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The Syrian Conflict as a Test Case for the Limits of the International Community and International Law: Global Politics and State Sovereignty Versus Human Rights Protection. 叙利亚冲突是国际社会和国际法极限的检验案例:全球政治和国家主权与人权保护。
IF 1 3区 社会学 Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2022-07-28 DOI: 10.1353/hrq.2022.0024
J. Sarkin, Ross Callum Capazorio
ABSTRACT:The Syrian civil war began in 2011 as part of the Arab Spring movement. It soon became internationalized, attracting the spill-in of external actors into the region and birthing the destructive Syrian conflict that continues ten years later. The Syrian conflict has given rise to the worst refugee and humanitarian crisis of the twenty-first century. The intractability of the conflict is attributed to a deadlocked United Nations Security Council, which remains undecided on the issue of humanitarian intervention as a breach of Syria's state sovereignty. This article seeks to answer the question of whether the concept of state sovereignty has taken precedence over a concern for human rights in Syria. This article delves into the conflict and examines the role of international law. It also examines the extensive use of enforced disappearances and arbitrary detentions and the use of chemical weapons in Syria as weapons of war. It then uses that context to examine the contemporary legal debate over the use of humanitarian intervention in Syria. The article concludes that although state sovereignty has functioned as a legal and normative barrier to the resolution of the conflict and that international law limits what can be done to halt the conflict and the abuses, the underlying issue to blame for not providing protection to the people of Syria is a lack of political will. The article notes that the failure to act on Syria, in terms of the Responsibility to Protect, which has spawned further violence and instability in the region, may have dire consequences in the future. The conflict may also lead to further conflict and human rights violations around the world. It is argued that international law and the UN need to be reformed to be able to deal with such issues more effectively and more often.
摘要:叙利亚内战始于2011年,是阿拉伯之春运动的一部分。它很快就国际化了,吸引了外部势力涌入该地区,并催生了十年后仍在持续的破坏性叙利亚冲突。叙利亚冲突引发了21世纪最严重的难民和人道主义危机。这场冲突的棘手之处在于,联合国安理会(United Nations Security Council)陷入僵局,在是否将人道主义干预视为侵犯叙利亚国家主权的问题上,安理会仍未做出决定。本文试图回答这样一个问题:在叙利亚,国家主权的概念是否优先于对人权的关注。本文深入探讨了这一冲突,并探讨了国际法的作用。它还审查了在叙利亚广泛使用强迫失踪和任意拘留以及使用化学武器作为战争武器的情况。然后,它利用这一背景来研究在叙利亚使用人道主义干预的当代法律辩论。文章的结论是,尽管国家主权已经成为解决冲突的法律和规范障碍,国际法也限制了制止冲突和虐待的措施,但未能为叙利亚人民提供保护的根本问题是缺乏政治意愿。文章指出,就“保护的责任”而言,未能对叙利亚采取行动,已经在该地区引发了进一步的暴力和不稳定,未来可能会产生可怕的后果。这场冲突还可能导致世界各地进一步的冲突和侵犯人权的行为。有人认为,国际法和联合国需要进行改革,以便能够更有效、更频繁地处理这些问题。
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引用次数: 0
Seeing Human Rights: Video Activism as a Proxy Profession by Sandra Ristovska (review) Sandra Ristovska的《看到人权:作为代理职业的视频激进主义》(评论)
IF 1 3区 社会学 Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2022-07-28 DOI: 10.1353/hrq.2022.0033
Isabella Waltz
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引用次数: 0
Women and the Justice Divide in Asia Pacific: How can Informal and Formal Institutions Bridge the Gap? 亚太地区的妇女与司法鸿沟:非正式和正式机构如何弥合差距?
IF 1 3区 社会学 Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2022-07-28 DOI: 10.1353/hrq.2022.0029
C. Mollica, S. Davies, J. True, S. Eddyono, Bhavani Fonseka, M. Johnston
ABSTRACT:Across Asia and the Pacific, legal pluralist systems meet both cultural norms and address injustices at the local level. What is the capacity of these pluralist systems to provide justice and mitigate discrimination against women? This article examines women's experiences across five countries to identify the factors that enable and constrain women's engagement with legal pluralist justice systems in the Asia-Pacific region. Drawing on examples of women's individual and collective attempts to access justice specifically concerning custody, land, and violence, this article identifies three persistent conditions that perpetuate women's inability to access justice: the absence of gender mainstreaming resources in pluralist legal systems, most notably in rural, remote, and impoverished communities; cultural and religious preference for women's underrepresentation in decision-making; and women's low representation in justice-related civil service positions.
摘要:在整个亚太地区,法律多元化体系既符合文化规范,又能解决地方层面的不公正问题。这些多元制度在提供正义和减轻对妇女的歧视方面的能力如何?本文考察了五个国家的妇女经历,以确定促进和限制妇女参与亚太地区法律多元化司法体系的因素。本文列举了妇女在监护、土地和暴力方面的个人和集体诉诸司法的案例,指出了导致妇女无法诉诸司法的三个持续存在的条件:多元法律体系中缺乏性别主流化资源,尤其是在农村、偏远和贫困社区;文化和宗教倾向于妇女在决策中的代表性不足;女性在司法相关的公务员职位中所占比例较低。
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引用次数: 0
Finding a Middle Ground? International Humanitarian Aid Organizations, Information Sharing, and the Pursuit of International Justice 找到一个中间立场?国际人道主义援助组织、信息共享和追求国际正义
IF 1 3区 社会学 Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2022-07-28 DOI: 10.1353/hrq.2022.0027
S. Craggs, Tiffany Deguzman, Ivey Dyson, Helena von Nagy, Bryce Rosenbower, E. Stover
ABSTRACT:International humanitarian aid organizations have a duty to provide protection and assistance to displaced persons and other vulnerable groups worldwide. In doing so, they collect personal and often highly sensitive information that may be of interest to international justice institutions investigating violations of international human rights and humanitarian law. The question arises whether humanitarian organizations can—or should—share information with these institutions? Is it possible to find a middle ground that balances the rights, duties, and priorities of those involved? This article examines four issues that affect information sharing between humanitarian organizations and international justice institutions: (1) the right to privacy and justice; (2) mandate requirements; (3) policy requirements; and (4) organizational culture. The article is based on an extensive literature review and interviews with twenty-eight current or former staff members at humanitarian organizations, international tribunals, and United Nations mechanisms and commissions of inquiry.
摘要:国际人道主义援助组织有责任为世界范围内的流离失所者和其他弱势群体提供保护和援助。在这样做的过程中,他们收集个人和往往是高度敏感的资料,这些资料可能会引起调查违反国际人权和人道主义法行为的国际司法机构的兴趣。问题来了,人道主义组织是否可以——或者应该——与这些机构共享信息?是否有可能找到一个中间地带,平衡各方的权利、义务和优先事项?本文探讨了影响人道主义组织与国际司法机构之间信息共享的四个问题:(1)隐私权和司法权;(2)任务要求;(3)政策要求;(4)组织文化。本文基于广泛的文献综述和对人道主义组织、国际法庭、联合国机制和调查委员会的28名现任或前任工作人员的采访。
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引用次数: 1
Violent Exceptions: Children's Human Rights and Humanitarian Rhetorics by Wendy S. Hesford (review) 《暴力例外:儿童人权与人道主义修辞》温蒂·s·赫斯福德著(书评)
IF 1 3区 社会学 Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2022-07-28 DOI: 10.1353/hrq.2022.0030
Alexandra Moore
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引用次数: 0
Ideacide: How On-Line Petitions and Open Letters Undermine Academic Freedom and Free Expression Ideacide:网上请愿和公开信如何破坏学术自由和言论自由
IF 1 3区 社会学 Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2022-07-28 DOI: 10.1353/hrq.2022.0023
Rhoda E. Howard-hassmann, N. Mclaughlin
ABSTRACT:This article investigates two recent cases of academic mobbing in the United States. The first concerns Bruce Gilley, whose paper "The Case for Colonialism," published in Third World Quarterly, was heavily criticized by the academic left. The second concerns Rebecca Tuvel, whose article "In Defense of Transracialism," published in Hypatia: A Journal of Feminist Philosophy, was equally reviled. In both cases, the authors and journal editors endured extreme on-line criticism, including some death threats. The authors analyze this on-line academic bullying through the lens of social psychology. They particularly identify a scissors logic, opening up a major division between the politics of academia and the general public; a new ideology of safetyism; and a new culture of complaint. They argue that these new on-line and sociological phenomena amount to ideacide, or the attempt to extinguish ideas rather than debate them either within the academy or within the public spheres.
摘要:本文调查了最近发生在美国的两起学术骚乱事件。第一个问题与布鲁斯·吉利有关,他在《第三世界季刊》(Third World Quarterly)上发表的论文《殖民主义的案例》(The Case for Colonialism)遭到左派学术人士的严厉批评。第二个是丽贝卡·图维尔,她发表在《希帕蒂亚:女性主义哲学杂志》上的文章《为跨种族主义辩护》同样遭到了谴责。在这两种情况下,作者和期刊编辑都遭受了极端的在线批评,包括一些死亡威胁。作者通过社会心理学的视角分析了这种网络学术欺凌。他们特别指出了剪刀逻辑,在学术界的政治和公众之间开辟了一条主要的分界线;一种新的安全主义意识形态一种新的抱怨文化。他们认为,这些新的网络和社会学现象相当于思想灭绝(ideacide),或者是试图消灭思想,而不是在学术界或公共领域对其进行辩论。
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引用次数: 1
It Can Happen Here: White Power and the Rising Threat of Genocide in the U.S. by Alexander Laban Hinton (review) 它可能发生在这里:白人权力和美国日益上升的种族灭绝威胁亚历山大·拉班·辛顿(评论)
IF 1 3区 社会学 Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2022-07-28 DOI: 10.1353/hrq.2022.0031
H. Tolley
The attention to misrecognition in chapter three prefigures a more robust discussion of the variations within and limits to theories of recognition within human rights work in chapter four (for this reader, the most compelling chapter in the book). Readers of Hesford’s Spectacular Rhetorics: Human Rights Visions, Recognitions, Feminisms will be particularly interested in how her use of recognition has shifted from the work of Kelly Oliver on witnessing and recognition founded on mutuality or “response-ability,” which Hesford rightly insists must be grounded in material contexts, to the concept of “diffractive recognition” she develops in Violent Exceptions.15 In chapter four, “Black Childhoods and US Carceral Systems,” she reads the murder of Trayvon Martin through four different theories of recognition in order to demonstrate the ways in which they circumscribe or expand understandings of Martin’s death and his family’s demands for justice. The final chapter examines portrayals of transgender children in select US and African contexts. Employing the material rhetorical approach and drawing on theories of posthumanism and debility, Hesford reads two films, Growing Up Coy and Getting Out in order examine the terms in which the LGBTQI children featured seek, respectively, social acceptance and political asylum. Describing her reading practice, she writes, “To read LGBTQI children’s human rights diffractively is to interrogate the biopolitical extraction of value from the bodies of LGBTQI children: to pull away from heteronormative and neoliberal calibrations of vulnerability, capacity, futurity; and to lean into relational vulnerabilities, capacities, and nonnormative futures.”16 The description captures well the goals of the book as a whole. Violent Exceptions will likely interest scholars from different fields in different ways. Those working within rhetorical studies specifically, and feminist, decolonial, disability, materialist, and posthuman theory more broadly, will find Hesford helpful in thinking through new approaches to understanding dynamic intersections of materiality, history, ideology, and representation. Those focusing specifically on children’s human rights will appreciate her close attention to the political divide between support for the CRC and its optional protocols as well as to the “diffractive” interpretations of her case studies.
第三章对错误承认的关注预示着第四章(对本书读者来说,这是本书中最引人注目的一章)将对人权工作中承认理论的变化和局限进行更有力的讨论。《赫斯福德的华丽修辞:人权愿景、认可、女权主义》的读者将特别感兴趣的是,她对认可的使用是如何从凯莉·奥利弗关于建立在相互性或“反应能力”基础上的见证和认可的工作中转移出来的,赫斯福德正确地坚持认为,这必须基于物质背景,15在第四章“黑人儿童和美国尸体系统”中,她通过四种不同的承认理论解读了特雷冯·马丁谋杀案,以展示他们如何限制或扩大对马丁之死及其家人对正义的要求的理解。最后一章考察了美国和非洲背景下对变性儿童的描述。赫斯福德运用材料修辞的方法,借鉴后人道主义和软弱的理论,阅读了两部电影《Coy的成长》和《滚蛋》,以考察LGBTQI儿童分别寻求社会接受和政治庇护的术语。在描述自己的阅读实践时,她写道:“衍射地阅读LGBTQI儿童的人权,就是质疑从LGBTQI孩子的身体中提取价值的生物政治:摆脱对脆弱性、能力和未来性的非规范性和新自由主义校准;倾向于关系脆弱性、容量和非规范性的未来。“16这段描述很好地体现了整本书的目标。暴力例外可能会以不同的方式引起来自不同领域的学者的兴趣。那些专门从事修辞学研究的人,以及更广泛的女权主义、非殖民化、残疾、唯物主义和后人类理论的人,会发现赫斯福德有助于通过新的方法来理解物质性、历史、意识形态和表征的动态交叉点。那些特别关注儿童人权的人将感谢她密切关注对《儿童权利公约》及其任择议定书的支持之间的政治分歧,以及对她的案例研究的“衍射”解释。
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引用次数: 0
Perilous Medicine: The Struggle to Protect Health Care from the Violence of War by Leonard S. Rubenstein (review) 《危险的医学:保护医疗保健免受战争暴力的斗争》,伦纳德·s·鲁宾斯坦著(书评)
IF 1 3区 社会学 Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2022-07-28 DOI: 10.1353/hrq.2022.0032
David P. Forsythe
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引用次数: 0
Leviathan’s Architect: Urbicide, Urban Renewal, and the Right to the City in Turkish Kurdistan 利维坦的建筑师:城市边缘、城市更新和土耳其库尔德斯坦的城市权利
IF 1 3区 社会学 Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2022-04-29 DOI: 10.1353/hrq.2022.0014
Thomas W. Smith
ABSTRACT:Urban warfare exacts a grim toll on city life as combatants target civilians and civilian infrastructure, appropriate space, and try to erase culture and memory. Often, however, it is the post-conflict razing and reconstruction that caps this violent re-ordering of urban life. This article explores securitized development of cities in Southeastern Turkey in the wake of recent armed strife between Kurdish fighters and Turkish security forces. Case studies of Sur/Diyarbakır and Nusaybin show an overlord state leveraging post-war blight to remake society from the ground up. Targeting the physical as well as social contours of cities, Ankara has displaced residents, redirected access and flow, and intensified surveillance and control. The upheaval has been disorienting for residents, but in other ways it has sharpened Kurdish identity and agency. Historical preservation and memory projects, cultural commemorations, and new models of post-war urbanism underscore the right to a city that reflects civil society rather than one that tries to reengineer it in the image of the state.
摘要:城市战争给城市生活带来了严峻的损失,战斗人员以平民和民用基础设施、适当的空间为目标,试图抹去文化和记忆。然而,往往是冲突后的夷为平地和重建为城市生活的暴力重组画上了句号。本文探讨了库尔德战士和土耳其安全部队最近发生武装冲突后,土耳其东南部城市的安全化发展。Sur/Diyabakır和Nusaybin的案例研究表明,一个霸王国家利用战后的灾难从头开始重塑社会。安卡拉以城市的物理和社会轮廓为目标,使居民流离失所,改变了出入和流动方向,并加强了监视和控制。这场剧变让居民迷失了方向,但在其他方面,它强化了库尔德的身份和机构。历史保护和记忆项目、文化纪念活动和战后城市主义的新模式强调了一个反映公民社会的城市的权利,而不是一个试图以国家形象重塑它的城市。
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引用次数: 2
Human Dignity, the ICRC, and the Swiss Government: The Lessons of History Debated 人的尊严、红十字国际委员会与瑞士政府:历史教训之争
IF 1 3区 社会学 Q3 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2022-04-29 DOI: 10.1353/hrq.2022.0022
D. Forsythe
ABSTRACT:In the past the, ICRC was not careful about establishing full independence from the Swiss government in Bern. This was especially true in the 1930s and 1940s, when ICRC policy closely mirrored Bern’s preferences on key issues arising in relations with Italy and Germany. More recently, the ICRC drew the lesson that it should have had a more independent and dynamic discreet diplomacy, not that it should have necessarily engaged in public denunciations. This historical lesson about independent and dynamic quiet representations concerning specific problems guides ICRC diplomacy today. However, some recent developments raise anew the issue of full independence from Bern.
摘要:过去,红十字国际委员会在建立完全独立于瑞士伯尔尼政府的问题上并不谨慎。在20世纪30年代和40年代尤其如此,当时红十字国际委员会的政策密切反映了伯尔尼在与意大利和德国关系中出现的关键问题上的偏好。最近,红十字国际委员会吸取的教训是,它本应采取更独立和更有活力的谨慎外交,而不是必须进行公开谴责。这一关于就具体问题进行独立和有活力的安静交涉的历史教训,指导着红十字国际委员会今天的外交。然而,最近的一些事态发展再次提出了从伯尔尼完全独立的问题。
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引用次数: 0
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Human Rights Quarterly
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