Pub Date : 2023-03-04DOI: 10.1080/03057070.2023.2227986
M. Vartavarian
The three monographs reviewed here, by Jacob Dlamini, Daniel Douek and Hugh Macmillan, examine insurgency and counterinsurgency campaigns in apartheid South Africa. Taken collectively, they complicate conventional views on insurgent and counterinsurgent institutions by demonstrating their porosity, incoherence and frequent incompetence. Much has been written on the deliberate targeting, torturing and killing of insurgents, sell-outs and security forces. These monographs add to that literature, but also view victims of violence as products of error, personal animosities and unintended consequences. In addition, insurgents and counterinsurgents often spent as much time rooting out suspect elements in their own ranks as they did combating each other. Uncertainty as to who was friend or foe both widened the scope of violence and made it more unpredictable. African National Congress (ANC) and state operatives in the field could be struck down by coercive mechanisms emanating from within their own ranks. Furthermore, these authors make suggestive, if in Daniel Douek’s case overwrought, arguments that insurgents who were truly committed to revolutionary change seldom survived the liberation struggle. Those who did soon lost power to self-serving political bosses and unprincipled opportunists willing to compromise with the enemy. Thus, binary accounts of the tensions between the apartheid state and liberation movements are becoming increasingly superseded by more intricate formulations. Internal squabbles within both the structures of the apartheid state and revolutionary ranks enabled each side to siphon off information and operatives from the other. Some state agents and radical activists turned under compulsion; others embraced purported rivals willingly. Yet
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Pub Date : 2023-03-04DOI: 10.1080/03057070.2023.2204782
Kasonde T. Mukonde
Scholarship on the Soweto students’ uprising of 16 June 1976 focuses on the political mobilisation of the march, the day of the march itself and memorialisation of the event. Many of these studies fail to portray the everyday lives of the students who protested against the Bantu Education system in South Africa, dwelling on the spectacular. This article primarily draws on oral history interviews with former student activists of the 1960s and 1970s to historicise their reading practices. It thus introduces a new layer to the story of the making of youth political consciousness in South African schools in the 1970s. The article shows how reading happened in the classroom, the playground and the home and how this reading led to the formation of multiple and contiguous subaltern counterpublic spheres that became the crucible of many of the student leaders of the march of 1976. It adds to the literature on the subversion of apartheid by exploring some contradictions in the system that were exploited by students and teachers.
{"title":"‘If you belong to my generation and you never read James Hadley Chase, then you are not educated’: Everyday Reading of High School Students in Soweto, 1968–1976","authors":"Kasonde T. Mukonde","doi":"10.1080/03057070.2023.2204782","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/03057070.2023.2204782","url":null,"abstract":"Scholarship on the Soweto students’ uprising of 16 June 1976 focuses on the political mobilisation of the march, the day of the march itself and memorialisation of the event. Many of these studies fail to portray the everyday lives of the students who protested against the Bantu Education system in South Africa, dwelling on the spectacular. This article primarily draws on oral history interviews with former student activists of the 1960s and 1970s to historicise their reading practices. It thus introduces a new layer to the story of the making of youth political consciousness in South African schools in the 1970s. The article shows how reading happened in the classroom, the playground and the home and how this reading led to the formation of multiple and contiguous subaltern counterpublic spheres that became the crucible of many of the student leaders of the march of 1976. It adds to the literature on the subversion of apartheid by exploring some contradictions in the system that were exploited by students and teachers.","PeriodicalId":47703,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Southern African Studies","volume":"49 1","pages":"205 - 224"},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2023-03-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47098610","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-03-04DOI: 10.1080/03057070.2023.2238561
A. K. Mwaba
The African Union is emerging as a prominent actor in election assistance and observation. Considering the continued centrality of the electoral process to democracy-building efforts in Africa, African continental and regional organisations are increasingly monitoring elections and taking the lead in election observation processes across the continent. This paper contributes to the African agency literature by showing how agency is operationalised and implemented through international election observation. Focusing on Malawi’s recent electoral history (2004–2020), this paper argues that the African Union is institutionalising its election observation protocols and challenging the dominant position of western international actors, through enacting the role and agency of continental and regional actors. It critically assesses the African Union’s ability to undertake these efforts and how it has addressed elections, and the politics surrounding them.
{"title":"African Agency in Democracy Promotion: The African Union and Election Observation in Malawi","authors":"A. K. Mwaba","doi":"10.1080/03057070.2023.2238561","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/03057070.2023.2238561","url":null,"abstract":"The African Union is emerging as a prominent actor in election assistance and observation. Considering the continued centrality of the electoral process to democracy-building efforts in Africa, African continental and regional organisations are increasingly monitoring elections and taking the lead in election observation processes across the continent. This paper contributes to the African agency literature by showing how agency is operationalised and implemented through international election observation. Focusing on Malawi’s recent electoral history (2004–2020), this paper argues that the African Union is institutionalising its election observation protocols and challenging the dominant position of western international actors, through enacting the role and agency of continental and regional actors. It critically assesses the African Union’s ability to undertake these efforts and how it has addressed elections, and the politics surrounding them.","PeriodicalId":47703,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Southern African Studies","volume":"49 1","pages":"247 - 263"},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2023-03-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43778146","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-03-04DOI: 10.1080/03057070.2023.2221009
N. Etherington
Very little of the vast literature on David Livingstone treats his decade as a missionary in South Africa, focusing instead on his later expeditions to central Africa. Described as a failed missionary who gave up evangelism for exploring, he came under fire in the second half of the 20th century for leading European imperialism in Africa. A deeper look into Livingstone’s mission experience from 1841 to 1857 shows that his highly original writing on theology, missiology and colonialism ranks alongside the better-known work of South African churchmen such as Johannes van der Kemp, John Philip and J.W. Colenso. His analysis and experience of settler colonialism on the Cape frontier and in the Transvaal were not incidental but central to his decision to seek an east–west corridor for the introduction of commerce and Christianity to a region he hoped might be free of colonial aggression and human trafficking.
{"title":"Writing David Livingstone Back into South African History","authors":"N. Etherington","doi":"10.1080/03057070.2023.2221009","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/03057070.2023.2221009","url":null,"abstract":"Very little of the vast literature on David Livingstone treats his decade as a missionary in South Africa, focusing instead on his later expeditions to central Africa. Described as a failed missionary who gave up evangelism for exploring, he came under fire in the second half of the 20th century for leading European imperialism in Africa. A deeper look into Livingstone’s mission experience from 1841 to 1857 shows that his highly original writing on theology, missiology and colonialism ranks alongside the better-known work of South African churchmen such as Johannes van der Kemp, John Philip and J.W. Colenso. His analysis and experience of settler colonialism on the Cape frontier and in the Transvaal were not incidental but central to his decision to seek an east–west corridor for the introduction of commerce and Christianity to a region he hoped might be free of colonial aggression and human trafficking.","PeriodicalId":47703,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Southern African Studies","volume":"49 1","pages":"285 - 299"},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2023-03-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47569469","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-03-04DOI: 10.1080/03057070.2023.2230704
K. Maphunye
activists. In addition, an ANC cadre might escape state persecution only to fall victim to the personal rivalries, factional squabbles and struggles for resources that frayed the party. This makes ANC leaders’ eventual success in directing South Africa’s democratic transition even more remarkable. Further studies are needed on how the ANC managed to endure such enormous pressures while emerging as their country’s leading liberation organisation.
{"title":"Crime and democracy: The challenge of people’s policing in post-apartheid South Africa","authors":"K. Maphunye","doi":"10.1080/03057070.2023.2230704","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/03057070.2023.2230704","url":null,"abstract":"activists. In addition, an ANC cadre might escape state persecution only to fall victim to the personal rivalries, factional squabbles and struggles for resources that frayed the party. This makes ANC leaders’ eventual success in directing South Africa’s democratic transition even more remarkable. Further studies are needed on how the ANC managed to endure such enormous pressures while emerging as their country’s leading liberation organisation.","PeriodicalId":47703,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Southern African Studies","volume":"49 1","pages":"336 - 338"},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2023-03-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48733314","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-03-04DOI: 10.1080/03057070.2023.2237352
Simukai Tinhu
The question of how the ruling Zimbabwe African National Union – Patriotic Front (ZANU(PF)) has held onto power has been the focus of some of the most exciting scholarly works on post-independence Zimbabwe, aside from those on the land question. Stephen Chan’s Mugabe: A Life of Power and Violence, Godfrey Maringira’s Soldiers and the State in Zimbabwe and the jointly edited volume by Erasmus Masitera and Fortune Sibanda, Power in Contemporary Zimbabwe, add to this tradition in different ways. While Stephen Chan’s contention perpetuates the narrative that ZANU(PF)’s fortunes have, over the years, been intricately tied to Robert Mugabe, Godfrey Maringira challenges the current political thinking that ZANU(PF) and the military’s relationship is symbiotic. Instead, Maringira argues that ZANU(PF)’s relations with the armed forces, as with other social and political actors in Zimbabwe, is exploitative. Opting for a radically different approach, Masitera and Sibanda’s collection cogently situates power and its contestations within either ‘subaltern studies’ or cultural theory. In this review essay, I will discuss these books separately. With a great deal of scholarly and non-scholarly material having been dedicated to Mugabe over the last 30 years, it is difficult to think of profound new insights on his politics. Indeed, any new publication risks repeating what has been said before. Chan attempts to evade this difficulty by demonstrating that the military coup that toppled Mugabe from power in 2017 provides new and exciting material that warrants another book. But rather than writing a new biography, he simply adds a chapter at the end of his 2003 edition, Mugabe: A Life of Power and Violence. He does not revisit arguments made in this edition, nor does he address criticisms of the first edition. In other words, the latest Mugabe: A Life of Power and Violence should not be seen to revise his original argument, but rather as a reissued version of the 2003 book, with an additional essay included.
{"title":"Points of Entry into Zimbabwean Post-Independence Politics: Mugabe, the Military or the Social Subalterns","authors":"Simukai Tinhu","doi":"10.1080/03057070.2023.2237352","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/03057070.2023.2237352","url":null,"abstract":"The question of how the ruling Zimbabwe African National Union – Patriotic Front (ZANU(PF)) has held onto power has been the focus of some of the most exciting scholarly works on post-independence Zimbabwe, aside from those on the land question. Stephen Chan’s Mugabe: A Life of Power and Violence, Godfrey Maringira’s Soldiers and the State in Zimbabwe and the jointly edited volume by Erasmus Masitera and Fortune Sibanda, Power in Contemporary Zimbabwe, add to this tradition in different ways. While Stephen Chan’s contention perpetuates the narrative that ZANU(PF)’s fortunes have, over the years, been intricately tied to Robert Mugabe, Godfrey Maringira challenges the current political thinking that ZANU(PF) and the military’s relationship is symbiotic. Instead, Maringira argues that ZANU(PF)’s relations with the armed forces, as with other social and political actors in Zimbabwe, is exploitative. Opting for a radically different approach, Masitera and Sibanda’s collection cogently situates power and its contestations within either ‘subaltern studies’ or cultural theory. In this review essay, I will discuss these books separately. With a great deal of scholarly and non-scholarly material having been dedicated to Mugabe over the last 30 years, it is difficult to think of profound new insights on his politics. Indeed, any new publication risks repeating what has been said before. Chan attempts to evade this difficulty by demonstrating that the military coup that toppled Mugabe from power in 2017 provides new and exciting material that warrants another book. But rather than writing a new biography, he simply adds a chapter at the end of his 2003 edition, Mugabe: A Life of Power and Violence. He does not revisit arguments made in this edition, nor does he address criticisms of the first edition. In other words, the latest Mugabe: A Life of Power and Violence should not be seen to revise his original argument, but rather as a reissued version of the 2003 book, with an additional essay included.","PeriodicalId":47703,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Southern African Studies","volume":"49 1","pages":"323 - 328"},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2023-03-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49666440","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-03-04DOI: 10.1080/03057070.2023.2241337
M. M. Juwayeyi, Lee A. Leonard, Happy E. Mwaungulu
A British protectorate from 1891, Malawi became independent in 1964. Historians typically recognise the period from 1964 to at least the early 1990s as one in which Malawi was under the dictatorship of President Hastings Kamuzu Banda. Freedom of expression was virtually non-existent in public and human rights were violated as a norm. However, as a result of both external and internal pressure, Banda was compelled to call for a referendum in 1993 and an overwhelming majority voted for multi-party democracy. Later, in 1994, the country adopted a new Constitution, one that clearly separates the three branches of government and guarantees civil rights. The new Constitution notwithstanding, there remain many provisions in the statutes and the legal codes that can be, and are, used by the authorities to repress or punish expression and to abuse citizen’s rights. Moreover, although the new Constitution clearly separates the three branches of government and ascribes to them their respective powers, several presidents have endeavoured to dominate the other two branches of government. Using an approach grounded in historical institutionalism, specifically the concept of path dependence, this article traces Malawi’s current socio-political institutions all the way back to when the country was a British protectorate. In so doing, the article takes a somewhat sympathetic view of the Banda dictatorship, showing how the institutions established under British rule influenced how Banda governed. Critically, the article shows that elements of these institutions continue to have an impact on civil rights and governance in Malawi today.
{"title":"The Enduring Legacy of British-Promulgated Institutions on Civil Liberties and Governance in Post-Independence Malawi: An Analysis Grounded in Historical Institutionalism","authors":"M. M. Juwayeyi, Lee A. Leonard, Happy E. Mwaungulu","doi":"10.1080/03057070.2023.2241337","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/03057070.2023.2241337","url":null,"abstract":"A British protectorate from 1891, Malawi became independent in 1964. Historians typically recognise the period from 1964 to at least the early 1990s as one in which Malawi was under the dictatorship of President Hastings Kamuzu Banda. Freedom of expression was virtually non-existent in public and human rights were violated as a norm. However, as a result of both external and internal pressure, Banda was compelled to call for a referendum in 1993 and an overwhelming majority voted for multi-party democracy. Later, in 1994, the country adopted a new Constitution, one that clearly separates the three branches of government and guarantees civil rights. The new Constitution notwithstanding, there remain many provisions in the statutes and the legal codes that can be, and are, used by the authorities to repress or punish expression and to abuse citizen’s rights. Moreover, although the new Constitution clearly separates the three branches of government and ascribes to them their respective powers, several presidents have endeavoured to dominate the other two branches of government. Using an approach grounded in historical institutionalism, specifically the concept of path dependence, this article traces Malawi’s current socio-political institutions all the way back to when the country was a British protectorate. In so doing, the article takes a somewhat sympathetic view of the Banda dictatorship, showing how the institutions established under British rule influenced how Banda governed. Critically, the article shows that elements of these institutions continue to have an impact on civil rights and governance in Malawi today.","PeriodicalId":47703,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Southern African Studies","volume":"49 1","pages":"225 - 246"},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2023-03-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42156708","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-02DOI: 10.1080/03057070.2023.2184109
A. Niven
Chililabombwe. But it is still a good account of life in Luanshya and might be taken to be representative of the whole Copperbelt. There are also serious historical inaccuracies: for instance, the claim that a university union on the Copperbelt forced Kaunda to declare early elections in 1991 (p. 26). It could not have been the Copperbelt University Students’ Union or the Copperbelt University Lecturers’ Union, both of which were small in 1989. Rather, it was the bigger, more vocal University of Zambia Students’ Union (UNZASU), which played a significant role in the fight for the return of multi-party politics to Zambia, together with the bigger workers’ unions, such as the Mineworkers’ Union of Zambia (MUZ), the Zambia National Union of Teachers (ZNUT) and the National Union of Building, Engineering and General Workers (NUBEGW) (to which Chiluba had belonged), all of which were under the Zambia Congress of Trade Unions (ZCTU), which was led by Chiluba. Moreover, the assertion that ‘Copperbelt residents increasingly turned to foraging mushrooms, caterpillars (known as ifinkubala), and fruit for food from the nearby forests ... and that this pragmatism also enters Copperbelt residents’ conception of themselves and their position within a changing world’ (p. 33) is not entirely accurate. It would not be correct to see the foraging for edible forest products as a new pragmatism for Copperbelt urban dwellers. This is because Zambians, even those living in urban areas, have always loved mushrooms and ifinkubala, and this was not about bringing the village to the towns. It was just a question of eating familiar foods. If these views are taken as criticisms of the work, they should not detract from the fact that this is a good piece of work. The use of sources is good and it has an impressive bibliography.
{"title":"Revealing deep waters: continuing the literary history of Namibia","authors":"A. Niven","doi":"10.1080/03057070.2023.2184109","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/03057070.2023.2184109","url":null,"abstract":"Chililabombwe. But it is still a good account of life in Luanshya and might be taken to be representative of the whole Copperbelt. There are also serious historical inaccuracies: for instance, the claim that a university union on the Copperbelt forced Kaunda to declare early elections in 1991 (p. 26). It could not have been the Copperbelt University Students’ Union or the Copperbelt University Lecturers’ Union, both of which were small in 1989. Rather, it was the bigger, more vocal University of Zambia Students’ Union (UNZASU), which played a significant role in the fight for the return of multi-party politics to Zambia, together with the bigger workers’ unions, such as the Mineworkers’ Union of Zambia (MUZ), the Zambia National Union of Teachers (ZNUT) and the National Union of Building, Engineering and General Workers (NUBEGW) (to which Chiluba had belonged), all of which were under the Zambia Congress of Trade Unions (ZCTU), which was led by Chiluba. Moreover, the assertion that ‘Copperbelt residents increasingly turned to foraging mushrooms, caterpillars (known as ifinkubala), and fruit for food from the nearby forests ... and that this pragmatism also enters Copperbelt residents’ conception of themselves and their position within a changing world’ (p. 33) is not entirely accurate. It would not be correct to see the foraging for edible forest products as a new pragmatism for Copperbelt urban dwellers. This is because Zambians, even those living in urban areas, have always loved mushrooms and ifinkubala, and this was not about bringing the village to the towns. It was just a question of eating familiar foods. If these views are taken as criticisms of the work, they should not detract from the fact that this is a good piece of work. The use of sources is good and it has an impressive bibliography.","PeriodicalId":47703,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Southern African Studies","volume":"49 1","pages":"175 - 176"},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2023-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44942268","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-02DOI: 10.1080/03057070.2023.2180720
Owen Nyamwanza
This article discusses the insecurity challenges faced by irregular Zimbabwean immigrants as well as mitigatory strategies they deploy to survive in an informal settlement in Pretoria East, South Africa. Globally, immigrants (especially irregular immigrants) have been and continue to be viewed and treated as societal and state security threats in the host societies. In response to this perceived or real security threat, a raft of often punitive ‘defensive’ measures is implemented by the host state and society. By contrast, the insecurity experienced by the immigrants themselves at the hands of the host state and society is rarely highlighted, but rather glossed over or at worst played down as non-events. More so, their defensive survival strategies are heavily policed if not criminalised. This article analyses the range of short- to long-term individual and collective strategies deployed by the state, its agents, the host society and immigrants alike in navigating and negotiating insecurity. The article concludes by noting that the varied security strategies deployed are underlined by self-interest on the part of the many actors involved in the security–insecurity matrix, hence the recurrence of insecurity over time.
{"title":"Navigating Insecurities in Foreign Territory: The Experiences of Zimbabwean Irregular Immigrants at a South African Informal Settlement","authors":"Owen Nyamwanza","doi":"10.1080/03057070.2023.2180720","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/03057070.2023.2180720","url":null,"abstract":"This article discusses the insecurity challenges faced by irregular Zimbabwean immigrants as well as mitigatory strategies they deploy to survive in an informal settlement in Pretoria East, South Africa. Globally, immigrants (especially irregular immigrants) have been and continue to be viewed and treated as societal and state security threats in the host societies. In response to this perceived or real security threat, a raft of often punitive ‘defensive’ measures is implemented by the host state and society. By contrast, the insecurity experienced by the immigrants themselves at the hands of the host state and society is rarely highlighted, but rather glossed over or at worst played down as non-events. More so, their defensive survival strategies are heavily policed if not criminalised. This article analyses the range of short- to long-term individual and collective strategies deployed by the state, its agents, the host society and immigrants alike in navigating and negotiating insecurity. The article concludes by noting that the varied security strategies deployed are underlined by self-interest on the part of the many actors involved in the security–insecurity matrix, hence the recurrence of insecurity over time.","PeriodicalId":47703,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Southern African Studies","volume":"49 1","pages":"105 - 119"},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2023-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48865564","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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