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Endangered Maize: Industrial Agriculture and the Crisis of Extinction By Helen Anne Curry. University of California Press. 2022. Pp 321. $85 (hb); $29.95 (pb). ISBN: 9780520307681(hb)/9780520307698 (pb) 《濒危玉米:工业化农业与灭绝危机》,Helen AnneCorry著。加州大学出版社。2022年,第321页$85(hb)$29.95(铅)。国际标准书号:9780520307681(hb)/9780520307698(pb)
IF 2.5 2区 经济学 Q2 DEVELOPMENT STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-01-23 DOI: 10.1111/joac.12534
Carol Hernández-Rodríguez, Hugo Perales
<p>Helen Anne Curry's book <i>Endangered Maize</i> provides an excellent, captivating description of the origins, ideas, and motivations behind the narratives of maize as an endangered genetic resource and how these narratives have shaped the methods and tools of conservation adopted by scientists and states. The book focuses on the role of actors from the two major participants in maize development and conservation: the United States, which has largely developed and promoted industrial agriculture while also voicing much of the early concern and spurring initial actions to conserve indigenous maize varieties, and Mexico, the centre of origin and diversity of maize where this grain is the population's primary food, deeply entwined with its culture and stirring nationalistic agendas. Interwoven into these narratives are other international players, including the Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO), the International Union for the Protection of New Varieties of Plants (UPOV), and the International Maize and Wheat Improvement Center (CIMMYT), which is part of the Consultative Group on International Agricultural Research (CGIAR).</p><p>While the focus on maize might seem overly specific for general interest, reigning narratives of maize conservation have served as a model for other crops. Furthermore, maize continues to be one of the principal crops feeding the world, even as a large bulk is consumed as animal feed. Recounting the history of maize and the geopolitics and control of germplasm knowledge is crucial to understanding the development of modern agricultural biotechnology, characterized by increasing privatization of genetic resources and the decline of seeds as commons.</p><p>As a historian, Curry skilfully recounts the origins and evolution of narratives of extinction of indigenous landraces and conservation strategies, highlighting the complexity of preservation initiatives and the multiple actors involved and suggesting pathways for the future. A key merit of her account is a sound understanding of underlying aspects of the biology and genetics of maize and its conservation. Accordingly, Curry organizes the chapters of her book corresponding to essential tasks in conserving plant genetic resources: collection, classification, preservation, copy, [treaty] negotiation, evaluation, and cultivation. The chapters describe these functions while telling the history of relevant individuals and institutions with respect to each topic, as well as the geopolitics behind the germplasm extinction and conservation narratives.</p><p><i>Endangered Maize</i>'s story begins in 1916 when Howard Biggar, a US Department of Agriculture employee, set out on a research trip to collect maize landraces from indigenous reserves across the Midwest and north-western United States. He was concerned that corn varieties grown by Native Americans were nearing extinction because of the expansion of settler farming and industrial agriculture. During his travels, Bigga
海伦·安妮·库里的《濒临灭绝的玉米》一书出色而引人入胜地描述了玉米作为一种濒危遗传资源的起源、思想和背后的动机,以及这些叙述如何塑造了科学家和国家采用的保护方法和工具。这本书主要关注玉米发展和保护的两个主要参与者的角色:美国,它在很大程度上发展和促进了工业化农业,同时也表达了许多早期的担忧,并推动了保护本土玉米品种的初步行动;墨西哥,玉米的起源和多样性中心,玉米是人们的主要食物,与其文化密切相关,并激起了民族主义议程。与这些叙述交织在一起的还有其他国际参与者,包括粮食及农业组织(粮农组织)、国际植物新品种保护联盟(UPOV)和国际玉米小麦改良中心(CIMMYT),该中心是国际农业研究磋商小组(CGIAR)的一部分。虽然对玉米的关注似乎过于特定于一般利益,但玉米保护的主流叙事已经成为其他作物的典范。此外,尽管大量玉米被用作动物饲料,但玉米仍然是养活世界人口的主要作物之一。重述玉米的历史、地缘政治和种质知识的控制对于理解现代农业生物技术的发展至关重要,其特点是遗传资源日益私有化和种子作为公共资源的减少。作为一名历史学家,库里巧妙地叙述了土著民族灭绝和保护策略的起源和演变,强调了保护倡议的复杂性和涉及的多个行动者,并提出了未来的途径。她的描述的一个关键优点是对玉米的生物学和遗传学及其保护的潜在方面有很好的理解。因此,库里将她的书中的章节组织成与保护植物遗传资源的基本任务相对应的:收集、分类、保存、复制、[条约]谈判、评估和培育。这些章节描述了这些功能,同时讲述了与每个主题相关的个人和机构的历史,以及种质灭绝和保护叙事背后的地缘政治。濒危玉米的故事始于1916年,当时美国农业部雇员Howard Biggar开始了一次从美国中西部和西北部的土著保留区收集地方玉米品种的研究之旅。他担心,由于移民农业和工业化农业的扩张,印第安人种植的玉米品种正濒临灭绝。在他的旅行中,比格遇到了奥斯卡·威尔和他的儿子乔治,他们是北达科他州的种子商人,他们在目录中展示了玉米、豆类和南瓜种子的本土来源。在此之后,库里提出了玉米保护历史上的一系列核心角色和事件。她讨论了政治家兼先锋杂交玉米公司创始人亨利·华莱士的工作,该公司为杂交玉米在美国的迅速成功做出了贡献,甚至现在也是一家主要的玉米种子公司。接着,她讲述了埃德加·安德森、保罗·曼格尔斯多夫和其他收集和分类玉米的人的努力,他们在洛克菲勒基金会的支持下,通过墨西哥的特殊研究办公室(OSS)收集和分类玉米,该办公室随后扩展到其他拉丁美洲国家。她对这些努力的描述包括一些墨西哥演员,最著名的是Efraim Hernández Xolocotzi,他在康奈尔大学接受培训,并与OSS收集和分类项目合作,后来成为墨西哥面向农民的研究的最新的支持者。墨西哥主要通过其有关农业发展的政策、主要农业机构和非政府相关行动者(如Zapatistas土著运动(EZLN)和Sin Maíz No Hay País(没有玉米就没有国家)运动)来讨论。Curry描述了政策提案之间的紧张关系,以及在绿色革命开始之前就存在的替代发展模式,以及墨西哥通过简短的墨西哥营养系统项目(Sistema Alimentario Mexicano;1979 - 1982)。她还描述了墨西哥在1981年粮农组织会议上通过提议建立一个将成为“人类遗产”的国际植物种质资源库,在促进国际主义立场方面发挥的主导作用。 这次会议的结果是展开了一场辩论,工业化国家围绕私有制和知识产权(IPR)团结起来,最终迫使世界各国遵守UPOV的指导方针。尽管如此,这次会议达成了一项有限的《粮食和农业植物遗传资源国际条约》,该条约目前管理着种质资源的国际交流,尽管墨西哥是该条约的牵头国,但它拒绝签署。在这些叙事和事件的历史背后,隐藏着工业化农业项目与土著农民及其种子之间的关系,这种关系一直以一种并不总是微妙的殖民主义视角为标志。除了普遍担心商业作物品种将取代本地品种和侵蚀农业生物多样性之外,还有一个问题是谁最适合保护和开发种子,以及在什么情况下。正如Curry所强调的那样,直到20世纪80年代,玉米保护工作并没有考虑到土著或其他农场社区是适合这项任务的参与者,甚至没有考虑到他们的知识足以实现这一目的。相反,土著种子被视为脱离了它们的文化背景,被视为必须由科学家和政府机构保护的遗传资源。玉米种子的收集、分类、保存和繁殖都是依靠公共和私人资金的迁地保护策略的一部分。即使在今天,最具代表性的作物保护项目是挪威的斯瓦尔巴全球种子库,这是一个“冷冻”设施,保存着5000多种植物,包括35000多个玉米样本。20世纪80年代和90年代出现了关于两个相关问题的替代观点:土著和其他农业社区在农业生物多样性保护方面的关键作用,以及在育种者对植物种质的知识产权激增的全球背景下农民对其种子的权利——生物技术的兴起和保护转基因作物知识产权的专利法的严格性很快进一步加剧了这种情况(Pechlaner, 2012)。尽管关于移地保护与原地保护、种子作为继承公地与种子作为受知识产权保护的商品的辩论和争端远未解决,但农民无疑已成为关键的政治行动者,对一个多世纪以来盛行的灭绝和保护叙事提出了质疑。跨国农民运动La Vía Campesina和世界各地数以百计的其他农村和城市基层倡议已经恢复了人们对食物和种子主权的权利,谴责全球种子部门中企业权力的日益集中,以及工业化农业和自由贸易协定对环境和社会的负面影响(Peschard &莎莉尼·,2020)。许多这些倡议都与库里的一个关键主张不谋而合:“通过继续发展农民的品种,保护是最好的[…]土著和土著集体拒绝宣布作物品种——以及其他食物和生活方式——的全面、不可避免的损失,而支持对恢复力、抵抗力和适应性的描述”(第233页)。库里对玉米历史的分析有助于理解这些争议如何产生和演变的复杂性。Curry以她所说的“创造性混合”为例,讨论了玻璃宝石(Glass Gem)玉米品种,该品种成为恢复传家宝种子的“典范”,但实际上是最近的品种。根据20世纪80年代收集的种子,卡尔·巴恩斯“允许不同种类的玉米在田间异花授粉,并从随后的马赛克中选择新的类型,让环境和兴趣决定选择。”我想大多数印度人也这么做过。’他在一次采访中反思道”(第231页)。这很可能是事实。来自墨西哥莫雷洛斯州的Ancho玉米也有类似的故事(Khoury等人,2022年),这是一种大型谷物品种,由于在墨西哥特色菜pozole中广泛使用而获得高价。这种多样性最近有所发展,可能是因为以前的地方种族的“创造性混合”。虽然商业玉米品种确实在美国和其他国家占主导地位,但墨西哥的情况并非如此。也许Curry的书的主要弱点是它没有解决这样一个事实,即墨西哥每年种植的800万公顷土地中有一半以上种植的是农民的品种(Bellon et al., 2018)。这不是一个小成就,因为正如书中所描述的那样,自20世纪40年代末以来,生产杂交品种和其他商业品种的努力一直在进行。尽管商业品种在墨西哥取得了成功,但到目前为止,种植第一代杂交玉米的总面积还没有超过玉米农田的三分之一。 由于墨西哥是玉米的起源中心,Curry未能将墨西哥玉米多样性保护的规模整合到她的总体叙述中,这似乎是一个缺点,特别是在她的结论中
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引用次数: 3
Restructuring palm oil value chain governance in Colombia through long-term labour control 通过长期劳动力控制重组哥伦比亚棕榈油价值链治理
IF 2.5 2区 经济学 Q2 DEVELOPMENT STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-01-10 DOI: 10.1111/joac.12528
Angela Serrano

In this paper, I argue that the cumulative effects of coercive and indirect labour discipline enable firms to reorganize production. Through a historical analysis of the palm oil industry in northeastern Colombia, I identify changing forms of value chain governance in relation to transformations in labour control regimes. The combined effects of multiple labour control strategies have weakened labour power and workers' overall possibilities to shape value chain governance. In this case, labour coercion directly diminished workers' associational power and enabled labour flexibilization in the industry, limiting workers' structural power. A dialogue between the Global Value Chains framework and Critical Agrarian Studies, with a focus on labour regimes, highlights that labour flexibilization can build on past instances of coercive control to transform the structure of a value chain. This research illustrates that coercion is not necessarily “extra-economic” but is often intrinsic to the organization of the global economy.

在本文中,我认为强制性和间接劳动纪律的累积效应使企业能够重组生产。通过对哥伦比亚东北部棕榈油行业的历史分析,我确定了与劳动控制制度变革相关的价值链治理形式的变化。多种劳动力控制策略的综合效应削弱了劳动力和工人塑造价值链治理的整体可能性。在这种情况下,劳动强制直接削弱了工人的协会权力,使行业内的劳动灵活化,限制了工人的结构性权力。全球价值链框架与关键农业研究之间的对话,重点关注劳工制度,强调劳动力灵活性可以建立在过去强制控制的基础上,以改变价值链的结构。这项研究表明,强制不一定是“经济之外的”,而往往是全球经济组织的内在特征。
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引用次数: 1
Progressive politics and populism: Classes of labour and rural–urban political sociology—An introduction to the special issue 进步政治与民粹主义:劳工阶级与城乡政治社会学——本刊简介
IF 2.5 2区 经济学 Q2 DEVELOPMENT STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-01-10 DOI: 10.1111/joac.12532
Jonathan Pattenden

This special issue analyses the prospects for a progressive politics against right-wing populism and capitalism. Taken as a whole, its articles underline the need to understand progressive movements as encompassing agrarian, rural, and urban settings and as socially rooted among labourers and petty commodity producers that do not accumulate (classes of labour), which includes the majority of farmers. Most of the world's rural population now reproduce themselves to some degree in towns and cities, which necessitates further development of a rural–urban political sociology. Articles in the special issue discuss existing and potential organizations and networks of classes of labour. They point to the political potential of migrant populations to erode the social divisions of race, ethnicity, and nationality that capitalism and right-wing populism construct to defend their interests. They contribute to understanding of why some members of classes of labour support racist nationalist populisms that pit them against fellow members of classes of labour. And they show why national contexts matter. Forms of capitalist government, including varieties of populism, are linked to world-historical dynamics of accumulation and reproduction, as well as racialized class relations, and constrain routes to progressive politics in different ways. Analysis of them can inform counter-strategies.

本期特刊分析了反对右翼民粹主义和资本主义的进步政治的前景。作为一个整体,它的文章强调需要理解进步运动包括农业,农村和城市环境,并作为社会植根于劳动者和小商品生产者不积累(劳动阶级),其中包括大多数农民。目前,世界上大多数农村人口都在一定程度上到城镇进行再生产,这就要求进一步发展城乡政治社会学。特刊中的文章讨论了现有的和潜在的劳动阶级组织和网络。他们指出,移民人口的政治潜力可以削弱资本主义和右翼民粹主义为捍卫自身利益而构建的种族、民族和国籍的社会划分。它们有助于理解为什么一些劳动阶级成员支持种族主义、民族主义和民粹主义,使他们与其他劳动阶级成员对立。它们也说明了为什么国家背景很重要。资本主义政府的形式,包括各种民粹主义,与积累和再生产的世界历史动态以及种族化的阶级关系联系在一起,并以不同的方式限制了通往进步政治的道路。对它们的分析可以为应对策略提供信息。
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引用次数: 4
Genetically Modified Democracy: Transgenic Crops in Contemporary India By Aniket Aga. Yale University Press. 2021. pp. 328. $65.00 (hb). ISBN: 9780300245905 《转基因民主:当代印度的转基因作物》,AniketAga著。耶鲁大学出版社。2021年第328页$65.00(hb)。ISBN:9780300245905
IF 2.5 2区 经济学 Q2 DEVELOPMENT STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-01-09 DOI: 10.1111/joac.12529
Ronald J. Herring
<p>Aniket Aga probes questions critical to our species: the vetting of authoritative knowledge of risks and benefits embedded in alternative technologies. The focus is state science—the mediating translator of knowledge to policy. He lays out the fundamental tension: “Scientific controversies exert unusual pressures on political institutions. Designed to arbitrate among competing interests, institutions of democracy find themselves in uncharted terrain when confronted with disputes over truth” (p. 237). His focus is India, the implications general and global: One thinks immediately of climate change and pandemics.</p><p>The text analyses biotechnology through an examination of official approval or rejection of two agricultural crops developed by biotechnology: cotton and <i>brinjal</i> (<i>baingan</i>, eggplant, aubergine, <i>Solanum melongena</i>) and provision of authoritative knowledge on agricultural chemicals, from which the state has retreated.</p><p>State science became globally contentious when the genomics revolution in biology raised the stakes: molecular building blocks of life became increasingly amenable to alteration and rearrangement to modify or create novel organisms (Doudna & Steinberg, <span>2017</span>). National variations in state science emerged, in production, support, and regulation. Aga does not address what I think is the most consequential variation: divergence of medicine and agriculture. Pharmaceuticals produced using recombinant-DNA (rDNA) technology were slotted into existing routines of vetting, through existing institutions, beginning with human insulin in 1978. Precisely the same technology, when applied to crops, became an object of politically contentious regulation: the GMO. Discourses of risks and benefits of rDNA plants, though not rDNA medicines, were contested globally, supported by rival transnational activist networks, dividing the planet into pro-and anti-GMO formations (Herring, <span>2008</span>; McHughen, <span>2000</span>; Paarlberg, <span>2001</span>; Pinstrup-Andersen & Schioler, <span>2000</span>; Schurman & Munro, <span>2013</span>).</p><p>India (as well as China) tasked state institutions to promote biotechnology in agriculture in the early 1990s (Cao, <span>2018</span>; also detailed in Chapter 2 of Aga's book). Both nations began with Bt cotton—modified with one gene to express an insecticidal protein—to protect crops from destructive insects. Their reasons involved similar imperatives: import substitution for domestic industry, export earnings, and reducing environmental hazards from spraying toxins on cotton plants. India's struggling cotton sector was producing among the lowest yields in the world at the time but devoted more acres to cotton than any other country.</p><p>In puzzling contrast to China, India's public sector efforts to produce insect-resistant cotton failed. Aga first takes a structural approach to explain this: The specific organization of state science demonst
可以预见的是,2002年由mahyco -孟山都公司发布的三种合法杂交品种被证明是难以监管的,家庭手工业替代品在流通,非法口袋繁殖活跃(Jayaraman, 2001,2004)。Aga更喜欢棉花品种而不是杂交品种(第189-190页),一些希望一年四季都保留种子的农民也是如此;杂交种的种子通常不能繁殖,导致每年购买新种子的费用,尽管通常具有农民希望的补偿特性。尤其令人费解的是,这本书没有提到印度为提供这种选择所做的努力。在公共部门,生产各种Bt棉而不是杂交棉的工作仍在继续。公众对这个品种——bikaneri nerma——的期望很高。这似乎是世界上最好的:棉花是Bt,因此表达了一种对棉铃虫致命的杀虫蛋白,但不受孟山都公司的控制。这是一个品种,而不是杂交品种,因此产生了可保存的种子。而且它将是公共财产,而不是由跨国公司部分拥有。对公共部门Bt品种的期望在令人失望的田间试验和政府科学家对其种质的审查中破灭了。尽管经过伪装,遗传物质是非法从孟山都公司获得的。印度农业研究委员会(ICAR)立即暂停了种子繁殖和商业化。我们没有从阿加那里得到解释,为什么国家科学为提供一种替代公司混合动力车的重大努力如此戏剧性地失败了。尽管所有的政治焦点都集中在企业的主导地位上,但印度的Bt棉花早在孟山都公司获得德里的许可之前就开始了,并且确实成为了国家控制之外的家庭手工业(Roy等人,2007;Sherasiya, 2021)。认为种质资源管理是任何一个国家监管像印度这样一个多样化地形的合理目标似乎是愚蠢的——阿加解释了可见性和“肉眼”困境。村子里没有种子警察;事实上,对于为什么转基因种子(当地农民寻找的种子)与其他种子在某些重要方面存在差异(例如Flachs, 2019:第4章和第182页),人们知之甚少。此外,由于农民的抵制,执法变得更加复杂(Herring, 2021)。阿加强调了官僚中央政府目光的局限性,但农民也有代理权。在大约2001年至2006年的早期,正版(但非法的)Bt隐形种子和声称是Bt的假冒种子在国家的雷达下广泛传播,随后的非法高级品种也是如此。安德鲁·弗拉克斯(Andrew Flachs, 2019)是印度企业控制种子的最密切观察者之一,他在特伦甘纳邦进行了密集的实地调查后指出,秘密采用违背企业利益的种子,特别是孟山都公司的种子:“尽管有官方禁令,种子经纪人仍在销售(非法的)Bollgard III和HT种子,甚至在网上销售!(第182页)。他提醒我们,“重要的是要记住,第一批Bt种子在合法化之前也同样被窃取并在印度各地传播”(Flachs, 2019)。国家科学在Bt棉花的生产和管理上都失败了。由于公共部门的失败,Bt棉花进入了公共话语,受到将生物技术与全球资本联系起来的全球话语的污染(Aga在书中第6章,passim)。然而,它却主宰了棉花田。公司控制作为一种模因有助于政治动员,但由于可以解释的原因,农村机构往往胜过国家或公司的能力(Filomeno, 2013, 2014)。棉花在经济上对印度很重要,从全球来看,印度已经成为领先的生产国,而不是落后的生产国。印度的第二种转基因作物却没有如此引人注目。在数百个Bt棉花品种几乎被普遍采用之后,人们对Bt茄子(茄子、茄子)获得批准的期望非常强烈。由于在这种无处不在的粮食作物上喷洒有毒农药的失败和成本高昂,对种植者和消费者都造成了伤害,因此预计会获得批准。由Mahyco开发并培育成茄子(Event EE1)的杀虫蛋白(Bt)基因在全国不同地区进行了为期7年的广泛试验,包括杂交和品种(如果农民愿意,他们可以保存和重新种植这些品种的种子)。实地研究表明,杀虫蛋白成功地消灭了最具破坏性的害虫,提高了农民的收入,但令人惊讶的是,研究发现,现有的做法对农民和消费者来说是危险的:未经批准的杀虫剂普遍使用,而且缺乏防护装备。Bt茄子提供了更低的种子成本、丰富的品种选择、更高的农民利润和节省种子的能力的证据,似乎是发展状态科学的理想结果(Herring, 2015;克利须那神,Qaim, 2007;环境和森林部,基因工程审批委员会,2009;饶,2010)。 经过9年的开发和试验,基因工程批准委员会接受了这种作物。这个结果似乎是成功的发展状态在行动。但阿尼吉特·阿加对国家科学脆弱性的深刻关注为失败提供了解释:任何转基因作物的命运都取决于提交给授权的具体档案。他强调,科学真理不需要“确定性”;“通过询问诸如在毒性研究中是否有统计上足够的大鼠这样的问题,就足以在单调的监管档案中戳出漏洞……”(第172页)。档案中的这些漏洞——无论是不可避免的还是出于动机的——可能会避免多年的实地测试。这种“不确定性”开启了一个政治机会:不确定性被构建为风险,由Hamara Beej Abhiyan(我们的种子运动)发起的“我不是实验室老鼠”运动精彩地激活了这一风险。由此产生的街头戏剧得到了全世界的关注,t恤和英文标牌传递着真正的能量和病毒般的吸引力(第245-50页,passim)。动员组织对一种国家批准的田间试验证明对农民和消费者都更有利、更安全的品种提出了质疑,但显然对意外结果没有确定性。大众可能相信,任何不确定性都构成不可接受的风险。重要的是,茄子是一种食物,而不是纤维,而且公众对现有生产条件的记录风险一无所知。围绕茄子的政治以方言成语而不是外来的科学话语运作。在阿加的叙述中,街头动员起了作用,“为竞选活动提供了咸的方言习语,并允许它探索民粹主义的情感深处”(第167页)。他解释了社会网络活动和电子激进主义是如何被调整并“伴随着强大的地区和国家联盟以及法院的牵引”(第165-66页)。事实证明,反对派的三大支柱都很重要:街头政治、更广泛的联盟和法庭上的行动主义。因此,反对派力量利用了印度政治结构所提供的多重舞台:“民主政治通过利用联邦结构的紧张和矛盾来创造和增加瓶颈”(第174页)。反对的多个方面——环境方面的预防措施、宗教方面的反对、对外国主导的恐惧以及对未知的不确定性——都在不同的时间、不同的地点被用来反对国家科学部门批准的一种作物。相比之下,转基因茄子的支持者的反对意见是晦涩难懂的,平淡无奇的,并且是假设的:减少农药的使用,喷洒增加了农民的作物选择和经济回报,减少了无处不在的粮食作物中的有毒残留物(Rao, 2010)。禁止种植Bt茄子说明了农业利益与环境利益、生产利益与预防利益之间的全球鸿沟(Herring &Paarlberg, 2015)。与全球模式一致,国内外环保主义者动员起来反对这种品种监管生物技术的国家机构——基因工程审批委员会——经过9年的开发和测试,得出结论:基于食品和环境安全的理由,Bt茄子符合法定的国家科学标准。该决定被环境部长Jairam Ramesh推翻,他认为该档案没有消除部长编码为风险的所有不确定性(Aga, 155-178)。Bt茄子在印度进入了假死状态,但在孟加拉国和菲律宾进行了田间试验。科学的不确定性是不可避免的;国家科学的运作依赖于指定的机构来确定何时有“足够的老鼠”。正是这些缺乏“确定性”的“单调的监管档案”使得印度第二种转基因作物的常规科学研究遭到拒绝。包括总理和农业部长在内的大部分内阁成员都不赞成这一禁令,这实际上使国
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引用次数: 0
Tracking farmland investment in Australia: Institutional finance and the politics of data mapping 跟踪澳大利亚的农田投资:机构金融和数据映射的政治
IF 2.5 2区 经济学 Q2 DEVELOPMENT STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-12-28 DOI: 10.1111/joac.12531
Kiah Smith, Alexandra Langford, Geoffrey Lawrence

Tracking farmland purchases is central to interpreting transnational finance's growing power in agrarian restructuring. Australia's public Register of foreign land ownership reveals little about agrarian change, however. In presenting the first comprehensive mapping of farmland purchases made between 2008 and 2020, this paper examines the ways that financial investments are altering farm ownership patterns in Australia. First, we show that most foreign owned land has been purchased by only 10 pastoral companies, which are implicated in speculative development activities. Second, foreign investment in cropping and horticulture is more significant than it appears in the Register, with investments in agricultural infrastructure increasingly driving land use change. Third, we illustrate the deepening entrenchment of institutional finance. By engaging with the findings from our dataset as well as with the politics of data that have shaped the availability of information, the paper progresses understandings of the financialization of farmland in both its material and ideational aspects.

追踪农地购买是解释跨国金融在农业结构调整中日益强大的力量的核心。然而,澳大利亚外国人土地所有权的公共登记册几乎没有显示出土地变化。本文首次展示了2008年至2020年间购买农田的综合地图,研究了金融投资改变澳大利亚农场所有权模式的方式。首先,我们表明,大多数外国人拥有的土地只被10家畜牧公司购买,这些公司涉及投机性开发活动。其次,外国对种植和园艺的投资比登记册上显示的更为重要,对农业基础设施的投资日益推动土地利用的变化。第三,我们举例说明了机构金融的日益巩固。通过研究我们数据集的发现以及影响信息可用性的数据政治,本文从物质和思想两个方面推进了对农田金融化的理解。
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引用次数: 2
Predators in the web of life: World ecology of historical human–wolf relations in Finland 生命之网中的掠食者:芬兰历史上人狼关系的世界生态
IF 2.5 2区 经济学 Q2 DEVELOPMENT STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-12-19 DOI: 10.1111/joac.12533
Sanna Komi, Markus Kröger

To better understand current conflicts related to human–wolf interactions in Finland, this article undertakes a longue-durée examination of societal structural transformations and how they have influenced ways of relating to nature in the country. Through a world-ecological perspective, we weave together a historical review and results of ethnographic fieldwork to explain how and why human–wolf relations in Finland transformed from indifferent coexistence to purposeful eradication in the late 19th century and ultimately to contemporary contested protection. We argue that the nature-making capacities of capitalist development are an integral part of the historical circumstances that led to the eradication of wolves, which was not only the result of animosity towards wolves but also fuelled by the interests of elite hunters. The resulting negative perceptions, coupled with changes in practices and landscapes during the wolf-less era, are central in current contestations, illustrating the deep ideological, emotional, and practical nature relations that capitalism creates.

为了更好地理解芬兰当前与人狼互动相关的冲突,本文对社会结构转型以及它们如何影响该国与自然相关的方式进行了长时间的研究。通过世界生态学的视角,我们将历史回顾和民族志田野调查的结果编织在一起,以解释芬兰人狼关系如何以及为什么从冷漠的共存转变为19世纪后期有目的的消灭,并最终转变为当代有争议的保护。我们认为,资本主义发展的自然创造能力是导致狼灭绝的历史环境的一个组成部分,这不仅是对狼的仇恨的结果,也是精英猎人利益的推动。由此产生的负面看法,加上在没有狼的时代实践和景观的变化,是当前争论的核心,说明了资本主义创造的深刻的意识形态、情感和实际的自然关系。
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引用次数: 2
Who owns the land owns the wind? Land and citizenship in the Isthmus of Tehuantepec, Mexico 谁拥有土地,谁就拥有风?墨西哥特万特佩克地峡的土地和公民身份
IF 2.5 2区 经济学 Q2 DEVELOPMENT STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-12-13 DOI: 10.1111/joac.12527
Gerardo A. Torres Contreras
Wind energy expansion across rural areas interacts with various interests at the local level, generating multiple reactions within communities. The Eólica del Sur wind farm implementation pathway in Mexico is a paragon of different positions vis-à-vis this industry after trying to install 132 wind turbines in other towns since 2006. This paper argues that there is a bias in studies of the politics of wind energy development in favour of oppositional voices, as opposed to groups that endorse wind energy expansion or that have stakes in the sector but neither support nor oppose wind projects per se. Based on fieldwork conducted over three years and semi-structured interviews with Eólica del Sur stakeholders, the paper argues that different responses to wind energy are linked to contrasting ownership claims over land in the region and competing notions of the institutions that should legitimize these claims.
农村地区风能的扩张与地方一级的各种利益相互作用,在社区内产生了多种反应。墨西哥的Eólica del Sur风电场实施途径是自2006年以来试图在其他城镇安装132台风力涡轮机后,相对于该行业不同立场的典范。本文认为,在对风能发展政治的研究中,存在着偏向于反对声音的倾向,而不是支持风能扩张或在该行业拥有股份但既不支持也不反对风能项目本身的团体,该论文认为,对风能的不同反应与该地区土地所有权主张的对比以及应使这些主张合法化的机构的相互竞争有关。
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引用次数: 2
Land acquisition and resource development in contemporary India, Edited by Shashi RatnekarSingh. Cambridge University Press. 2020. Pp. 188. £75.00 (hb). ISBN: 9781108486927 当代印度的土地征用和资源开发,由Shashi RatnekarSingh编辑。剑桥大学出版社,2020。188页。£75.00 (hb)。ISBN: 9781108486927
IF 2.5 2区 经济学 Q2 DEVELOPMENT STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-12-09 DOI: 10.1111/joac.12530
R. Bose
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引用次数: 0
Land acquisition and resource development in contemporary India By Shashi Ratnekar Singh. Cambridge University Press. 2020. Pp. 188. £75.00 (hb). ISBN: 9781108486927 Shashi Ratnekar Singh著《当代印度的土地征用和资源开发》。剑桥大学出版社。2020年,第188页。75.00英镑(hb)。ISBN:9781108486927
IF 2.5 2区 经济学 Q2 DEVELOPMENT STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-12-09 DOI: 10.1111/joac.12530
Rajanya Bose
<p>Land acquisitions and dispossession have increasingly garnered more attention and provoked debates in India as well as globally, especially in the last two decades (D'Costa & Chakraborty, <span>2017</span>; Edelman et al., <span>2013</span>; Levien, <span>2018</span>). The land database website “Land conflict watch” estimates that there are 781 ongoing land conflicts in India impacting 7.5 million people. While the post-colonial Indian state has consistently used the colonial doctrine of “eminent domain” to acquire private land in India for “public purposes,” the changing nature of the state has been reflected in the intensification of the “land wars” whereby the states now “broker” and acquire land to service the interests of private capital (Levien, <span>2013</span>; Sud, <span>2014</span>). Singh's book “Land Acquisition and Resource Development in India” sits at the intersection of state theory, human geography, and political economy of land dispossession in India. It sheds light on the changing nature of the Indian state, uneven development trajectories across social groups and spaces in India as a result of “resource development,” and the impact of public discourse and mobilizations on the processes of dispossession.</p><p>The book is divided into three parts, instructively named Theoretical Framework, Case Study, and Analysis, reflecting what to expect from each of those sections. The first two sections make up for most of the book's length, with the concluding section enumerating the journey of and discourse around India's Right to Fair Compensation and Transparency in Land Acquisition, Rehabilitation and Resettlement Act, 2013, which replaced the colonial Land Acquisition Act, 1894, used by the post-colonial Indian state for six decades after Independence in 1947 to dispossess people from their habitats.</p><p>The first part of the theoretical framework takes the readers through four main strands of literature: first, on the nature of the Indian state (divided between political–institutional and political–economic perspectives); second, on space, spatiality, and uneven development drawing on the works of scholars like David Harvey, Doreen Massey, Swapna Banerjee-Guha, Neil Smith, and others; third, a brief summary of John Rawls and Amartya Sen's theorizations of justice, under the title “justice as fairness”; and finally, on public sphere and civil society in India, building on scholarship of Jürgen Habermas and Indian scholars like Neera Chandhoke, Sunil Khilnani, and Sudipta Kaviraj. The second part of the literature review focusses on the political economy of land acquisition in India, taking the readers through the legislative framework, framing of compensation and rehabilitation for land acquisition by the state, the changes in laws and policies regarding resource development, mining, and dispossession in the country in the post-colonial era.</p><p>The core of the book is an immersive and impressive case study of dispossessi
土地收购和剥夺越来越受到印度和全球的关注,并引发了争论,尤其是在过去二十年中(D’Costa&amp;Chakraborty,2017;Edelman等人,2013;莱维恩,2018)。土地数据库网站“土地冲突观察”估计,印度有781起持续的土地冲突,影响750万人。虽然后殖民时代的印度国家一直使用“征用权”的殖民主义原则来获取印度的私人土地用于“公共目的”,但国家性质的变化反映在“土地战争”的加剧中,即国家现在“经纪人”和获取土地以服务于私人资本的利益(Levien,2013;Sud,2014)。辛格的著作《印度的土地征用和资源开发》是印度土地征用的国家理论、人文地理学和政治经济学的交叉点。它揭示了印度国家性质的变化,由于“资源开发”,印度社会群体和空间的发展轨迹不均衡,以及公共话语和动员对剥夺过程的影响。这本书分为三个部分,分别命名为理论框架、案例研究和分析,反映了对每个部分的期望。前两节占据了本书的大部分篇幅,最后一节列举了印度2013年《土地征用、恢复和安置公平补偿权和透明度法》的历程和围绕该法的讨论,该法取代了1894年的《殖民地土地征用法》,1947年独立后的60年里,这个后殖民地的印度国家一直使用它来剥夺人们的栖息地。理论框架的第一部分带读者浏览了四条主要的文献:第一,关于印度国家的性质(分为政治-制度和政治-经济视角);二是借鉴David Harvey、Doreen Massey、Swapna Banerjee Guha、Neil Smith等学者的作品,探讨空间性、空间性和不均衡发展;第三,以“公正即公平”为题,简要总结了约翰·罗尔斯和阿马蒂亚·森的公正理论;最后,在Jürgen Habermas和Neera Chandhoke、Sunil Khilnani和Sudipta Kaviraj等印度学者的学术基础上,研究印度的公共领域和公民社会。文献综述的第二部分聚焦于印度土地征用的政治经济学,带读者了解了后殖民时代印度土地征用补偿和恢复的立法框架、框架,以及该国资源开发、采矿和剥夺的法律和政策变化。这本书的核心是对印度中部中央邦矿产丰富的Singrauli地区的土地征用进行了一次身临其境、令人印象深刻的案例研究,该地区的火力发电量占全国总发电量的13%。辛格仔细记录了该地区从1960年到2015年的流离失所、赔偿和恢复情况。实证数据和文件分析探讨了“在规划过程的前几十年,国家代表和资本主义阶级之间的联系”(第95页),这是该书的一个关键贡献,它细微地区分了印度“剥夺政权”之间的细微差别(Levien,2018)。它指出,在20世纪60年代流离失所的最初阶段,支付的赔偿金很少,当时的土地补偿没有土地所有权契约,现金补偿也很低,甚至不足以建造一栋新房子;这也意味着,根据修复方案,任何后续的土地迁移都会使居住者没有资格获得进一步的赔偿(第98页)。在20世纪80年代的第二阶段,流离失所过程继续违背土地所有者的利益,在那里,土地被征用了30块 在项目实际要求之前的几年(在这种情况下,是一家公共部门公司,国家火电公司在Vindhyachal的[NTPC]火力发电厂),从而剥夺了受项目影响的人们几十年来不断上涨的土地价格(第100页)。糟糕的康复记录甚至适用于为受项目影响的人提供就业的标准。例如,火电项目只为10%的被剥夺者提供了就业机会。流离失所者还依赖于获得土地用于就业的项目,在等待替代生计机会而无法将其投资于生产计划时,他们往往会在消费支出上损失相当大一部分现金补偿(第111页)。收购的第三阶段讲述了2008年后的流离失所经历,其中很大一部分矿区可能会使属于在册部落的社区流离失所(p。
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引用次数: 0
Temporariness made interminable: Pacific Islander farmworkers in Australia and the enduring crises of global agricultural production 暂时性使得无休止:澳大利亚的太平洋岛民农场工人和全球农业生产的持久危机
IF 2.5 2区 经济学 Q2 DEVELOPMENT STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-11-30 DOI: 10.1111/joac.12524
Victoria Stead

Drawing on long-term ethnographic fieldwork with Seasonal Worker Programme (SWP) workers in south-east Australia, I reflect in this paper on the experience of interminable temporariness and on its implications for the structural conditions underpinning contemporary horticultural labour in Australia. Although in many ways reflective of the specificities of a unique historical moment, the interminable temporariness experienced through the COVID-19 pandemic also speaks to broader, enduring conditions produced within contemporary Australian agriculture. Here, the restructuring of the agri-industry produces for many what Lauren Berlant describes as the “impasse” or “crisis ordinariness” of life under neoliberalism. At the same time, logics of development—including racialized imaginaries and border regimes—articulate with agricultural guest worker schemes in ways that seek to fix whole populations and regions in relations of suspended hope. In this context, I argue, the pandemic exposed and intensified structural vulnerabilities and unequal distributions of risk, which are encoded in the political economy of farm work in Australia, while also cleaving open new, if tentative, possibilities for agency and solidarity.

通过对澳大利亚东南部季节性工人计划(SWP)工人的长期民族志田野调查,我在本文中反思了无休止的临时工的经验及其对支撑澳大利亚当代园艺劳动的结构条件的影响。尽管在许多方面反映了一个独特历史时刻的特殊性,但COVID - 19大流行期间经历的无休止的暂时性也说明了当代澳大利亚农业中产生的更广泛、持久的条件。在这里,农业产业的重组给许多人带来了劳伦·伯兰特(Lauren Berlant)所描述的新自由主义下生活的“僵局”或“危机平凡”。与此同时,发展的逻辑——包括种族化的想象和边境制度——与农业外来工计划相结合,试图将整个人口和地区固定在希望渺茫的关系中。在这种情况下,我认为,大流行病暴露并加剧了结构性脆弱性和风险分配不均,这些都体现在澳大利亚农业工作的政治经济中,同时也为机构和团结开辟了新的(如果是暂时的)可能性。[源自作者]
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引用次数: 2
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Journal of Agrarian Change
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