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How Human Rights Became Gay Rights: A History of Toonen v Australia 人权是如何成为同性恋权利的?图南诉澳大利亚案的历史
IF 1 3区 社会学 Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2024-07-26 DOI: 10.1353/hrq.2024.a933872
Douglas Pretsell, Timothy Willem Jones

When the Legislative Council of the Australian island state of Tasmania rejected gay law reform in July 1991, a group of enterprising activists took their case to the United Nations. In April 1994, the United Nations Human Rights Committee ruled in their favor. The case, Toonen v Australia, is a landmark human rights judgement that has proved highly influential in the years that have followed. Using interviews with the principal participants, this article provides a historical narrative of their activist journey.

1991 年 7 月,澳大利亚岛国塔斯马尼亚州立法委员会否决了同性恋法律改革。1994 年 4 月,联合国人权委员会做出了有利于他们的裁决。图南诉澳大利亚一案是一项具有里程碑意义的人权判决,在随后的岁月里被证明具有极大的影响力。本文通过对主要参与者的访谈,对他们的活动历程进行了历史性的叙述。
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引用次数: 0
The Right to Flee the Dangers of War: Rethinking Ukraine's Gender-Based Restriction on Civilian Men's Freedom of Movement 逃离战争危险的权利:反思乌克兰基于性别限制平民男子行动自由的做法
IF 1 3区 社会学 Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2024-07-26 DOI: 10.1353/hrq.2024.a933873
Jenna Norosky, Charli Carpenter

Amid Russia’s illegal invasion of Ukraine, the human rights community has understandably focused its attention on human rights violations committed by the Russian state, leaving the human rights implications of Ukraine’s martial law on civilians largely unexamined. This article highlights the ways Ukraine’s travel restriction on “battle-aged” civilian men has harmed three overlapping groups: civilian men, families (including women and children), and trans and nonbinary individuals. It then demonstrates that wartime policies such as this one are at odds with several areas of international human rights and humanitarian law: the right to freedom of movement, the right to conscientious objection, and the principle of respect for family life—all of which are meant to be implemented without discrimination on basis of gender. We conclude this type of gender-based law is not justified according to the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights’ rules on derogation in time of national emergencies and emerging customary law and should receive greater attention by the human rights community.

在俄罗斯非法入侵乌克兰之际,人权界将注意力集中在俄罗斯国家侵犯人权的行为上,而乌克兰戒严令对平民人权的影响却基本上没有受到关注,这是可以理解的。本文强调了乌克兰对 "战龄 "男性平民的旅行限制如何伤害了三个重叠群体:男性平民、家庭(包括妇女和儿童)以及变性和非二元个人。本报告随后表明,类似这样的战时政策与国际人权和人道主义法律的多个领域相悖:行动自由权、依良心拒服兵役权和尊重家庭生活的原则--所有这些政策的实施都不应存在性别歧视。我们的结论是,根据《公民及政治权利国际公约》关于在国家紧急状态下克减的规定和新出现的习惯法,这种基于性别的法律是不合理的,应得到人权界更多的关注。
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引用次数: 0
Guerrilla Governance: Troubling Gender in the FARC 游击队治理:哥伦比亚革命武装力量中令人不安的性别问题
IF 1 3区 社会学 Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2024-07-26 DOI: 10.1353/hrq.2024.a933871
Kimberly Theidon

All armed groups have internal regulations, and these regulations frequently involve the governance of affect, intimacy, and reproduction. Drawing upon my ethnographic research with female former combatants from Fuerzas Armadas Revolucionarias de Colombia (FARC), I explore the gendered aspects of these governance regimes. How was intimacy dictated and policed by commanders and peers? What are the tropes regarding women and violence, and how are these frequently eroticized? What forms of reproductive governance were exercised within the ranks? For women who chose to leave the FARC, either informally or via official Demobilization, Disarmament, and Reintegration programs, to what extent does reintegration involve the redomestication of “transgressive” women?

所有武装组织都有内部规章制度,这些规章制度经常涉及对情感、亲密关系和生殖的管理。通过对哥伦比亚革命武装力量(FARC)女性前战斗人员的人种学研究,我探讨了这些管理制度的性别方面。指挥官和同伴是如何规定和管理亲密关系的?有关妇女和暴力的主题是什么?部队内部实行了哪些形式的生殖管理?对于选择离开哥伦比亚革命武装力量(无论是非正式的还是通过官方的复员、解除武装和重返社会计划)的妇女而言,重返社会在多大程度上涉及到 "越轨 "妇女的重新驯化?
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引用次数: 0
Limits to Negotiated Accountability of Economic Accomplices: The Case of Volkswagen do Brasil 通过谈判追究经济帮凶责任的局限性:巴西大众汽车公司案例
IF 1 3区 社会学 Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2024-07-26 DOI: 10.1353/hrq.2024.a933874
Juan Pablo Bohoslavsky, Juan Cruz Goñi

This article critically analyzes the agreement signed in 2020 between Volkswagen do Brasil and the Federal Prosecutor’s Office, which marked the closure of previous civil claims filed by a group of employees who were victims of gross violations of their human rights and alleged the complicity of the company during the dictatorship in Brazil. The conclusions challenge the triumphant story provided by both the State and the company itself and highlight the dark side of using negotiated agreements in the context of civil litigation as a way to achieving guarantees of justice, truth, memory, reparation, and non-repetition.

这篇文章批判性地分析了巴西大众汽车公司与联邦检察官办公室于 2020 年签署的协议,该协议标志着由一群人权遭到严重侵犯并指控该公司在巴西独裁统治期间参与共谋的员工提出的民事索赔案的终结。结论对国家和公司本身提供的胜利故事提出了质疑,并强调了在民事诉讼中使用谈判协议作为实现正义、真相、记忆、赔偿和不重犯保障的方式的阴暗面。
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引用次数: 0
The Right to a Healthy Environment in and Beyond the Anthropocene ed. by Hendrik Schoukens and Farah Bouquelle (review) 人类世及其后的健康环境权》,Hendrik Schoukens 和 Farah Bouquelle 编辑(评论)
IF 1 3区 社会学 Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2024-07-26 DOI: 10.1353/hrq.2024.a933877
Bradford C. Mank
<span><span>In lieu of</span> an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:</span><p> <span>Reviewed by:</span> <ul> <li><!-- html_title --> <em>The Right to a Healthy Environment in and Beyond the Anthropocene</em> ed. by Hendrik Schoukens and Farah Bouquelle <!-- /html_title --></li> <li> Bradford C. Mank (bio) </li> </ul> Hendrik Schoukens & Farah Bouquelle eds., <em>The Right to a Healthy Environment in and Beyond the Anthropocene</em> (Edward Elgar Publishing 2024), ISBN 9781035300419, 380 pages; and the European Court of Human Rights’ Three Climate Change Decisions on April 9, 2024. <h2>INTRODUCTION</h2> <p><em>The Right to a Healthy Environment in and Beyond the Anthropocene: A European Perspective</em>, edited by Hendrik Schoukens and Farah Bouquelle, provides an excellent introduction to European law relating to climate change and whether there is a legal right in Europe to a healthy environment. There is an outstanding Introduction by Schoukens and Bouquelle that provides both an overview of the subject of judicial responses to climate change and the proposed right to a healthy environment for Europe, and a synopsis of each of the fifteen chapters in the book.<sup>1</sup> Schoukens and Bouquelle discuss the record setting heat affecting the world and Europe in the 2020s and the recognition that humans burning fossil fuels that release greenhouse gases (GHG) has so affected the Earth’s environment that we now live in the age of the Anthropocene.<sup>2</sup> Then the Introduction argues that a European focus on climate change and a right to a healthy environment is justified by the fact that nineteen out of twenty-seven European countries in the European Union have a right to a <strong>[End Page 555]</strong> healthy environment in their constitutions and seventeen in their national laws.<sup>3</sup> Additionally, Europe has been a leader in recognizing individual human rights.<sup>4</sup> Furthermore, an increasing number of European judicial decisions have either recognized either a legal right against climate change harms or a right to a healthy environment.<sup>5</sup></p> <p>Finally, the European Court of Human Rights (ECtHR) might interpret the European Convention on Human Rights (hereinafter “the Convention” or ECHR) to recognize a right to a healthy environment or a right to a stable climate.<sup>6</sup> Under either the right to life in Article 2 of the Convention, or, more frequently, in the right to respect for private and family life including their home in Article 8, the ECtHR in its decisions has gradually expanded environmental protections leading to a hope that it would recognize either a right to a healthy environment or a state duty to address climate change.<sup>7</sup> The ECHR is important because it applies to the forty-six European nations that form the Council of Europe, including several nations such as Turkey that are not full members or members of the twenty-seven nations in the European Union.<sup>8
以下是内容的简要摘录,以代替摘要:评论者 The Right to a Healthy Environment in and Beyond the Anthropocene ed. by Hendrik Schoukens and Farah Bouquelle Bradford C. Mank (bio) Hendrik Schoukens & Farah Bouquelle eds., The Right to a Healthy Environment in and Beyond the Anthropocene (Edward Elgar Publishing 2024), ISBN 9781035300419, 380 pages; and the European Court of Human Rights' Three Climate Change Decisions on April 9, 2024。引言 《人类世及其后的健康环境权》(Right to a Healthy Environment in and Beyond the Anthropocene:亨德里克-舒肯斯(Hendrik Schoukens)和法拉-布凯尔(Farah Bouquelle)编著的《人类世及其后的健康环境权:欧洲视角》(The Right to a Healthy Environment in and Beyond Anthropocene: A European Perspective)对欧洲有关气候变化的法律以及欧洲是否存在健康环境的法律权利进行了出色的介绍。1 舒肯斯和布凯尔讨论了 2020 年代影响世界和欧洲的创纪录高温,以及人类燃烧化石燃料释放温室气体已对地球环境造成严重影响,以至于我们现在生活在 "人类世 "2 时代的认识。然后,导言认为,欧洲关注气候变化和健康环境权是合理的,因为在欧洲联盟的二十七个欧洲国家中,有十九个国家的宪法和十七个国家的国内法规定了健康环境权3。5 最后,欧洲人权法院(ECtHR)可以解释《欧洲人权公约》(以下简称 "公约 "或 ECHR),承认健康环境权或稳定气候权。无论是根据《公约》第 2 条中的生命权,还是更经常地根据第 8 条中的尊重私人和家庭生活(包括其住宅)的权利,欧洲人权法院在其裁决中逐渐扩大了对环境的保护,从而使人们希望它将承认健康环境权或国家应对气候变化的义务7。欧洲人权法院》之所以重要,是因为它适用于组成欧洲委员会的 46 个欧洲国家,包括土耳其等几个非欧盟正式成员国或 27 个成员国的国家。8 张萌在导言和第 1 章中解释说,2021 年 10 月 8 日,联合国人权理事会通过了第 48/13 号决议,承认清洁、健康和可持续的环境是一项人权。随后,联合国大会在 2022 年夏季以 161 票赞成、8 票弃权的决议中宣布,享有清洁、健康和可持续的环境是一项普遍人权10。欧洲各国法院有一种日益增长的趋势,即宣布其政府必须履行气候变化协议(包括 2015 年《巴黎协议》)规定的义务,限制未来化石燃料的燃烧和温室气体的排放;然而,一些欧洲法院承认这种义务,但认定司法授权是不恰当的,因为传统的分权原则(trias politica)规定气候变化政策应由民选政府而非法官制定12。最值得注意的是,2019 年,荷兰最高法院命令荷兰政府遵守 2020 年的气候任务,并得出结论认为,其命令并未违反三权分立原则,因为法院将如何实现减排的细节留给了荷兰政府。13 相比之下,布鲁塞尔初审法院在比利时 Klimaatzaak 案中拒绝对比利时政府发布强制性禁令,尽管法院发现比利时政府有...
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引用次数: 0
Music Making in U.S. Prisons: Listening to Incarcerated Voices by Mary L. Cohen and Stuart P. Duncan (review) 美国监狱中的音乐创作:Mary L. Cohen 和 Stuart P. Duncan 合著的《聆听被监禁者的声音》(评论)
IF 1 3区 社会学 Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2024-07-26 DOI: 10.1353/hrq.2024.a933878
Brianna J. Suslovic
<span><span>In lieu of</span> an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:</span><p> <span>Reviewed by:</span> <ul> <li><!-- html_title --> <em>Music Making in U.S. Prisons: Listening to Incarcerated Voices</em> by Mary L. Cohen and Stuart P. Duncan <!-- /html_title --></li> <li> Brianna J. Suslovic (bio) </li> </ul> Mary L. Cohen & Stuart P. Duncan, <em>Music Making in U.S. Prisons: Listening to Incarcerated Voices</em> (Wilfred Laurier University Press 2022), ISBN 9781771125710, 223 pages. <p>Arts-based programming in United States (U.S.) prisons can function as a rehabilitative intervention for incarcerated individuals, but it can also function as a human rights intervention, promoting the dignity and worth of some of the most stigmatized and socially isolated individuals in the country. The authors of <em>Music Making in U.S. Prisons</em> provide a well-researched and empirically grounded case for expanding music-making programming in prisons across the U.S., applying a critical lens to the criminal-legal system and the experiences of incarcerated individuals entangled within it.</p> <p>This book is speaking to the canon of prison-critical authors in the past half-century, including Angela Davis (<em>Are Prisons Obsolete?</em>) and Ruth Wilson Gilmore (<em>Abolition Geography</em>). The authors, Mary L. Cohen and Stuart P. Duncan, primarily argue that music-making in and around U.S. prisons has a role to play in dismantling the prison industrial complex.<sup>1</sup> They consider music making as a pathway to self-knowledge, relational skills development with outside individuals, healthy collaboration, and skill-based learning, noting the value of this multifunctionality throughout their writing. Through engagement with abolitionist thinkers such as Mariame Kaba,<sup>2</sup> the authors offer several case studies of the liberatory potential of various types of music programs in carceral settings, ranging from music collaborations in juvenile detention centers to songwriting workshops in maximum security prisons. Their discussion of the geneses and outcomes of instrumental, choral, and songwriting spaces in carceral settings is informed by a critical historical perspective about the development of music ensembles in prisons and jails over the past century.</p> <p>In her analysis of a workshop in a Raleigh, North Carolina prison, Ashley Lucas writes about the way in which <strong>[End Page 552]</strong> many incarcerated individuals “are often characterized as the objects of their own art rather than the agents who created it.”<sup>3</sup> When creative work produced by incarcerated artists is consumed outside of prison walls, there runs a substantial risk of dehumanization and stereotyping. Incarcerated artists are expected to fit their creative work into a life narrative of trauma, deviancy, and repentance, which reduces their art to a means of constructing flattening rehabilitation narratives.<sup>4</sup> Instead, of falling prey
以下是内容的简要摘录,以代替摘要:评论者 美国监狱中的音乐创作:Mary L. Cohen & Stuart P. Duncan 著,《聆听被监禁者的声音》(Music Making in U.S. Prisons:聆听被监禁者的声音》(Wilfred Laurier University Press 2022 年),ISBN 9781771125710,223 页。在美国监狱中开展以艺术为基础的活动,可以作为对被监禁者的康复干预,也可以作为人权干预,促进美国一些最受鄙视和社会孤立的人的尊严和价值。美国监狱中的音乐创作》一书的作者为在全美监狱中推广音乐创作计划提供了一个经过充分研究并以经验为基础的案例,并对刑事法律制度以及被卷入其中的被监禁者的经历进行了批判性的透视。本书是对过去半个世纪监狱批判作家作品的补充,包括安吉拉-戴维斯(Angela Davis)的《监狱过时了吗》(Are Prisons Obsolete?)作者玛丽-L-科恩(Mary L. Cohen)和斯图尔特-P-邓肯(Stuart P. Duncan)主要论证了美国监狱内外的音乐创作在拆除监狱工业综合体中的作用。1 他们认为音乐创作是认识自我、发展与外界的关系技能、健康合作和技能学习的途径,并在写作中始终注意到这种多功能性的价值。通过与废除奴隶制思想家玛丽亚姆-卡巴(Mariame Kaba)2 等人的交流,作者提供了多个案例研究,说明在监禁环境中各种类型的音乐项目所具有的解放潜力,从青少年拘留中心的音乐合作到最高戒备监狱中的歌曲创作研讨会,不一而足。他们在讨论监狱环境中器乐、合唱和歌曲创作空间的基因和成果时,以批判性的历史视角审视了过去一个世纪中监狱和看守所中音乐团体的发展。阿什利-卢卡斯(Ashley Lucas)在分析北卡罗来纳州罗利监狱的一个工作坊时写道,许多被监禁者 "往往被描述为他们自己艺术的对象,而不是创造艺术的主体"。4 《美国监狱中的音乐创作》一书的作者们并没有陷入这种窠臼,而是选择了一种更为细致入微的视角,来看待针对被监禁者的音乐节目的角色和功能。科恩和邓肯都是音乐教育家,拥有在监狱环境中教学的经验,他们的分析立足于自己的工作,以及被监禁的音乐制作者与他们分享的观点。这种实地考察的方法为他们的论点增添了可信度和严谨性。科恩和邓肯在书的开头提出了一个理由,解释了为什么音乐创作对于致力于拆除美国监禁系统的人来说是一个独特而值得研究的对象。他们在进行讨论时承认,美国大多数教养机构的艺术和社会服务项目资金已被大幅削减,大规模监禁的兴起导致了针对被监禁者的项目供应量的下降。他们进一步指出,美国的刑事法律体系需要治疗性司法和恢复性司法方法,而音乐创作为关系性和关怀创造了机会,使整个体系更接近于减少惩罚的方法。在第二章中,科恩和邓肯从历史的角度探讨了美国监狱中的音乐现象。他们揭示了一些鲜为人知的由被监禁艺术家组成的成功音乐组合案例,强调了音乐教育者、指导者和指挥者在发展监狱铜管乐队、合唱团、广播节目、蓝调团体、欢乐俱乐部和管弦乐队时所需要的创造力和策略。鉴于制度上的限制...
{"title":"Music Making in U.S. Prisons: Listening to Incarcerated Voices by Mary L. Cohen and Stuart P. Duncan (review)","authors":"Brianna J. Suslovic","doi":"10.1353/hrq.2024.a933878","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/hrq.2024.a933878","url":null,"abstract":"&lt;span&gt;&lt;span&gt;In lieu of&lt;/span&gt; an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:&lt;/span&gt;\u0000&lt;p&gt; &lt;span&gt;Reviewed by:&lt;/span&gt; &lt;ul&gt; &lt;li&gt;&lt;!-- html_title --&gt; &lt;em&gt;Music Making in U.S. Prisons: Listening to Incarcerated Voices&lt;/em&gt; by Mary L. Cohen and Stuart P. Duncan &lt;!-- /html_title --&gt;&lt;/li&gt; &lt;li&gt; Brianna J. Suslovic (bio) &lt;/li&gt; &lt;/ul&gt; Mary L. Cohen &amp; Stuart P. Duncan, &lt;em&gt;Music Making in U.S. Prisons: Listening to Incarcerated Voices&lt;/em&gt; (Wilfred Laurier University Press 2022), ISBN 9781771125710, 223 pages. &lt;p&gt;Arts-based programming in United States (U.S.) prisons can function as a rehabilitative intervention for incarcerated individuals, but it can also function as a human rights intervention, promoting the dignity and worth of some of the most stigmatized and socially isolated individuals in the country. The authors of &lt;em&gt;Music Making in U.S. Prisons&lt;/em&gt; provide a well-researched and empirically grounded case for expanding music-making programming in prisons across the U.S., applying a critical lens to the criminal-legal system and the experiences of incarcerated individuals entangled within it.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;This book is speaking to the canon of prison-critical authors in the past half-century, including Angela Davis (&lt;em&gt;Are Prisons Obsolete?&lt;/em&gt;) and Ruth Wilson Gilmore (&lt;em&gt;Abolition Geography&lt;/em&gt;). The authors, Mary L. Cohen and Stuart P. Duncan, primarily argue that music-making in and around U.S. prisons has a role to play in dismantling the prison industrial complex.&lt;sup&gt;1&lt;/sup&gt; They consider music making as a pathway to self-knowledge, relational skills development with outside individuals, healthy collaboration, and skill-based learning, noting the value of this multifunctionality throughout their writing. Through engagement with abolitionist thinkers such as Mariame Kaba,&lt;sup&gt;2&lt;/sup&gt; the authors offer several case studies of the liberatory potential of various types of music programs in carceral settings, ranging from music collaborations in juvenile detention centers to songwriting workshops in maximum security prisons. Their discussion of the geneses and outcomes of instrumental, choral, and songwriting spaces in carceral settings is informed by a critical historical perspective about the development of music ensembles in prisons and jails over the past century.&lt;/p&gt; &lt;p&gt;In her analysis of a workshop in a Raleigh, North Carolina prison, Ashley Lucas writes about the way in which &lt;strong&gt;[End Page 552]&lt;/strong&gt; many incarcerated individuals “are often characterized as the objects of their own art rather than the agents who created it.”&lt;sup&gt;3&lt;/sup&gt; When creative work produced by incarcerated artists is consumed outside of prison walls, there runs a substantial risk of dehumanization and stereotyping. Incarcerated artists are expected to fit their creative work into a life narrative of trauma, deviancy, and repentance, which reduces their art to a means of constructing flattening rehabilitation narratives.&lt;sup&gt;4&lt;/sup&gt; Instead, of falling prey","PeriodicalId":47589,"journal":{"name":"Human Rights Quarterly","volume":"70 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.0,"publicationDate":"2024-07-26","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141780364","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 0
The Reeducation of Race: Jewishness and the Politics of Antiracism in Postcolonial Thought by Sonali Thakkar (review) 种族的再教育:后殖民主义思想中的犹太性与反种族主义政治》,作者 Sonali Thakkar(评论)
IF 1 3区 社会学 Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2024-07-26 DOI: 10.1353/hrq.2024.a933879
Eleni Coundouriotis
<span><span>In lieu of</span> an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:</span><p> <span>Reviewed by:</span> <ul> <li><!-- html_title --> <em>The Reeducation of Race: Jewishness and the Politics of Antiracism in Postcolonial Thought</em> by Sonali Thakkar <!-- /html_title --></li> <li> Eleni Coundouriotis (bio) </li> </ul> Sonali Thakkar, <em>The Reeducation of Race: Jewishness and the Politics of Antiracism in Postcolonial Thought</em> (Stanford University Press 2024), ISBN 9781503637344 (ebook), 288 pages. <p>In her illuminating book on UNESCO’s antiracism project, Sonali Thakkar uses a classic of postcolonial literature (Ama Ata Aidoo’s 1977 novel <em>Our Sister Killjoy</em><em><sup>1</sup></em>) to demonstrate how disappointing the project to counter racism with “reeducation” as “affective reformation” was.<sup>2</sup> Aidoo’s protagonist, Sissie, is the beneficiary of a UNESCO-like educational initiative to build international understanding. She goes from Ghana to Germany and then England in the late 1960s and faces a series of unsettling experiences of bias that render her the killjoy of such idealism. She commits to return to Ghana and rejects Europe’s reparative efforts. Thakkar fully acknowledges Aidoo’s devastating critique, which she develops to complement her extensive discussions of Frantz Fanon, Aimé Césaire, and Caryl Phillips, influential anticolonial thinkers. In their writings, Thakkar sees reflected the historical currency of UNESCO’s project. She explicates their refusal of “liberal scientific antiracism” and their reformulation of its goals.<sup>3</sup> Thakkar mostly succeeds in not presenting this standoff between liberal antiracism and anticolonial critique of universal humanism as a binary. She keeps the critique front and center while acknowledging that “UNESCO’s race project was an extraordinary intervention into the making of antiracism and . . . the single most important site for the canonization of the liberal antiracism that continues to profoundly shape our racial present.”<sup>4</sup></p> <p>Thakkar’s history begins with the efforts of anthropologists from both sides of the Atlantic to counter Nazi race science in the 1930s. The focus on antisemitism and the racist violence perpetrated by the Nazis did not translate, however, into an awareness of colonial violence until later. A racist colonial status quo continued until well after World War II when anticolonial efforts and an increasingly rapid decolonization forced the entanglement of these two antiracist efforts. UNESCO’s 1950 Statement on Race reflected the colonial blind spot by emphasizing the plasticity of race (which aimed to undermine race as a category) instead of explicitly tackling how to end racism.<sup>5</sup> The <em>malleability of race</em> held the promise that racism could be overcome and confronting it could be avoided as a political question.<sup>6</sup> The anthropologist Franz Boas developed the thinking around racial plasticity a
以下是内容的简要摘录,以代替摘要:评论者 The Reeducation of Race: Jewishness and the Politics of Antiracism in Postcolonial Thought by Sonali Thakkar Eleni Coundouriotis (bio) Sonali Thakkar, The Reeducation of Race: Jewishness and the Politics of Antiracism in Postcolonial Thought (Stanford University Press 2024), ISBN 9781503637344 (ebook), 288 pages.索娜丽-塔卡尔(Sonali Thakkar)在其关于联合国教科文组织反种族主义项目的富有启发性的著作中,使用了一部后殖民主义文学经典作品(阿玛-阿塔-艾杜 1977 年的小说《我们的杀戮姐姐》1)来证明,以 "再教育 "作为 "情感改造 "来反种族主义的项目是多么令人失望。20 世纪 60 年代末,她从加纳前往德国和英国,面对一系列令人不安的偏见经历,使她成为这种理想主义的牺牲品。她决心返回加纳,拒绝欧洲的赔偿努力。Thakkar 充分肯定了艾杜极具破坏性的批判,并对弗朗茨-法农、艾梅-塞泽尔和卡里尔-菲利普斯这些极具影响力的反殖民主义思想家进行了广泛的讨论。Thakkar 从他们的著作中看到了教科文组织项目的历史意义。她阐述了他们对 "自由科学反种族主义 "的拒绝以及对其目标的重新表述。3 Thakkar 的成功之处主要在于没有将自由反种族主义与反殖民主义对普遍人文主义的批判对立起来。她在承认 "联合国教科文组织的种族项目是对反种族主义形成的一次非同寻常的干预,......是将自由主义反种族主义神圣化的最重要场所,而自由主义反种族主义仍在深刻地塑造着我们的种族现状 "4 的同时,将批判置于前沿和中心位置。然而,对纳粹的反犹太主义和种族主义暴力的关注直到后来才转化为对殖民暴力的认识。种族主义的殖民现状一直持续到第二次世界大战之后,反殖民主义的努力和日益迅速的非殖民化迫使这两种反种族主义的努力纠缠在一起。6 人类学家弗朗兹-博厄斯(Franz Boas)发展了种族可塑性思想,作为对反犹太主义的回应,尽管正如塔卡尔(Thakkar)所指出的,他强调种族可塑性适用于全人类。[7 在教科文组织的种族项目中,可塑性和可教育性共同寻求改变种族的本体论,使其可 变。7 在教科文组织的种族项目中,可塑性和可教育性共同寻求改变种族的本体论,使其成为可 变的。围绕可教育性形成的这一项目长期方向将其征用为一种殖民主义心态,并在发展项目 中找到了新的生命力。塔卡尔(Thakkar)的论述勇于将经常互不相容的立场综合起来,这些立场源自她所认为的种族主义的类似实例:反犹太主义和欧洲殖民主义。在她构建的故事弧线中,对反犹太主义的回应催生了自由主义反种族主义,这种反种族主义本应强调 "人类平等",但最终却以可塑性和可教育性取代了平等8 。当国际社会的注意力转向非殖民化时,可塑性和可教育性的公式限制了解决殖民主义种族主义复杂影响的努力,并产生了一种令人不满意的文化相对主义发展话语,对弥补历史错误几乎没有任何作用。Thakkar 研究了教科文组织的档案,以了解反殖民主义思想的历史。她将《1950 年声明》解读为一份人权文件,尽管由于偏离了关于人类平等的有力声明,这份文件对人权的意义被削弱了。不过,她的书对于理解联合国教科文组织的作用及其与联合国其他工作相关的教育项目很有帮助。
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引用次数: 0
The Agency of Refugees and Asylum-Seeking Women in the Face of the Inability of States to Provide Protection Against Sexual and Gender-Based Violence 面对国家无力提供保护以防止性暴力和基于性别的暴力,难民和寻求庇护妇女的代理权
IF 1 3区 社会学 Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2024-07-26 DOI: 10.1353/hrq.2024.a933875
Jeremy Julian Sarkin, Tatiana Morais

Drawing on fieldwork in Greece, Uganda, and Israel, this empirical study is an enquiry into the forms of agency adopted by refugee and asylum-seeking women who are survivors of, or in situations of risk of, sexual and gender-based violence. The article identifies the main agentic behaviors reported by participants to prevent and address multiple and intersecting discriminations leading to sexual and gender-based violence. It ascertains various types of agency, including passive versus active agency; silence as agency versus silence as oppression; and individual versus collective agency. The study then also asks what functions these forms of agency fulfill. It finds that they are responses to the state’s failure to prevent and address sexual and gender-based violence in four ways: (1) to acknowledge asylum-seekers sufficiently; (2) to protect asylum-seekers from sexual and gender-based violence; (3) to guarantee access to justice to sexual and gender-based violence survivors; and finally (4) to prevent further discrimination of the hosted community. Thus, this article argues that refugees and asylum-seekers adopt different types of agency to react against the state’s inability to provide protection from sexual and gender-based violence.

本实证研究通过在希腊、乌干达和以色列的实地考察,探究了作为性暴力和性别暴力幸存者或面临性暴力和性别暴力风险的难民妇女和寻求庇护妇女所采取的代理形式。文章确定了参与者报告的主要代理行为,以预防和解决导致性暴力和性别暴力的多重交叉歧视。文章确定了各种代理类型,包括被动代理与主动代理;沉默代理与沉默压迫;个人代理与集体代理。然后,研究还询问了这些代理形式所发挥的作用。研究发现,它们从四个方面回应了国家在预防和解决性暴力和性别暴力方面的失败:(1)充分承认寻求庇护者;(2)保护寻求庇护者免受性暴力和性别暴力;(3)保证性暴力和性别暴力幸存者能够诉诸司法;最后(4)防止收容社区受到进一步歧视。因此,本文认为,难民和寻求庇护者采用不同类型的机构来应对国家无力提供保护,使其免受性暴力和性别暴力侵害的情况。
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引用次数: 0
Cirights: Quantifying Respect for All Human Rights Cirights:量化对所有人权的尊重
IF 1 3区 社会学 Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2024-05-07 DOI: 10.1353/hrq.2024.a926222
Skip Mark, Mikhail Filippov, David Cingranelli

The CIRIGHTS Data Project scores a representative sample of all internationally recognized human rights. In this article, we use CIRIGHTS scores to discover global patterns in government respect for human rights. The findings show that worker rights, including the right to form a trade union and bargain collectively, are among the least protected human rights. The right to be protected from torture is also among the least protected rights, but, on average, other physical integrity rights—protection from extrajudicial killing, political imprisonment, and disappearance—are among the most protected rights. We introduce an Overall Human Rights Protection Index for all countries, which shows that nearly two-thirds of the world's countries score less than 65 on the 100-point scale. A heat map shows that countries tend to have similar index scores if they share an international border. We discuss the implications of these patterns for future research and policymaking.

CIRIGHTS 数据项目对所有国际公认人权的代表性样本进行评分。在本文中,我们利用 CIRIGHTS 的评分来发现政府尊重人权的全球模式。调查结果显示,工人权利,包括组织工会和集体谈判的权利,是受保护最少的人权之一。免受酷刑的权利也是受保护最少的权利之一,但平均而言,其他人身安全权利--免受法外处决、政治监禁和失踪--是受保护最多的权利之一。我们为所有国家引入了人权保护总体指数,该指数显示,在 100 分制的评分表中,全球近三分之二的国家得分低于 65 分。热图显示,如果各国有共同的国际边界,它们的指数得分往往相似。我们讨论了这些模式对未来研究和决策的影响。
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引用次数: 0
Producing Truth: Public Memory Projects in Post-Violence Societies 制造真相:暴力后社会的公共记忆项目
IF 1 3区 社会学 Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2024-05-07 DOI: 10.1353/hrq.2024.a926220
Alexandra Byrne, Bilen Zerie, Kelebogile Zvobgo

How do societies remember historical political violence? We draw on an original dataset of more than 150 memorialization projects proposed by truth commissions in 28 post-violence countries, from 1970 to 2018. These projects include the removal of monuments, installation of museums, inauguration of national days of remembrance, and more. Truth commission recommendations data allows us to not only consider memory sites once established, but also to examine blueprints for the types of memory that could have been made. We develop a typology and inductively generate a theory of the political contests and conflicts that different memory projects are likely to trigger—contests and conflicts that we expect influence the likelihood of project initiation and completion. We conduct an initial probe of the theory using our new data. In so doing, we offer the first systematic, global study of setting and implementing the memorialization agenda in post-violence societies.

社会如何铭记历史政治暴力?我们借鉴了一个原始数据集,该数据集包含从 1970 年到 2018 年 28 个暴力后国家的真相委员会提出的 150 多个纪念项目。这些项目包括拆除纪念碑、建立博物馆、设立国家纪念日等。真相委员会的建议数据让我们不仅能考虑到已经建立的记忆场所,还能研究本可以建立的记忆类型的蓝图。我们对不同的记忆项目可能引发的政治竞争和冲突进行了分类,并归纳出一套理论--我们预计这些竞争和冲突会影响项目启动和完成的可能性。我们利用新数据对该理论进行了初步探索。在此过程中,我们首次对暴力后社会中纪念议程的制定和实施进行了系统的全球性研究。
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引用次数: 0
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Human Rights Quarterly
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