Population Research and Policy Review最新文献

This is the first large-scale comparative study to search for macro-level determinants of the realization of short-term fertility intentions across European countries. Using the unique follow-up feature of the Generations and Gender Survey and adopting rigorous definitions of intentions and outcomes, it reports on the level of fulfilment and finds clear heterogeneity across European countries. Using a multilevel, multivariate approach, it examines the nature of macro-level factors that may explain differences in the realization of fertility intentions. Based on our analysis, we conclude that labour market stability (as measured by fluctuations in the unemployment rate), price stability, heavy welfare state involvement, and the dominance of certain attitudinal conditions all support the greater realization of short-term fertility intentions.

Regardless of intentions to stop or space childbearing, women in many countries experience unintended fertility (having more children than desired or having children when they do not want to do so). In Pakistan, around one-fifth of all pregnancies are unintended, which can reflect limited reproductive autonomy. Using the Pakistan Demographic Health Surveys of 1990–1991 and 2017–2018, we examine whether perceived spousal concordance on desired family size and women’s education influence how women characterize the intendedness of second and higher-order births. Compared to women with perceived concordance, women who perceive their husbands have a higher desired family size are less likely to characterize a recent birth as unwanted than intended, and women who are unaware of their husbands’ desired family size are also less likely to characterize births as mistimed or unwanted. The relative risk of reporting an unwanted birth decreased across all categories of perceived spousal concordance between 1990–1991 and 2017–2018 except for women who reported that their husbands want fewer children than them. Compared to women with no formal education, women with a primary or secondary education are more likely to have mistimed than intended or unwanted fertility, and this link has not changed significantly over time. The results suggest all women continue to face challenges in implementing preferences about birth timing and spacing for second and higher-order births. Although better-educated women do not appear to face issues in exerting stopping preferences, they appear to have greater difficulty exerting timing preferences. This paper extends research on the fertility transition in Pakistan, and continued work is needed to understand why rising levels of education among women are not translating into fewer mistimed births.

Latinx children now live in a wider array of U.S. geographic areas than in the past, including both established and new areas of Latinx settlement. This geographic heterogeneity could be consequential for Latinx children’s health care access, with prior research suggesting increased health access barriers for Latinx children in new versus established areas of settlement. Merging public-use county-level data with restricted individual-level health data from the National Health Interview Survey (2010–2014), we quantitatively examine how three health access indicators—health insurance coverage, delayed care, and usual place of care—differ among children (ages 4–17) in Latinx immigrant, Latinx U.S.-born, White U.S.-born, and Black U.S.-born families (n = 89,994) across established, fast-growing hub, new, and minor Latinx destination counties. We also examine the potential roles of local immigrant hostilities and health care resources in contributing to health access differences across destinations. In fully adjusted models, children in new destinations are less likely to have health insurance than peers in established destinations, and this disparity is even wider for Latinx children of immigrants. Adjusted model results also show that children in new destinations are more likely to have delayed care than those in established destinations, and children in these four groups in new destinations, fast-growing hubs, and minor destinations are more likely to have no usual place of care than peers in established destinations. Our results are consistent with prior work suggesting that more health care access barriers exist for children, particularly Latinx children of immigrants, in new versus established Latinx destinations.

Objectives

To quantify the role of state-level lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, and queer (LGBTQ+)-related policies on experiences of discrimination in a population-representative sample of partnered individuals.

Methods

An adjusted multilevel random-intercept logistic regression model with individuals (level-1) nested within states (level-2) and a cross-level interaction term between gender/sexual identity and policy score was used to estimate the predicted probability of any experiences of discrimination for cisgender heterosexual, transgender and non-binary, and cisgender sexual minority respondents.

Results

Experiences of discrimination in the past month were more common amongst transgender and non-binary (90.2%) respondents compared to their cisgender sexual minority (74.0%) or cisgender heterosexual (73.2%) counterparts. When compared to cisgender heterosexual respondents, the interaction term was found to be statistically significant for only transgender and non-binary (OR = 0.93, 95% CI [0.88, 0.98]) but not cisgender sexual minority respondents (OR = 0.99, 95% CI [0.97, 1.01]). Indicating that as state policy environments became more protective the odds of experiencing discrimination decreased at a more substantial rate for transgender and non-binary respondents when compared to cisgender sexual minority or cisgender heterosexual respondents.

Conclusions

Transgender and non-binary individuals experience more discrimination compared to their cisgender sexual minority or cisgender heterosexual counterparts. State-level LGBTQ + policy protections amplified the relationship between gender identity and experiences of discrimination.

During the first half of the 20th century, infant mortality in the general population fell by more than 50% in higher income countries. Despite accounting for a disproportionately high share of deaths in these countries during this period, few quantitative studies have examined the experiences of infants who were born or raised in an institutional context. In this paper, we quantify mortality rates in Mother and Baby Homes in Ireland, institutions that were aimed primarily at unmarried mothers and their infants. Using information on over 40,000 infants born in the 6 largest of these insitutions in Ireland, we assess how this risk of mortality changed over the course of the 20th century relative to the general population, and assess variation in death rates by observed characteristics. The mortality penalty for these institutions was greatly elevated, reaching four times the national mortality rate in the 1930s and 1940s. By comparing the outcomes of infants from the Mother and Baby Homes with the rest of the population using large-scale quantitative data, this study documents the scale of the disadvantage faced by marginalised communities born outside public hospital systems, and highlights the potential role of nutrition-related causes in these disparities.

Using the Household Pulse Survey and American Community Survey, this study examines employment insecurity experienced across different racial/ethnic groups of the U.S. labor force under the pandemic disruptions. It highlights significant employment security disparities based on race, ethnicity, and income during the pandemic. However, there are no significant gender and racial disparities within the lowest income group when controlling for other conditions. In contrast, gender and racial disparities in EI are much more pronounced among mid-to-high income groups. Non-White individuals were disproportionately affected by job loss due to health and COVID-related employment issues, unlike Whites who faced unemployment more due to other factors. This pattern was more evident among lower-income groups. The trends shifted in later stages, with high-income Black and Hispanic workers becoming more likely to be unemployed due to non-health and non-employment reasons. Middle-income workers across all races were least likely to stop working for reasons other than COVID-related health or employment issues. In addition, regardless race or ethnicity, women more likely to be unemployed due to health reasons and less so due to employment issues compared to men, and the gender disparities increased with higher household incomes. We propose that the apparent immediate effects of the pandemic are actually indicative of deeper, systemic issues within the U.S. labor market, specifically the occupational segregation tied to race/ethnicity, gender, and class. Recovery efforts must take a holistic approach and integrate economic development policies, workforce development strategies, and social policies targeting poverty alleviation, health disparities, and people of color.

Understanding patterns of children’s living arrangements (physical custody) in separated families and the factors related to joint physical custody are crucial as custody patterns have significant implications for the well-being of children and parents. In this study we use the 2021 European Union Statistics on Income and Living Conditions Survey (EU-SILC) to provide new evidence of children’s post-separation living arrangements in Europe. Our sample (n = 7,461) is restricted to children of separated or divorced parents residing in their mother’s household and having another parent residing outside of the household. We analyze both the individual-level socioeconomic, family-and child-related characteristics, and country-level variables to explain variation in children’s joint physical custody arrangements. We find that joint physical custody is higher among boys and children in the age groups 6–10 and 11–15. We also find that children with more socioeconomically advantaged mothers (higher education, employed, higher income, homeowners) are more likely to have joint physical custody. Importantly, controlling for individual-level characteristics, both the legal and the gender equality context shape the prevalence of joint physical custody, suggesting that country-level policies and norms may be important.

Despite a developing literature on the consequences of parental incarceration, its effects on childhood obesity are not evident. Our research project fills this knowledge gap by describing the relationship between parental incarceration and childhood obesity among children aged 3–15 and determining if and how this association differs across race. We use four consecutive waves of data on 3,302 children from the Fragile Families and Child Wellbeing Study. Our analysis finds little evidence that parental incarceration influences the probability of obesity among all children as a group. Moreover, our findings reveal critical racial disparities in the relationship between parental incarceration and childhood obesity. In particular, parental lifetime incarceration is not associated with risks of obesity for White or Hispanic children but is associated with a significantly decreased chance of obesity for Black children. This research effort can initiate an interdisciplinary conversation on the important intersection of family and corrections in order to alleviate the intergenerational erosion of physical health and well-being.

Research on the legacies of historical redlining has lacked nationally representative and multilevel data. We advance this literature by analyzing new data that links historical redlining maps to the residential addresses of participants in the National Longitudinal Study of Adolescent to Adult Health (Add Health), a diverse and national cohort of adolescents who transitioned to adulthood between the mid-1990s and late 2010s (N = 10,897). We report three key findings. First, while most participants did not live within the boundaries of historical redlining maps, Black (22%) and Hispanic (28%) participants were several times more likely than their White peers (8%) to live in either a formerly yellow- or red-lined urban area in adolescence. Second, adolescents who resided in yellow- or red-lined areas also tended to live in the most disadvantaged households and neighborhoods and attained the lowest levels of socioeconomic status in adulthood. Third, Black and White adolescents who lived in rural areas also experienced similar or worse adult outcomes than their peers who lived in redlined urban areas. We also find anomalous but inconclusive patterns for the small group of Black and Hispanic participants who lived in historically affluent “green-lined” areas in adolescence, including poor adult health and high risk of contact with the criminal justice system. Given these findings, we outline avenues for future research that could include historical redlining maps, but also expand beyond urban redlining to consider nonmetropolitan areas and other contemporary indicators of structural racism.

Child marriage has lasting negative health, human capital, and welfare consequences. Conflict settings are characterized by a number of complex changes that can potentially increase the risk of child marriage, but there has been limited population-based research directly estimating the relationship between conflict and child marriage. Using data from 19 conflict-affected countries, this paper estimates the relationship between conflict and child marriage. It identifies the relationship based on variation over space and time in conflict intensity. The findings are mixed; in some countries conflict is associated with an increase in child marriage, in others it is associated with a decrease in child marriage, and in some cases there is not a statistically significant relationship. These findings underscore how efforts to reduce child marriage need to consider conflict as a potential risk factor, but also one that is likely to interact with local economic, social, and demographic environments.