Pub Date : 2022-11-02DOI: 10.1080/03057070.2022.2151774
Danwood Chirwa
At the risk of oversimplifying this rather comprehensive and multi-disciplinary examination of the state of democracy and governance in Malawi, Beyond Impunity speaks directly to what Okoth-Ogendo, more than three decades ago, dubbed the ‘African political paradox’ of having ‘constitutions without constitutionalism’. This paradox consists in a ‘commitment to the idea of the constitution and rejection of the classical notation of constitutionalism’. With the independence period in mind, Okoth-Ogendo observed that, while the political elite in Africa were sincerely committed to the idea of their states having a constitution, they rejected the need for constitutionalism. Their acceptance of the idea of having a constitution was based on the recognition of the need for legitimacy to govern internally and for asserting the sovereignty of their respective African states to external actors. The commitment to adopting constitutions did not extend to respect for the constitution in practice. Taking the 2019 and 2020 presidential and parliamentary elections and the presidential election case as a launch pad for examining the state of democracy and governance in Malawi, Beyond Impunity shows that Malawi remains a prominent example of a country struggling with the problem of having a progressive constitution with a questionable record of constitutionalism. As will be shown, the book provides strong evidence suggesting that the country has an abundance of laws but its adherence to the rule of law has been inconsistent; and that, since 1994, Malawi has had regular elections and yet several governments that resulted from those elections lacked political legitimacy. Furthermore, while Malawi can claim to have a plethora of institutions of governance and accountability, no consistent institutional culture of good governance and accountability has emerged; an admirable
{"title":"Constitutions without Constitutionalism, Government without Governance: Critique and Hope for Malawi","authors":"Danwood Chirwa","doi":"10.1080/03057070.2022.2151774","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/03057070.2022.2151774","url":null,"abstract":"At the risk of oversimplifying this rather comprehensive and multi-disciplinary examination of the state of democracy and governance in Malawi, Beyond Impunity speaks directly to what Okoth-Ogendo, more than three decades ago, dubbed the ‘African political paradox’ of having ‘constitutions without constitutionalism’. This paradox consists in a ‘commitment to the idea of the constitution and rejection of the classical notation of constitutionalism’. With the independence period in mind, Okoth-Ogendo observed that, while the political elite in Africa were sincerely committed to the idea of their states having a constitution, they rejected the need for constitutionalism. Their acceptance of the idea of having a constitution was based on the recognition of the need for legitimacy to govern internally and for asserting the sovereignty of their respective African states to external actors. The commitment to adopting constitutions did not extend to respect for the constitution in practice. Taking the 2019 and 2020 presidential and parliamentary elections and the presidential election case as a launch pad for examining the state of democracy and governance in Malawi, Beyond Impunity shows that Malawi remains a prominent example of a country struggling with the problem of having a progressive constitution with a questionable record of constitutionalism. As will be shown, the book provides strong evidence suggesting that the country has an abundance of laws but its adherence to the rule of law has been inconsistent; and that, since 1994, Malawi has had regular elections and yet several governments that resulted from those elections lacked political legitimacy. Furthermore, while Malawi can claim to have a plethora of institutions of governance and accountability, no consistent institutional culture of good governance and accountability has emerged; an admirable","PeriodicalId":47703,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Southern African Studies","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2022-11-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46402687","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-11-02DOI: 10.1080/03057070.2022.2177437
D. Tembo
Visions for Racial Equality is a biography of David Clement Scott, who worked for the Blantyre Mission in 19th-century Malawi. By combing through mission records, Harri Englund has painted a picture of David Scott as a colonial-era activist for racial equality. It is general knowledge among researchers who read colonial and mission documents that Europeans made derogatory comments about African traditions, cultures and practices. Scholars have proved that missionaries wrote favourably about their host community to show satisfactory progress in their missionary work and justify further financing. This book offers new perspectives on the colonial categorisation of the races and the relations it engendered between Europeans and Africans. Englund examines Scott’s theology of reversals to demonstrate that Scott advocated for the equality of people of different races based on their shared humanity. The organisation of the book and the topics that are covered in this book are both reflective of Englund’s previous work in Africa and specifically in Malawi, where he has conducted research on a variety of topics and themes, including human rights, democracy, identities, vernacular languages and literature, and the public role of Christianity. Visions for Racial Equality integrates theology with discussions of identities, equality and human rights. The book describes the socio-political environment of 19th-century Malawi, the establishment of missions, the prejudice that Europeans held towards Africans and the controversies that ensued due to inter and intra-ethnic warfare. It describes the Blantyre Affair to show the breadth and depth of racial discrimination instigated by missionaries in 19th-century Malawi (Chapter 2): this arose when a travelogue published in 1880 by Andrew Chirnside, The Blantyre Missionaries: Discreditable Disclosures, exposed a criminal and social justice system adopted by the Blantyre Mission whereby Africans were punished with lashings, and at least one African was flogged to death. Meanwhile, others were imprisoned, where they would spend days without food. Against this background, Englund unravels the unique position adopted by Scott, one that resisted conformity to established practices and procedures. Of course, this caused friction among missionaries in the Protectorate and members of the Foreign Committee in his home church in Scotland. Englund does an excellent job of demonstrating the diverse ways in which Scott participated in African culture, to help us understand the 19th-century socio-political context of the missionary’s work. Scott’s identification of Christ with the Africans and his view of the missionary as a student and learner in Africa are both products of his ‘theology of reversal’ (pp. 1 and 112). Unlike missionaries who had come before him, Scott assumed the
{"title":"God, missionaries and race in colonial Malawi","authors":"D. Tembo","doi":"10.1080/03057070.2022.2177437","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/03057070.2022.2177437","url":null,"abstract":"Visions for Racial Equality is a biography of David Clement Scott, who worked for the Blantyre Mission in 19th-century Malawi. By combing through mission records, Harri Englund has painted a picture of David Scott as a colonial-era activist for racial equality. It is general knowledge among researchers who read colonial and mission documents that Europeans made derogatory comments about African traditions, cultures and practices. Scholars have proved that missionaries wrote favourably about their host community to show satisfactory progress in their missionary work and justify further financing. This book offers new perspectives on the colonial categorisation of the races and the relations it engendered between Europeans and Africans. Englund examines Scott’s theology of reversals to demonstrate that Scott advocated for the equality of people of different races based on their shared humanity. The organisation of the book and the topics that are covered in this book are both reflective of Englund’s previous work in Africa and specifically in Malawi, where he has conducted research on a variety of topics and themes, including human rights, democracy, identities, vernacular languages and literature, and the public role of Christianity. Visions for Racial Equality integrates theology with discussions of identities, equality and human rights. The book describes the socio-political environment of 19th-century Malawi, the establishment of missions, the prejudice that Europeans held towards Africans and the controversies that ensued due to inter and intra-ethnic warfare. It describes the Blantyre Affair to show the breadth and depth of racial discrimination instigated by missionaries in 19th-century Malawi (Chapter 2): this arose when a travelogue published in 1880 by Andrew Chirnside, The Blantyre Missionaries: Discreditable Disclosures, exposed a criminal and social justice system adopted by the Blantyre Mission whereby Africans were punished with lashings, and at least one African was flogged to death. Meanwhile, others were imprisoned, where they would spend days without food. Against this background, Englund unravels the unique position adopted by Scott, one that resisted conformity to established practices and procedures. Of course, this caused friction among missionaries in the Protectorate and members of the Foreign Committee in his home church in Scotland. Englund does an excellent job of demonstrating the diverse ways in which Scott participated in African culture, to help us understand the 19th-century socio-political context of the missionary’s work. Scott’s identification of Christ with the Africans and his view of the missionary as a student and learner in Africa are both products of his ‘theology of reversal’ (pp. 1 and 112). Unlike missionaries who had come before him, Scott assumed the","PeriodicalId":47703,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Southern African Studies","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2022-11-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45553409","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-11-02DOI: 10.1080/03057070.2022.2175540
Paolo Israel
Daria Trentini’s book is a narrative exploration of the life and practice of a healer in the northern Mozambican city of Nampula. Ansha, the titular protagonist, was a Makonde migrant from the province of Cabo Delgado who moved to Nampula, converted to Islam and set up a ‘spirit mosque’ in which the Koran and herbal knowledge were used to cure afflictions. Spirit possession (majini) was central both to illness and healing. A being of many worlds, Ansha crossed, navigated and negotiated a number of borders: between ethnicities, regions and religions; between sickness and health, the city and the countryside, the spirit and the human domain. Indeed, the figure of the border – especially the notions of ‘border crossing’ and ‘border events’ – provide the book with its central conceptual anchoring. The book is organised in 22 short chapters, arranged in four parts. The first part charts Ansha’s biography, from her childhood in Mueda through her move to Nampula, the illness that made her discover her vocation as a healer, her conversion to Islam, and her tumultuous marital life, up till her untimely death. The second part explores the social structures that both enabled and constrained Ansha’s practice: ethnicity, religion and the state; healers’ associations and the formal health sector. The third part describes the illness and healing – often unsuccessful – of a number of Ansha’s patients, most of them vulnerable, who turned to her after western medicine had failed to resolve their troubles. The final part comprises two poetic snapshots in the guise of a conclusion. Each of the chapters is broken into sections which move back and forth, from field vignette to historical canvas to anthropological analysis. The writing is sparing, elegant and affecting. Fragmentariness is embraced as a mode of knowing and telling. While the style of the book falls within the paradigm that George Marcus has dubbed ‘the messy baroque’ – with its reflexive field tales, central theoretical riff and reliance on cultural history as provider of surplus meaning, it also ultimately exceeds the genre by openly embracing the idiosyncratic. The conceptual riff announced in the introduction – border crossing and events – is not obsessively rehearsed through the text. To use a musical metaphor, the theme is reprised only in distant keys and variations. In the free interplay between fragments, the life that Trentini has foregrounded in the title is left space to breathe and is never straightjacketed within one overarching theoretical framework. The reader gets to see and hear and feel with Ansha and her friends. This might be one of the book’s strongest virtues. Even within this radical openness and fragmentariness, several strong analytical threads emerge. At Ansha’s vividly illustrates the contemporary transformations of Islam in the city of Nampula, especially the frictions surrounding spirit possession in the context of the gradual demise of Sufism and the spread of Wahhabism and
{"title":"Of borders and crossings: the lives of a healer in northern Mozambique","authors":"Paolo Israel","doi":"10.1080/03057070.2022.2175540","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/03057070.2022.2175540","url":null,"abstract":"Daria Trentini’s book is a narrative exploration of the life and practice of a healer in the northern Mozambican city of Nampula. Ansha, the titular protagonist, was a Makonde migrant from the province of Cabo Delgado who moved to Nampula, converted to Islam and set up a ‘spirit mosque’ in which the Koran and herbal knowledge were used to cure afflictions. Spirit possession (majini) was central both to illness and healing. A being of many worlds, Ansha crossed, navigated and negotiated a number of borders: between ethnicities, regions and religions; between sickness and health, the city and the countryside, the spirit and the human domain. Indeed, the figure of the border – especially the notions of ‘border crossing’ and ‘border events’ – provide the book with its central conceptual anchoring. The book is organised in 22 short chapters, arranged in four parts. The first part charts Ansha’s biography, from her childhood in Mueda through her move to Nampula, the illness that made her discover her vocation as a healer, her conversion to Islam, and her tumultuous marital life, up till her untimely death. The second part explores the social structures that both enabled and constrained Ansha’s practice: ethnicity, religion and the state; healers’ associations and the formal health sector. The third part describes the illness and healing – often unsuccessful – of a number of Ansha’s patients, most of them vulnerable, who turned to her after western medicine had failed to resolve their troubles. The final part comprises two poetic snapshots in the guise of a conclusion. Each of the chapters is broken into sections which move back and forth, from field vignette to historical canvas to anthropological analysis. The writing is sparing, elegant and affecting. Fragmentariness is embraced as a mode of knowing and telling. While the style of the book falls within the paradigm that George Marcus has dubbed ‘the messy baroque’ – with its reflexive field tales, central theoretical riff and reliance on cultural history as provider of surplus meaning, it also ultimately exceeds the genre by openly embracing the idiosyncratic. The conceptual riff announced in the introduction – border crossing and events – is not obsessively rehearsed through the text. To use a musical metaphor, the theme is reprised only in distant keys and variations. In the free interplay between fragments, the life that Trentini has foregrounded in the title is left space to breathe and is never straightjacketed within one overarching theoretical framework. The reader gets to see and hear and feel with Ansha and her friends. This might be one of the book’s strongest virtues. Even within this radical openness and fragmentariness, several strong analytical threads emerge. At Ansha’s vividly illustrates the contemporary transformations of Islam in the city of Nampula, especially the frictions surrounding spirit possession in the context of the gradual demise of Sufism and the spread of Wahhabism and","PeriodicalId":47703,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Southern African Studies","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2022-11-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41350952","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-11-02DOI: 10.1080/03057070.2022.2158433
Phillan Zamchiya
The fast-track land reform programme in Zimbabwe radically transformed the country’s agrarian structure from one dominated by white-owned, large-scale farms to one dominated by a large group of black family farmers. Since 2017, a set of explanations has emerged that attempts to explain processes of social differentiation in the countryside. These explanations are predominantly informed by a materialist approach and conceptualise this process as accumulation from below, whereby the resettled farmers become internally differentiated through their own agricultural production resulting in different ‘class formations’. This materialist approach focuses on relations of production on the farm but does not pay close attention to the role of wider state practices and political processes involved in shaping accumulation dynamics in highly politicised agrarian landscapes. This paper argues that processes of social differentiation in Zimbabwe cannot be adequately studied in isolation from the political developments of the post-2000 period, when the state increasingly became reconfigured as a site of violence and patronage legitimated by patriotic history narratives. Based on new evidence on the 2007–08 state-led farm mechanisation scheme that was intended to distribute farm equipment to resettled farmers, I argue that the processes of differentiation largely took the form of preferential access to farming equipment both at the national and local levels. I term this ‘accumulation from above’ by patronage clients of the ruling Zimbabwe African National Union (Patriotic Front) (ZANU[PF]). These clients include grassroots and senior party members or those linked to it, cabinet ministers, judges, members of the security sector, civil servants, national election administrators and traditional leaders who in turn sustain ZANU(PF)’s political hegemony in an unstable political agrarian landscape.
{"title":"Social Differentiation and ‘Accumulation from Above’ in Zimbabwe’s Politicised Agrarian Landscape","authors":"Phillan Zamchiya","doi":"10.1080/03057070.2022.2158433","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/03057070.2022.2158433","url":null,"abstract":"The fast-track land reform programme in Zimbabwe radically transformed the country’s agrarian structure from one dominated by white-owned, large-scale farms to one dominated by a large group of black family farmers. Since 2017, a set of explanations has emerged that attempts to explain processes of social differentiation in the countryside. These explanations are predominantly informed by a materialist approach and conceptualise this process as accumulation from below, whereby the resettled farmers become internally differentiated through their own agricultural production resulting in different ‘class formations’. This materialist approach focuses on relations of production on the farm but does not pay close attention to the role of wider state practices and political processes involved in shaping accumulation dynamics in highly politicised agrarian landscapes. This paper argues that processes of social differentiation in Zimbabwe cannot be adequately studied in isolation from the political developments of the post-2000 period, when the state increasingly became reconfigured as a site of violence and patronage legitimated by patriotic history narratives. Based on new evidence on the 2007–08 state-led farm mechanisation scheme that was intended to distribute farm equipment to resettled farmers, I argue that the processes of differentiation largely took the form of preferential access to farming equipment both at the national and local levels. I term this ‘accumulation from above’ by patronage clients of the ruling Zimbabwe African National Union (Patriotic Front) (ZANU[PF]). These clients include grassroots and senior party members or those linked to it, cabinet ministers, judges, members of the security sector, civil servants, national election administrators and traditional leaders who in turn sustain ZANU(PF)’s political hegemony in an unstable political agrarian landscape.","PeriodicalId":47703,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Southern African Studies","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2022-11-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42053933","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-11-02DOI: 10.1080/03057070.2022.2145776
David N Bunn, B. Büscher, M. McHale, M. Cadenasso, D. Childers, S. Pickett, L. Rivers, L. Swemmer
There are renewed global efforts to make wildlife conservation the foundation for broad-based economic development. This article looks at these tendencies in the ‘Kruger to Canyons’ (K2C) biosphere region in South Africa, encompassing the Kruger National Park and adjacent settlement areas and reserves. Various forms of the wildlife economy have a long history in this region. However, it is increasingly posited as a preternatural means for creating jobs. We chronicle the growth of the wildlife economy from its apartheid heyday to the present, showing its fundamental dependence on the ecological and political fragmentation of space. More generally, these biopolitical divisions are part of a broad contestation of wildlife value, organised around changing regimes of protected area enclosure and the spacing of human and non-human life. Despite recent claims by the South African conservation industry that it is demolishing fences and increasing habitat connectivity, political territorialisation and ecological fragmentation continue to be important means of securing profit and reducing perceived risk. While the contradictions of this dynamic have now become acute through the emergence of the rhino-poaching crisis, the growth of that violent industry, we conclude, should not be seen as the negative inversion of a legal wildlife economy. Instead, both the legal and the illegal wildlife economies are manifestations of the same underlying problems: ill-conceived attempts at agrarian reform; the persistent influence of an older veterinary wildlife assemblage; the continued role of the rural poor as an enabling but unacknowledged buffer between development and wildlife.
{"title":"Golden Wildebeest Days: Fragmentation and Value in South Africa’s Wildlife Economy After Apartheid","authors":"David N Bunn, B. Büscher, M. McHale, M. Cadenasso, D. Childers, S. Pickett, L. Rivers, L. Swemmer","doi":"10.1080/03057070.2022.2145776","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/03057070.2022.2145776","url":null,"abstract":"There are renewed global efforts to make wildlife conservation the foundation for broad-based economic development. This article looks at these tendencies in the ‘Kruger to Canyons’ (K2C) biosphere region in South Africa, encompassing the Kruger National Park and adjacent settlement areas and reserves. Various forms of the wildlife economy have a long history in this region. However, it is increasingly posited as a preternatural means for creating jobs. We chronicle the growth of the wildlife economy from its apartheid heyday to the present, showing its fundamental dependence on the ecological and political fragmentation of space. More generally, these biopolitical divisions are part of a broad contestation of wildlife value, organised around changing regimes of protected area enclosure and the spacing of human and non-human life. Despite recent claims by the South African conservation industry that it is demolishing fences and increasing habitat connectivity, political territorialisation and ecological fragmentation continue to be important means of securing profit and reducing perceived risk. While the contradictions of this dynamic have now become acute through the emergence of the rhino-poaching crisis, the growth of that violent industry, we conclude, should not be seen as the negative inversion of a legal wildlife economy. Instead, both the legal and the illegal wildlife economies are manifestations of the same underlying problems: ill-conceived attempts at agrarian reform; the persistent influence of an older veterinary wildlife assemblage; the continued role of the rural poor as an enabling but unacknowledged buffer between development and wildlife.","PeriodicalId":47703,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Southern African Studies","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2022-11-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42091130","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-11-02DOI: 10.1080/03057070.2022.2136448
Corrado Tornimbeni
An important but surprisingly neglected player in the history of the struggle for independence in the African Portuguese colonies is the Conferência das Organizações Nacionalistas das Colónias Portuguesas (CONCP), an umbrella organisation uniting the Partido Africano da Independência da Guiné e Cabo Verde (PAIGC), for Guinea Bissau, the Movimento Popular de Libertação de Angola (MPLA), for Angola, the Frente de Libertação de Moçambique (Frelimo), for Mozambique and the Movimento de Libertação de São Tomé e Príncipe (MLSTP), for São Tomé e Príncipe. Founded in Casablanca in 1961, the CONCP was not a participant in military action, but it strengthened the movements’ ideological cohesion and international diplomacy. Its most controversial goals were perhaps the settlement of internal divisions among the nationalists of Angola and Mozambique and the endorsement of the MPLA and Frelimo as the sole legitimate liberation movements in their countries. To this end, it also established a strategic relationship with specific nationalist movements in southern Africa opposing the white minority regimes and with the Organisation of African Unity (OAU) Liberation Committee. After its second conference, held in Dar es Salaam in 1965, the CONCP intensified its pressures to secure the MPLA and Frelimo exclusive recognition and support by the OAU, but it was successful only in the second case.
{"title":"The CONCP in Southern Africa and the OAU’s Liberation Committee: Settling Internal Disputes for the Independence of Angola and Mozambique","authors":"Corrado Tornimbeni","doi":"10.1080/03057070.2022.2136448","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/03057070.2022.2136448","url":null,"abstract":"An important but surprisingly neglected player in the history of the struggle for independence in the African Portuguese colonies is the Conferência das Organizações Nacionalistas das Colónias Portuguesas (CONCP), an umbrella organisation uniting the Partido Africano da Independência da Guiné e Cabo Verde (PAIGC), for Guinea Bissau, the Movimento Popular de Libertação de Angola (MPLA), for Angola, the Frente de Libertação de Moçambique (Frelimo), for Mozambique and the Movimento de Libertação de São Tomé e Príncipe (MLSTP), for São Tomé e Príncipe. Founded in Casablanca in 1961, the CONCP was not a participant in military action, but it strengthened the movements’ ideological cohesion and international diplomacy. Its most controversial goals were perhaps the settlement of internal divisions among the nationalists of Angola and Mozambique and the endorsement of the MPLA and Frelimo as the sole legitimate liberation movements in their countries. To this end, it also established a strategic relationship with specific nationalist movements in southern Africa opposing the white minority regimes and with the Organisation of African Unity (OAU) Liberation Committee. After its second conference, held in Dar es Salaam in 1965, the CONCP intensified its pressures to secure the MPLA and Frelimo exclusive recognition and support by the OAU, but it was successful only in the second case.","PeriodicalId":47703,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Southern African Studies","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2022-11-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48012280","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-11-02DOI: 10.1080/03057070.2022.2146938
P. Molosiwa, Maitseo M. M. Bolaane, Boingotlo Moses
Recent historical work on global health and the threat of infectious disease in Africa has looked at the ecology of infections, disease trajectories, colonial interventions and the impact of disease on local communities in varied geographic landscapes and cultural responses. A particularly valuable avenue of analysis has explored racial prejudices of colonial anti-syphilis programmes, largely looking at sexually transmitted syphilis. As a point of departure from this work, this article examines the history of non-venereal treponematoses in southern Africa with a focus on the ethnicisation of endemic syphilis, or ritshuswa, in the Bakwena reserve (now Kweneng district) in colonial Botswana. The article uses as its evidentiary basis colonial reports and letters located at the Botswana National Archives and Records Services, World Health Organisation reports, early missionary and travellers’ accounts and the thesis of Dr A.M. Merriweather, a local clinician and researcher who addressed endemic syphilis in the Bakwena reserve. The aim is to understand the human ecology of endemic syphilis through a critical analysis of power relations between Tswana mainstream society and ethnic minorities within the context of a history of socio-economic inequalities.
{"title":"‘Certainly not! … It is a disease of the Makgalagadi’: The Ethnicisation of Endemic Syphilis in the Bakwena Reserve, Bechuanaland Protectorate","authors":"P. Molosiwa, Maitseo M. M. Bolaane, Boingotlo Moses","doi":"10.1080/03057070.2022.2146938","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/03057070.2022.2146938","url":null,"abstract":"Recent historical work on global health and the threat of infectious disease in Africa has looked at the ecology of infections, disease trajectories, colonial interventions and the impact of disease on local communities in varied geographic landscapes and cultural responses. A particularly valuable avenue of analysis has explored racial prejudices of colonial anti-syphilis programmes, largely looking at sexually transmitted syphilis. As a point of departure from this work, this article examines the history of non-venereal treponematoses in southern Africa with a focus on the ethnicisation of endemic syphilis, or ritshuswa, in the Bakwena reserve (now Kweneng district) in colonial Botswana. The article uses as its evidentiary basis colonial reports and letters located at the Botswana National Archives and Records Services, World Health Organisation reports, early missionary and travellers’ accounts and the thesis of Dr A.M. Merriweather, a local clinician and researcher who addressed endemic syphilis in the Bakwena reserve. The aim is to understand the human ecology of endemic syphilis through a critical analysis of power relations between Tswana mainstream society and ethnic minorities within the context of a history of socio-economic inequalities.","PeriodicalId":47703,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Southern African Studies","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2022-11-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41583407","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-10-21DOI: 10.1080/03057070.2022.2128555
Gabriel A. Rantoandro
Published in Journal of Southern African Studies (Vol. 48, No. 4, 2022)
发表于《南部非洲研究》(Vol. 48, No. 4, 2022)
{"title":"Obituary","authors":"Gabriel A. Rantoandro","doi":"10.1080/03057070.2022.2128555","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/03057070.2022.2128555","url":null,"abstract":"Published in Journal of Southern African Studies (Vol. 48, No. 4, 2022)","PeriodicalId":47703,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Southern African Studies","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2022-10-21","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"50167704","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-09-14DOI: 10.1080/03057070.2022.2077019
Mark Nyandoro
This article explores agrarian labour relationships between the pilot Smallholder Gowe Irrigation Scheme, the contiguous dryland farming community and TILCOR/ARDA’s core irrigation estate in Sanyati, Zimbabwe, from 1967 to 1990. It is an analysis of the emerging smallholder cotton irrigation agriculture and the contradictions between this process and the labour requirements of the estate sector. The article argues that, once the main irrigation estate was established, the Gowe plot-holders, who until 1974 had existed as a quasi-autonomous unit (overseeing their own labour needs), then served as the estate’s major manual labour repository. At the core of the article is the interesting tripartite tension between a state-run cotton estate, a group of associated plot-holders (later outgrowers) benefiting from land and irrigation arrangements and a farming community at large.
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Pub Date : 2022-09-03DOI: 10.1080/03057070.2023.2146410
Hang Li, Dominik Kopiński, I. Taylor
Chinese investment in Africa has captured the interest of both academia and the wider policy world, with some postulating that Chinese firms have the potential to bring about a structural transformation of the continent. Some scholars have even gone as far as to claim that Africa may be turned into the ‘next factory of the world’. By focusing on spillover effects – arguably the most sought-after of foreign direct investment effects – this article seeks to challenge such celebratory assumptions. Drawing on over 80 interviews with Zambian institutions and Chinese firms, supplemented by surveys carried out in these firms, we provide empirical evidence showing that Chinese investment brings little in terms of linkage formation and spillover effects, and those rare linkages that do exist relate to low-technology inputs that offer little hope for long-awaited industrial upgrading. Rather than blaming Chinese investors, however, we turn our attention to the question of institutional capacity, arguing that Zambia has largely failed when it comes to building adequate local supply capacity. This leads us to conclude that the chances of Chinese investment leading to structural transformation are limited and that this will remain the case unless industrial policy plays a more transformative role in fostering linkages and facilitating spillovers.
{"title":"China and the Troubled Prospects for Africa’s Economic Take-Off: Linkage Formation and Spillover Effects in Zambia","authors":"Hang Li, Dominik Kopiński, I. Taylor","doi":"10.1080/03057070.2023.2146410","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/03057070.2023.2146410","url":null,"abstract":"Chinese investment in Africa has captured the interest of both academia and the wider policy world, with some postulating that Chinese firms have the potential to bring about a structural transformation of the continent. Some scholars have even gone as far as to claim that Africa may be turned into the ‘next factory of the world’. By focusing on spillover effects – arguably the most sought-after of foreign direct investment effects – this article seeks to challenge such celebratory assumptions. Drawing on over 80 interviews with Zambian institutions and Chinese firms, supplemented by surveys carried out in these firms, we provide empirical evidence showing that Chinese investment brings little in terms of linkage formation and spillover effects, and those rare linkages that do exist relate to low-technology inputs that offer little hope for long-awaited industrial upgrading. Rather than blaming Chinese investors, however, we turn our attention to the question of institutional capacity, arguing that Zambia has largely failed when it comes to building adequate local supply capacity. This leads us to conclude that the chances of Chinese investment leading to structural transformation are limited and that this will remain the case unless industrial policy plays a more transformative role in fostering linkages and facilitating spillovers.","PeriodicalId":47703,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Southern African Studies","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2022-09-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48443799","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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