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Undermining loyalty to legality? An empirical analysis of perceptions of 'lockdown' law and guidance during COVID-19. 削弱对合法性的忠诚?对 COVID-19 期间对 "封锁 "法律和指导的看法的实证分析。
IF 0.9 4区 社会学 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-07-05 DOI: 10.1111/1468-2230.12755
Naomi Finch, Simon Halliday, Joe Tomlinson, Jed Meers, Mark Wilberforce

This article substantially extends the existing constitutional and legal critiques of the use of soft law public health guidance in the UK during the COVID-19 pandemic. Drawing upon the findings of a national survey undertaken during the first wave of the pandemic in June 2020, it shows how the perceived legal status of lockdown rules made a significant difference as to whether the UK public complied with them and that this effect is a product of the legitimacy that law itself enjoys within UK society. Based on this analysis, it argues that the problems with the Government's approach to guidance, that have been subjected to criticism in constitutional and legal terms, may also be open to critique on the basis that they risk undermining the public's loyalty to the law itself.

本文对英国在 COVID-19 大流行期间使用软法律公共卫生指南的现有宪法和法律批判进行了实质性扩展。文章借鉴了 2020 年 6 月大流行第一波期间开展的一项全国性调查的结果,说明了人们对封锁规则的法律地位的认知如何对英国公众是否遵守规则产生了重大影响,而这种影响是法律本身在英国社会中所享有的合法性的产物。基于这一分析,报告认为,政府在指导方法上存在的问题在宪法和法律方面受到了批评,但也可能受到批评,因为这些问题有可能损害公众对法律本身的忠诚。
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引用次数: 0
Brexit, Covid-19, and Possible Frameworks for Future UK/EU Financial Governance Cooperation. 英国脱欧、新冠肺炎和未来英国/欧盟金融治理合作的可能框架。
IF 0.9 4区 社会学 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-11-01 Epub Date: 2021-06-28 DOI: 10.1111/1468-2230.12650
Elizabeth Howell

The EU project is at an inflection point. Intra-EU alliances are altering following the UK's departure, the EU's financial markets remain segmented, and there is limited appetite for completing the Banking Union. The second stage of Brexit negotiations also collided with the Covid-19 pandemic, which has strained economies around the world. These issues amount to a 'polycrisis' for the EU, raising existential questions about its future. This article focuses on one strand of the debates generated within this polycrisis: future UK/EU policy cooperation with respect to financial governance. The article discusses the importance of the financial services sector to the UK and the EU, and examines potential institutional options for future cooperation. In particular, it advocates harnessing dexterous aspects evident within precedents, including existing EU/third country association agreements, to develop a functional arrangement for future financial governance cooperation, which could also lead to closer UK/EU cooperation than currently appears likely.

欧盟项目正处于一个拐点。在英国脱欧之后,欧盟内部联盟正在发生变化,欧盟的金融市场仍然是分割的,完成银行业联盟的意愿有限。英国脱欧谈判的第二阶段也与新冠肺炎大流行发生了冲突,新冠肺炎疫情使全球经济陷入紧张。这些问题构成了欧盟的“多重危机”,对欧盟的未来提出了存在性问题。本文主要关注在这场多重危机中产生的争论的一个方面:未来英国/欧盟在金融治理方面的政策合作。本文讨论了金融服务业对英国和欧盟的重要性,并探讨了未来合作的潜在制度选择。特别是,它主张利用先例中显而易见的灵巧方面,包括现有的欧盟/第三国联盟协议,为未来的金融治理合作制定一项功能性安排,这也可能导致英国/欧盟的合作比目前看起来更紧密。
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引用次数: 2
The EU-UK Trade and Cooperation Agreement – Exceptional Circumstances or a new Paradigm for EU External Relations? 欧盟-英国贸易与合作协定——特殊情况还是欧盟对外关系的新范式?
IF 0.9 4区 社会学 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-10-20 DOI: 10.1111/1468-2230.12698
C. Eckes, Päivi Leino-Sandberg
In the final days of 2020,the European Union and the United Kingdom concluded a Trade and Cooperation Agreement (TCA) covering a broad range of policy areas, including cooperation of law enforcement authorities and social security systems. The EU-UK TCA is unique as concerns the circumstances of its negotiation and adoption, as well as its substance. However, contrary to the argument of the EU institutions,the agreement will have broad implications for the understanding of the EU’s external competence and Member States’ ability to act in areas that are national competence and rely on national budgets. We are critical of the legitimacy of the TCA’s conclusion process, consider that the lack of a deep constitutional analysis of the consequences of EU-only conclusion of the TCA, and of the TCA itself, are problematic, and believe that the choices made are likely to create difficulties for the implementation and enforcement of the agreement.
在2020年的最后几天,欧盟和英国签署了一项涵盖广泛政策领域的贸易与合作协议,包括执法部门和社会保障系统的合作。欧盟-英国TCA在谈判和通过的情况及其实质内容方面是独特的。然而,与欧盟机构的论点相反,该协议将对理解欧盟的外部权限以及成员国在国家权限和依赖国家预算的领域采取行动的能力产生广泛影响。我们对TCA缔结过程的合法性持批评态度,认为对仅由欧盟缔结TCA的后果以及TCA本身缺乏深入的宪法分析是有问题的,并认为所做的选择可能会给协议的实施和执行带来困难。
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引用次数: 3
What the Fair Minded Observer Really Thinks About Judicial Impartiality 公正的观察者对司法公正的真正看法
IF 0.9 4区 社会学 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-07-01 DOI: 10.1111/1468-2230.12631
Andrew Higgins, Inbar Levy
This article presents the results of an empirical study designed to assess the degree of convergence and divergence between public opinion and the fictional Fair Minded Observer (‘FMO’) used to determine whether a judge ought to be disqualified on the grounds of possible bias. As part of the test for apparent bias, judges have to imagine whether an FMO would see a risk of bias on the part of the judge. Although the courts have never definitively stated whether the FMO is meant to represent an ideal or average member of the public, to the extent that the FMO is partly meant to reflect public perception, the obvious weakness in the test is that no one has tested public attitudes to the risk of judicial bias specifically. In our study, we conducted nationally representative public surveys in both the UK and Australia, asking respondents what they think about different situations of possible bias (N=2064). Our results, in the form of descriptive statistics, indicate that a gap exists between the FMO created by the courts and public opinion in both the UK and Australia. This gap extends across a number of areas thought to give rise to possible bias, including financial interests and relationships and the risk of prejudgement, as well as fact patterns based on leading cases. There are methodological limitations in nationally representative opinion surveys, which make it difficult to measure informed and reasonable public opinion. While further research would be desirable, if the law of bias continues to be partly framed around the need to maintain public confidence in the legal system, law and policy makers will need to take some account of the results of studies such as this one.
本文介绍了一项实证研究的结果,该研究旨在评估公众舆论与虚构的公正观察者(FMO)之间的趋同和分歧程度,FMO用于确定法官是否应该因可能的偏见而被取消资格。作为明显偏见测试的一部分,法官必须想象FMO是否会看到法官有偏见的风险。虽然法院从未明确说明《司法公正条例》是代表理想的公众成员还是代表一般的公众成员,但就《司法公正条例》在一定程度上是为了反映公众的看法而言,该测试的明显弱点在于,没有人专门测试过公众对司法偏见风险的态度。在我们的研究中,我们在英国和澳大利亚进行了具有全国代表性的公众调查,询问受访者对可能存在偏见的不同情况的看法(N=2064)。我们的研究结果以描述性统计的形式表明,在英国和澳大利亚,法院创建的FMO与公众舆论之间存在差距。这种差距延伸到一些被认为可能产生偏见的领域,包括经济利益和关系、预判的风险,以及基于主要案例的事实模式。具有全国代表性的民意调查存在方法上的局限性,因此难以衡量知情和合理的公众意见。虽然进一步的研究是值得的,但如果偏见法继续部分地围绕着维持公众对法律体系的信心的需要,法律和政策制定者将需要考虑到诸如此类的研究结果。
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引用次数: 2
Citizen Led Policing in the Digital Realm: Paedophile Hunters and Article 8 in the case of Sutherland v Her Majesty's Advocate 数字领域中公民主导的警务:恋童癖猎人和萨瑟兰诉女王陛下辩护人案中的第八条
IF 0.9 4区 社会学 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-06-14 DOI: 10.1111/1468-2230.12653
Allison M. Holmes
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引用次数: 0
A Struggle for Competence: National Security, Surveillance and the Scope of EU Law at the Court of Justice of European Union 权力之争:欧盟法院的国家安全、监视和欧盟法的范围
IF 0.9 4区 社会学 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-06-13 DOI: 10.1111/1468-2230.12652
Monika Zalnieriute
In Privacy International and Quadrature Du Net, the Grand Chamber of the Court of Justice of the European Union (‘CJEU’) ruled that the e-Privacy Directive and EU Charter on Fundamental Rights generally prevent national law from enabling bulk retention and transmission of traffic and location data. However, in Quadrature Du Net, the Court clarified that EU law does not preclude indiscriminate data retention measures when Member States can prove serious threats to national security. In such cases, bulk data can only be retained during a strictly necessary period and the decision must be subject to review by a court or independent administrative body. The judgments will have serious implications for other data retention and sharing arrangements, such as the PNR, the proposed e-Privacy Regulation and e-Evidence package, international data sharing agreements, and also the third countries seeking adequacy decisions under the GDPR, including post-Brexit UK. The rulings suggest that CJEU has become an important actor in national security landscape, which has been outside the scope of European integration, but has become a ground for political struggle between the EU institutions and Member States. Yet, while Privacy International is an unequivocal assertion of CJEU’s authority in the area of national security and a victory for data protection, Quadrature Du Net does not oppose indiscriminate data retention in principle and is an ambivalent response by the CJEU in the face of political pressure.
在Privacy International和Quadrature Du Net中,欧盟法院大庭裁定,电子隐私指令和欧盟基本权利宪章通常阻止国家法律允许流量和位置数据的批量保留和传输。然而,在Quadrature Du Net中,法院澄清说,当成员国能够证明对国家安全的严重威胁时,欧盟法律并不排除不分青红皂白的数据保留措施。在这种情况下,批量数据只能在严格必要的时间内保留,并且该决定必须接受法院或独立行政机构的审查。这些判决将对其他数据保留和共享安排产生严重影响,如PNR、拟议的电子隐私条例和电子证据包、国际数据共享协议,以及根据GDPR寻求充分性决定的第三国,包括脱欧后的英国,这已经超出了欧洲一体化的范围,但已经成为欧盟机构和成员国之间政治斗争的基础。然而,尽管Privacy International明确宣称了CJEU在国家安全领域的权威,并取得了数据保护的胜利,但Quadrature Du Net原则上并不反对不分青红皂白地保留数据,这是CJEU在面临政治压力时的矛盾回应。
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引用次数: 1
Abuse of Rights in English Contract Law: Hidden in Plain Sight? 英国合同法中的权利滥用:隐藏在明处?
IF 0.9 4区 社会学 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-05-28 DOI: 10.1111/1468-2230.12647
Solène Rowan
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引用次数: 2
Octavio L.M. Ferraz, Health as a Human Right: The Politics and Judicialisation of Health in Brazil, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2021, xxii + 340 pp, hb £85.00. Octavio L.M.Ferraz,《健康作为一项人权:巴西健康的政治和司法化》,剑桥:剑桥大学出版社,2021,xxii+340页,hb 85.00英镑。
IF 0.9 4区 社会学 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-05-26 DOI: 10.1111/1468-2230.12645
Natalia Pires de Vasconcelos
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引用次数: 0
KaiAmbos et al , Core Concepts in Criminal Law and Criminal Justice, Volume 1: Anglo‐German Dialogues, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2020, 504 pp, hb £110 KaiAmbos等人,《刑法和刑事司法的核心概念》,第1卷:《英德对话》,剑桥:剑桥大学出版社,2020年,504页,110英镑
IF 0.9 4区 社会学 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-05-16 DOI: 10.1111/1468-2230.12641
Brenner M. Fissell
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引用次数: 0
Jessie Blackbourn, Fiona de Londras and Lydia Morgan, Accountability and Review in the Counter-Terrorist State, Bristol: Bristol University Press, 2020, 192 pp, pb £27.99 Jessie Blackbourn、Fiona de Londras和Lydia Morgan,《反恐国家的问责制与审查》,布里斯托尔:布里斯托尔大学出版社,2020192页,出版价27.99英镑
IF 0.9 4区 社会学 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-05-16 DOI: 10.1111/1468-2230.12640
H. Fenwick
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引用次数: 0
期刊
Modern Law Review
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