“重新定义”资优意味着什么,通过采用对资优的替代定义,更好、更明确地承认弱势资优学生的特征、环境和需求。其中一个定义是gagn(2009, 2013)提出的定义,它明确区分了高水平能力(即天赋)和高水平成就(即才能),明确承认可能的环境和个人因素(即环境和个人催化剂),这些因素可能对能力和成就的发展产生积极或消极的影响。并给予那些不一定能将其能力转化为相应成就的高度有能力的个人认可和地位。从本质上讲,gagn认识到了成就不足的现象,这通常被理解为一个人的能力水平与成就之间的巨大差距。虽然其他学者提出的定义和模型都承认能力(例如,Renzulli, 1988)和环境因素在天赋或才能的发展中(例如,Tannenbaum, 2003),但他们没有像gagn(2009, 2013)那样深入。gagn(2009、2013)对能力和环境因素的具体阐述包括:承认导致能力发展的成熟和学习过程、社会经济地位的作用、照顾者的存在/不存在、重要他人在社会环境中的影响、学习资源的获取以及教育干预的可用性。采用明确承认可能的积极和消极的生活经历(例如,贫穷/财富、童年经历和父母教育支出)的天赋和才能定义,以及因此在获得与教育相关的经历和机会方面可能存在的差异,可能有助于更公平和更公平地识别和规划所有天才学生的决策。与gagn(2009年、2013年)对天赋和天赋的定义相关,彼得斯(2021年)提出的第二项补充建议是,积极促进对天才后进生的识别,并为天才后进生提供适当的干预措施。彼得斯(2021)观察到,许多为解决不平等所做的努力可能都集中在“错误的问题”上,为了回应这一观点,本提案表明,将更多的注意力放在识别和支持大量有资格成为表现不佳的天才学生上,可能是有价值的(Morisano & Shore, 2010)。许多来自弱势背景的资优学生,包括那些社会经济地位较低的学生,1037945 gcqxxx10.1177 /00169862211037945资优儿童季刊jung等人文章评论2021
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引用次数: 5
The Inherent Racism of (Gifted) Education (天赋)教育的内在种族主义
IF 3.1 3区 教育学 Q1 EDUCATION, SPECIAL Pub Date : 2022-01-03 DOI: 10.1177/00169862211037705
Keishana L. Barnes
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引用次数: 2
Equity, Not Just Equality: How Equality of Educational Outcome Policies Could Help Narrow Excellence and Identification Gaps 公平,而不仅仅是平等:教育成果政策的平等如何有助于缩小卓越和识别差距
IF 3.1 3区 教育学 Q1 EDUCATION, SPECIAL Pub Date : 2022-01-03 DOI: 10.1177/00169862211037944
D. Long
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引用次数: 2
期刊
Gifted Child Quarterly
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