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I González Sánchez, Neoliberalismo y castigo
IF 2.4 1区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-02-07 DOI: 10.1177/14624745221078999
J. A. Brandariz
Leading scholars have called for an expansion of the punishment and society perspective beyond the North Atlantic, neoliberal heartlands on which this body of literature has primarily focused its analytical gaze (Simon and Sparks, 2013). Ignacio González’s Neoliberalismo y castigo (Neoliberalism and Punishment, hereinafter NyC) is a decisive step in that direction. Indeed, not many monographs published in Spanish are as consistent as NyC in exploring the penal field as a complex social institution (see NyC, pp. 25, 177), recognising that the penal field cannot be understood by merely taking into account its legal and law enforcement dimensions (pp. 52, 184). Superficially considered, NyC can be seen as an academic effort to test the neoliberal penality thesis (Wacquant, 1999/2009, 2009) in a Southern European jurisdiction such as Spain. Certainly, the book presents the results of that type of exploration, but it goes well beyond that specific academic endeavour. It makes a significant contribution to the political economy of punishment by closely scrutinising the impact of the neoliberal ethos and rationales on three key public policy fields: labour policies, social policies, and penal policies. For these purposes, NyC examines the shifts in these three fields witnessed in Spain over a four-decade period by considering them through the lens of some basic tropes of neoliberal governmentality, that is those of individualisation, ‘contractualization’ and moralisation, all of which are safeguarded by punitive forms of state coercion (see e.g. pp. 179, 181–182). In elaborating its richly textured analysis of these public policy changes, NyC goes a long way in revitalising and updating academic debates on the neoliberal penality thesis. The monograph persuasively highlights the many methodological and theoretical strengths of that analytical framework (see pp. 37–41). However, in problematising Wacquant’s thesis by bringing it to a new geographical and temporal setting, NyC lays bare some of its limitations requiring further examination (see also Wacquant’s Foreword, p. 12). In fact, the book casts new light on two critical dimensions of that thesis. Initially, it challenges the claim that an expanding penal state may be seen as a vital, inherent component of neoliberalism (pp. 44–45, 187–189), in line with previous critics of Wacquant’s work (Mayer, 2010; O’Malley, 2014). In fact, the book ends by emphasising that the consolidation of a neoliberal rationale in the field of public policies ‘does not necessarily entail the expansion of the penal arm of the state’ (NyC, p. 204). That perspective allows González to advocate the validity of the neoliberal penality Punishment & Society 2023, Vol. 25(4) 1138–1167 © The Author(s) 2022
主要学者呼吁将惩罚和社会视角扩展到北大西洋之外,这是一个新自由主义的中心地带,这一文献主要集中在这里进行分析(Simon和Sparks,2013)。伊格纳西奥·冈萨雷斯的《新自由主义与惩罚》是朝着这个方向迈出的决定性一步。事实上,没有多少以西班牙语出版的专著能像NyC一样,在探索刑事领域作为一个复杂的社会机构方面保持一致(见NyC,第25177页),承认不能仅仅考虑其法律和执法层面来理解刑事领域(第52184页)。从表面上看,NyC可以被视为在西班牙等南欧管辖区测试新自由主义惩罚理论的学术努力(Wacqunt,1999/2009/2009)。当然,这本书展示了这种探索的结果,但它远远超出了具体的学术努力。它通过仔细审查新自由主义精神和理性对三个关键公共政策领域的影响,对惩罚的政治经济学做出了重大贡献:劳工政策、社会政策和刑罚政策。出于这些目的,NyC通过新自由主义政府心态的一些基本比喻,即个性化、“契约化”和道德化来审视西班牙40年来在这三个领域发生的变化,所有这些都受到惩罚性的国家胁迫形式的保护(例如,见第179181-182页)。在阐述其对这些公共政策变化的丰富分析时,NyC在振兴和更新关于新自由主义惩罚理论的学术辩论方面做了很大的努力。该专著令人信服地强调了该分析框架的许多方法论和理论优势(见第37-41页)。然而,通过将Wacqunt的论文引入一个新的地理和时间背景,NyC对其进行了质疑,暴露了其一些局限性,需要进一步研究(另见Wacqant的前言,第12页)。事实上,这本书为这篇论文的两个关键方面提供了新的线索。最初,它挑战了这样一种说法,即不断扩大的刑罚国家可能被视为新自由主义的一个重要的固有组成部分(第44–45、187–189页),这与之前对Wacquant工作的批评一致(Mayer,2010;奥马利,2014)。事实上,这本书最后强调,在公共政策领域巩固新自由主义的基本原理“不一定意味着国家刑事部门的扩张”(NyC,第204页)。这一观点使González能够倡导新自由主义惩罚与社会2023的有效性,第25卷(4)1138-1167©作者2022
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引用次数: 0
Carl Suddler, Presumed Criminal: Black Youth and the Justice System in Postwar New York 卡尔·萨德勒:《假定的罪犯:战后纽约的黑人青年与司法系统》
IF 2.4 1区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-02-01 DOI: 10.1177/14624745221076768
Alexandra L Cox
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引用次数: 0
Death in a Black Maria: Transport as punishment in an African carceral state 黑色玛丽亚中的死亡:在非洲的一个奴隶国家中作为惩罚的交通工具
IF 2.4 1区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-01-28 DOI: 10.1177/14624745221076774
S. Daly
In March 1980, fifty men suffocated to death in the back of a police van, known as a Black Maria, in Lagos, Nigeria. In the Black Maria Tragedy, as it came to be called, several currents of Nigeria’s postcolonial history converged. They included the persistent problem of crime, the question of how much power to give men in uniform, and the problems of migration and regional integration (most of the victims came from neighboring countries). This article examines the 1980 incident not only for what it reveals about Nigeria, but about the larger workings of punishment in a postcolonial state. What techniques of punishment endured after the end of colonialism? Which of them did African governments find useful, and which did they discard? Where did the technology of the Black Maria come from, and what part did it play in the machinery of the Nigerian state? Looking beyond Nigeria, the Black Maria incident suggests that prison transport is an important part of the carceral landscape – and one that is easy to miss.
1980年3月,在尼日利亚拉各斯,50名男子在一辆被称为“黑色玛丽亚”的警车后面窒息而死。在后来被称为“黑玛丽亚悲剧”(Black Maria Tragedy)的这场悲剧中,尼日利亚后殖民历史的几股潮流汇聚在一起。这些问题包括长期存在的犯罪问题、给穿制服的人多少权力的问题,以及移民和地区一体化的问题(大多数受害者来自邻国)。这篇文章检视1980年的事件,不只是因为它揭露奈及利亚,也因为它揭露后殖民国家的惩罚运作。殖民主义结束后,哪些惩罚手段得以保留?非洲政府发现哪些有用,哪些被抛弃了?黑玛利亚的技术是从哪里来的,它在尼日利亚国家机器中扮演了什么角色?放眼尼日利亚之外,“黑玛丽亚”事件表明,监狱运输是监狱景观的一个重要组成部分——也是一个很容易被忽视的部分。
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引用次数: 0
‘This is not what I signed up for’ – Danish prison officers’ attitudes towards more punitive penal policies “这不是我报名的目的”——丹麦监狱官员对更严厉的刑罚政策的态度
IF 2.4 1区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-12-23 DOI: 10.1177/14624745211068870
Dorina Damsa
A humane approach to punishment has been integral to the work of the Danish Prisons and Probation Service. However, Danish penal policy has recently taken a punitive turn. What happens when punitive policies are adopted by a penal regime built on a humane approach to punishment? To address this question, this article focuses on prison officers at Vestre prison and how they adapt to punitive political decisions and prison policies. The increased focus on security in Danish prisons is considered, together with limitations set on welfare services available to non-citizen prisoners. Examination of officers’ subjectivities at Vestre prison shows that punitive penal policies have produced an environment fraught with tensions that affect prison work, institutional culture, and the officers’ professional identity. These findings also raise questions about the shifting nature of Danish penal power.
人道的惩罚方法一直是丹麦监狱和缓刑管理局工作的组成部分。然而,丹麦的刑罚政策最近出现了惩罚性的转变。当建立在人道惩罚方法基础上的刑罚制度采取惩罚政策时,会发生什么?为了解决这个问题,本文重点关注维斯特监狱的狱警,以及他们如何适应惩罚性的政治决定和监狱政策。考虑到丹麦监狱更加注重安全,同时对非公民囚犯的福利服务加以限制。对维斯特雷监狱官员主观能动性的研究表明,惩罚性刑罚政策造成了一个充满紧张局势的环境,影响了监狱工作、制度文化和官员的职业身份。这些发现也引发了人们对丹麦刑事权力性质变化的质疑。
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引用次数: 3
Surviving cell-sharing: Resistance, cooperation and collaboration 幸存的细胞共享:抵抗、合作与协作
IF 2.4 1区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-12-06 DOI: 10.1177/14624745211062869
Aimee Muirhead, Michelle Butler, G. Davidson
For decades, researchers have sought to understand the impact of imprisonment; yet we have a limited understanding of the lived experience of cell-sharing. To address this gap in knowledge, this paper draws on 37 semi-structured interviews with imprisoned adult men in Northern Ireland. While demonstrating that, for most, cell-sharing was a negative experience, imbued with discomfort, unease and distress, a new conceptual framework is presented that seeks to understand the tactics people use to manage cell-sharing, influences on their choice of tactics and the potential repercussions of these tactics. Potential implications for policy and practice are also discussed.
几十年来,研究人员一直试图了解监禁的影响;然而,我们对共享细胞的生活体验了解有限。为了解决这一知识差距,本文对北爱尔兰被监禁的成年男子进行了37次半结构化采访。在证明对大多数人来说,细胞共享是一种负面体验,充满了不适、不安和痛苦的同时,提出了一个新的概念框架,试图了解人们用于管理细胞共享的策略、对他们策略选择的影响以及这些策略的潜在影响。还讨论了对政策和实践的潜在影响。
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引用次数: 0
Within-race variations in sentencing outcomes: Nationality and punishment among Asians in United States federal courts 量刑结果的种族差异:美国联邦法院亚裔的国籍和惩罚
IF 2.4 1区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-12-03 DOI: 10.1177/14624745211063120
Jawjeong Wu
There is robust evidence that Asians are not treated differently from Whites and receive greater leniency than Blacks and Hispanics in criminal punishment. Some research findings even suggest that Asians receive the most favorable sentencing outcomes among all racial/ethnic groups. This line of research, however, has not paid attention to Asian nationality groups. Particularly, it is unclear whether there is within-race variation among offenders from different Asian countries. Using the data compiled by the United States Sentencing Commission to examine whether and how an Asian's nationality affects criminal punishment, this study focuses on sentences imposed on offenders who are Chinese, Filipino, Indian, Korean, Pakistani, and Vietnamese nationals. Results from logistic, ordinary least squares, and Tobit regression analyses indicate that with legal and extralegal factors held constant, Asians of different nationalities face varying odds of incarceration or downward departures, and they receive dissimilar sentence lengths.
有强有力的证据表明,亚洲人与白人没有区别对待,在刑事处罚方面比黑人和西班牙裔得到了更大的宽大处理。一些研究结果甚至表明,在所有种族/族裔群体中,亚洲人的量刑结果最为有利。然而,这一研究路线并没有关注亚洲民族群体。特别是,目前尚不清楚来自不同亚洲国家的罪犯是否存在种族差异。本研究利用美国量刑委员会汇编的数据来研究亚洲人的国籍是否以及如何影响刑事处罚,重点研究了对中国、菲律宾、印度、韩国、巴基斯坦和越南公民罪犯的判决。逻辑、普通最小二乘和托比特回归分析的结果表明,由于法律和法外因素保持不变,不同国籍的亚洲人面临不同的监禁或向下离开的几率,他们的刑期也不同。
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引用次数: 2
The Politics of Pain in Immigration Detention 移民拘留中的痛苦政治
IF 2.4 1区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-11-29 DOI: 10.1177/14624745211048811
M. Bosworth
In this paper I draw on qualitative material from the first complete data set of the ‘Measure of the Quality of Life in Detention’ (MQLD) survey in the UK to reflect on its implication for understanding and challenging these sites. While similarities between immigration detention centres and prisons make it tempting to place the testimonies from people in detention within the framework of the ‘pains of imprisonment’, I propose an alternative reading of these first-hand accounts. Rather than approaching them as sociological statements of suffering, caused by the loss of liberty, I interpret them as political statements which, in turn, demand a political response. Immigration removal centres (IRCs), these people assert, are fundamentally at odds with key values of a liberal democracy. Those detained within them are not considered to be equal members of a shared community of value; rather, their incarceration marks them out symbolically and, quite practically, as outsiders to these ideas. The pain people describe illuminates the need for a new politics of detention.
在本文中,我借鉴了英国“拘留生活质量测量”(MQLD)调查的第一个完整数据集中的定性材料,以反思其对理解和挑战这些地点的意义。虽然移民拘留中心和监狱之间的相似之处使人们很容易将被拘留者的证词放在“监禁的痛苦”的框架内,但我建议对这些第一手叙述进行另一种解读。我并没有把它们视为失去自由所造成的痛苦的社会学陈述,而是把它们解释为政治陈述,而政治陈述反过来又需要政治回应。这些人断言,移民遣送中心与自由民主的关键价值观根本不一致。被拘留者不被视为共同价值共同体的平等成员;相反,他们被监禁标志着他们象征性地,实际上,他们是这些思想的局外人。人们描述的痛苦说明了新的拘留政治的必要性。
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引用次数: 3
The effects of language on the stigmatization and exclusion of returning citizens: Results from a survey experiment 语言对返回公民的污名化和排斥的影响:一项调查实验的结果
IF 2.4 1区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-11-29 DOI: 10.1177/14624745211059318
Hilary M. Jackl
Although the use of person-centered language has increased in recent years, its usage remains limited within the field of criminal justice, wherein terms such as ex-offender are frequently used to describe formerly incarcerated individuals. Research suggests that person-centered language matters for public opinion, but prior work has not examined the effect of language on support for the social reintegration of returning citizens. The present research experimentally manipulates the effects of the language used to describe individuals released from incarceration and the race of a hypothetical returning citizen on the following outcomes: negative stereotype endorsement, attitudinal social distance, and support for reintegrative initiatives. I find that person-centered language significantly reduces stigmatization of returning citizens, which ultimately increases support for reintegrative services. These findings suggest that humanizing changes to criminal justice discourse may have the capacity to shift public opinion and create a social context more conducive to reintegration after incarceration.
虽然近年来以人为中心的语言的使用有所增加,但它的使用仍然局限于刑事司法领域,其中像前罪犯这样的术语经常被用来描述以前被监禁的个人。研究表明,以人为本的语言对公众舆论很重要,但之前的工作并没有研究语言对支持回归公民重新融入社会的影响。本研究在实验上操纵了描述释放个体的语言和假设回归公民的种族对以下结果的影响:负面刻板印象认可、态度上的社会距离和对重返社会倡议的支持。我发现,以人为本的语言大大减少了对回归公民的污名化,最终增加了对重返社会服务的支持。这些发现表明,刑事司法话语的人性化改变可能有能力改变公众舆论,创造一个更有利于服刑后重返社会的社会环境。
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引用次数: 6
Imperial legacies and southern penal spaces: A study of hunting nomads in postcolonial India 帝国遗产与南方刑罚空间:后殖民时期印度狩猎游牧民族研究
IF 2.4 1区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-11-26 DOI: 10.1177/14624745211054393
Mark Brown, Vikas Keshav Jadhav, V. Raghavan, Mayank Sinha
Southern penal spaces are marked by resemblances and affinities with colonial regimes of control, yet they also reflect quite distinctive postcolonial social and political dynamics found in the global south. Here, legacies of control, forms of exile, status reductions, hierarchical social stratifications and other like forms come together in robust modes of containment suitable for managing ‘marginal’ and ‘suspect’ populations. We draw on ethnographic empirical work with two hunting nomadic groups in India by two of the co-authors who are working with the Kheria Sabar community in Purulia district in West Bengal and Pardhi community in Mumbai. The latter were subject to notification under the notorious Criminal Tribes Act 1871, marking them out as ‘criminal tribes’ until their de-notification shortly after India's independence in 1947, yet the Kheria Sabars too feel its effects. We draw attention here to the continual negotiation and (re)fabrication of both state and citizen at the point of their everyday contact. Our notion of southern penal spaces contributes to penal theory by breaking from northern societies’ focus on institutional carcerality and capturing instead both the variety and the dispersal of penal and punitive practices found in postcolonial societies of the south.
南方刑罚空间的特点是与殖民统治政权的相似性和亲和性,但它们也反映了全球南方相当独特的后殖民社会和政治动态。在这里,控制的遗产、流放的形式、地位的降低、等级社会分层和其他类似的形式结合在一起,形成了适用于管理“边缘”和“可疑”人口的强大遏制模式。我们借鉴了两位共同作者对印度两个狩猎游牧群体的民族志实证研究,他们与西孟加拉邦普鲁里亚地区的Kheria Sabar社区和孟买的Pardhi社区合作。根据臭名昭著的1871年《犯罪部落法》,后者受到通知,将他们标记为“犯罪部落”,直到1947年印度独立后不久,他们才被取消通知,但Kheria Sabars也受到了影响。我们在此提请注意,国家和公民在日常接触中不断进行谈判和(重新)制造。我们对南方刑罚空间的概念通过打破北方社会对制度性的关注,捕捉南方后殖民社会中刑罚和惩罚实践的多样性和分散性,对刑罚理论做出了贡献。
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引用次数: 2
Talking punishment: How victim perceptions of punishment change when they communicate with offenders 谈论惩罚:当受害者与罪犯交流时,他们对惩罚的看法如何变化
IF 2.4 1区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-11-17 DOI: 10.1177/14624745211054748
D. Batchelor
The myth that restorative justice is the opposite of retributive justice persists, despite a long history of rhetorical challenges. Only empirical evidence can advance the debate, so this article investigates the relationship between punishment and victim–offender communication from the victim’s perspective. Interviews with 40 victims of crime established that some victims saw victim–offender communication and punishment as alternatives, and others saw them as independent. However, more than half the participants expected that communicating with the offender would increase their satisfaction with the offender’s punishment or reported afterwards that this was in fact the case, suggesting that some victims fulfil punishment objectives through communication with the offender. The changes occurred when victims received information about the offender’s punishment, received feedback from the offender or used communication with the offender to impose a mild punishment of their own. Victims were not excessively punitive, but this study demonstrates the existence of an association between punishment and victim–offender communication from at least some victims’ perspectives. This article argues that we should not ignore or attempt to eliminate this relationship. Rather, acknowledging and examining the existence of punishment within victim–offender communication would improve practice and generate better outcomes for victims, offenders and society.
恢复性司法与报复性司法相反的神话仍然存在,尽管有着悠久的修辞挑战历史。只有实证证据才能推动这场争论,因此本文从受害者的角度考察了惩罚与受害者-罪犯沟通之间的关系。对40名犯罪受害者的采访表明,一些受害者将受害者与罪犯的沟通和惩罚视为替代方案,而另一些受害者则认为他们是独立的。然而,超过一半的参与者预计,与罪犯沟通会提高他们对罪犯惩罚的满意度,或者事后报告事实确实如此,这表明一些受害者通过与罪犯沟通来实现惩罚目标。当受害者收到有关罪犯惩罚的信息、收到罪犯的反馈或利用与罪犯的沟通来实施自己的温和惩罚时,就会发生变化。受害者并没有受到过度的惩罚,但这项研究至少从一些受害者的角度证明了惩罚与受害者-罪犯沟通之间存在联系。本文认为,我们不应忽视或试图消除这种关系。相反,承认和审查受害者-罪犯沟通中惩罚的存在将改善实践,并为受害者、罪犯和社会带来更好的结果。
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引用次数: 4
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Punishment & Society-International Journal of Penology
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