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Strategic Litigation before the International Court of Justice: Evaluating Impact in the Campaign for Rohingya Rights 国际法院的战略诉讼:评估罗兴亚人权利运动的影响
IF 1.2 3区 社会学 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2022-07-08 DOI: 10.1093/ejil/chac025
M. Ramsden
Strategic litigation, a form of litigation brought with the goal to stimulate structural change, is a growing practice in international courts. Although there has been increased scholarly attention on these trends, it has yet to consider the impact arising from strategic litigation before the International Court of Justice (ICJ). This article outlines a basic structure to evaluate the impact of ICJ strategic litigation. It does so generally and through a case study into the campaign by the Organisation of Islamic Cooperation (OIC) to restore Rohingya rights and secure accountability for crimes committed against this population through the claim that Myanmar has violated the Genocide Convention. This article identifies the OIC’s campaign goals and how the ICJ case initiated by The Gambia furthered that campaign and evaluates the impact of this case in advancing Rohingya rights.
战略诉讼是一种旨在促进结构变革的诉讼形式,在国际法院中日益流行。虽然学术界对这些趋势的关注有所增加,但尚未考虑到国际法院(国际法院)的战略诉讼所产生的影响。本文概述了评估国际法院战略诉讼影响的基本结构。它通过对伊斯兰合作组织(OIC)恢复罗兴亚人权利并通过声称缅甸违反了《灭绝种族罪公约》(Genocide Convention)确保对罗兴亚人犯下的罪行问责的运动进行了案例研究。本文确定了伊斯兰会议组织的运动目标,以及冈比亚发起的国际法院案件如何推动了这一运动,并评估了此案对促进罗兴亚人权利的影响。
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引用次数: 1
Behavioural Economics and ISDS Reform: A Response to Marceddu and Ortolani 行为经济学与ISDS改革:对Marceddu和Ortolani的回应
IF 1.2 3区 社会学 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2022-07-08 DOI: 10.1093/ejil/chac026
T. Grant, F. Kieff
Academic investigators have used behavioural economics, a method developed originally to study consumers and their sentiments towards products, to study matters of public policy. A recent article in the European Journal of International Law – ‘What Is Wrong with Investment Arbitration? Evidence from a Set of Behavioural Experiments’ – gives a detailed summary of a series of experiments performed in order to study public sentiment towards investment arbitration. The investigators, Maria Laura Marceddu and Pietro Ortolani observe that public sentiment improves towards the outcome of a dispute settlement procedure when survey respondents are told that the procedure was a ‘court’ with tenured judges, and it worsens when they are told that it was ‘arbitration’ with temporary appointees. From their observations, Marceddu and Ortolani conclude that an international investment court, such as that which the European Union promotes, is a good idea. We suggest, however, that a further inquiry should investigate in greater detail public understanding of what qualities the individuals who serve as judges or arbitrators ought to display, as distinct from the institutional format in which dispute settlement takes place.
学术研究人员已经使用行为经济学来研究公共政策问题。行为经济学最初是用来研究消费者及其对产品的看法的。《欧洲国际法杂志》(European Journal of International Law)最近发表的一篇文章《投资仲裁有什么错?》“一组行为实验的证据”——详细总结了为研究公众对投资仲裁的看法而进行的一系列实验。调查人员Maria Laura Marceddu和Pietro Ortolani观察到,当调查对象被告知该程序是由终身法官组成的“法庭”时,公众对争端解决程序结果的情绪会有所改善,而当他们被告知这是由临时任命的“仲裁”时,这种情绪就会恶化。根据他们的观察,Marceddu和Ortolani得出结论,建立一个国际投资法庭,就像欧盟所提倡的那样,是一个好主意。然而,我们建议进一步的调查应更详细地调查公众对作为法官或仲裁员的个人应表现出什么品质的理解,以区别于进行争端解决的体制形式。
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引用次数: 0
Trade Defence Instruments: A New Tool for the European Union’s Extractivism 贸易防御工具:欧盟采掘主义的新工具
IF 1.2 3区 社会学 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2022-07-08 DOI: 10.1093/ejil/chac024
Victor Crochet
The European Union (EU) is regularly criticized for using its trade policies to arm-twist other countries into agreeing to supply European factories with raw materials. One area of its trade policy, however, has thus far escaped attention in this regard: trade defence. This should change as the EU increasingly uses trade defence instruments not only to address unfair trade practices but also to seek access to raw materials from other countries. It does so by imposing higher trade defence tariffs on countries that employ policies that ensure raw materials extracted within their territories are processed domestically. This approach is worrisome since, due to the EU’s market size, it may discourage resource-rich countries from developing downstream industries of their own. Furthermore, these countries’ policies are often in line with their international obligations so that the EU is unilaterally infringing on these countries’ sovereignty over their natural resources when targeting these policies. These countries and their exporting producers should thus seize the means at their disposal to put a stop to the EU’s practices.
欧盟(EU)经常因利用其贸易政策迫使其他国家同意向欧洲工厂供应原材料而受到批评。然而,在这方面,中国贸易政策的一个领域迄今没有引起人们的注意:贸易防御。随着欧盟越来越多地使用贸易防御工具,不仅是为了应对不公平的贸易行为,还为了寻求从其他国家获得原材料,这种情况应该有所改变。它的做法是,对那些采取政策确保在本国境内开采的原材料在国内加工的国家征收更高的贸易防御关税。这种做法令人担忧,因为鉴于欧盟的市场规模,它可能会阻碍资源丰富的国家发展自己的下游产业。此外,这些国家的政策往往符合其国际义务,因此欧盟在针对这些政策时单方面侵犯了这些国家对其自然资源的主权。因此,这些国家和它们的出口生产商应该抓住一切可以利用的手段,制止欧盟的做法。
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引用次数: 3
Infecting the Mind: Establishing Responsibility for Transboundary Disinformation 感染思想:建立跨界虚假信息的责任
IF 1.2 3区 社会学 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2022-07-07 DOI: 10.1093/ejil/chac023
Henning Lahmann
This article examines the legal issues concerning the establishment of responsibility for an internationally wrongful act in the context of transboundary disinformation. In light of the unprecedented surge of potentially dangerous health disinformation throughout the COVID-19 pandemic, there is growing consensus among academics and states that influence campaigns that utilize false or misleading information may qualify as a violation of international law, amounting to a prohibited coercive intervention, a breach of the target state’s territorial inviolability or independence of state powers or, in extreme cases, even a use of force. However, the aspects of attributing the dissemination of disinformation to a state and of demonstrating a causal nexus between disinformation and effect that are necessary for international responsibility to arise have not been sufficiently addressed in the literature. This article analyses the challenges that contemporary forms of digital disinformation create for proving attribution pursuant to the customary rules of state responsibility as well as the issue of causation. In doing so, it investigates the content of the primary rules for clues pertaining to the necessary causal nexus and assesses different standards of causation employed in international and domestic law.
本文探讨了跨境虚假信息背景下国际不法行为责任认定的法律问题。鉴于在2019冠状病毒病大流行期间,潜在危险的健康虚假信息前所未有地激增,学术界和各国越来越多地达成共识,认为利用虚假或误导性信息的影响运动可能构成违反国际法的行为,相当于被禁止的强制干预、侵犯目标国的领土不可侵犯性或国家权力的独立性,在极端情况下甚至是使用武力。然而,将虚假信息的传播归咎于一个国家,以及证明虚假信息与后果之间的因果关系是产生国际责任所必需的,这些方面在文献中没有得到充分解决。本文分析了当代数字虚假信息形式对根据国家责任习惯规则证明归因以及因果关系问题所带来的挑战。在此过程中,它调查了主要规则的内容,以寻找与必要的因果关系有关的线索,并评估了国际法和国内法中采用的不同因果标准。
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引用次数: 3
Intergovernmental Yet Dynamically Expansive: Concordance Legalization as an Alternative Regional Trading Arrangement in ASEAN and Beyond 政府间但动态扩展:作为东盟及其他地区贸易安排的协议合法化
IF 1.2 3区 社会学 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2022-07-07 DOI: 10.1093/ejil/chac021
Hsien-Li Tan
The conventional regional trading arrangement landscape holds two primary models. One is the ‘dynamically expansive supranational model’ of the European Union (EU) that progressively enlarges its community beyond the constituent treaty through its evolving laws and institutions. The other is the ‘static intergovernmental model’ of the United States-Mexico-Canada Agreement (USMCA) where members strictly uphold obligations in the original agreement – no more and no less. A certain genre of Asia-Pacific regional trading arrangements (and beyond in the global South) sits uncomfortably within this bifurcated landscape. Sovereignty-centric, they seek a dynamic and ever-expanding community like the EU but, firmly rejecting supranationalism, insist on intergovernmental modalities as seen in the USMCA. Unsurprisingly, they have not been effective. Using post-2007 integration data from the Association of Southeast Asian Nations, this article presents concordance legalization as a new explanatory framework in this landscape, demonstrating how one can regionalize successfully despite being simultaneously agenda expansive and intergovernmentally operational. Concordance legalization’s four-pronged strategy – the constituent treaty explicitly entrenching intergovernmentalism to facilitate dynamic agenda expansion; the dual-step system of primary and secondary laws (with a carefully calibrated use of hard and soft instruments); the organizational hierarchy that expands, implements and exerts intra-regional accountability pressures through numerous meetings and monitoring mechanisms (rather than adjudication) that enforce compliance – has enabled this curious success.
传统的区域贸易安排格局主要有两种模式。一种是欧盟(EU)的“动态扩张的超国家模式”,通过其不断发展的法律和机构,逐步扩大其共同体,使其超越构成条约。另一种是美国-墨西哥-加拿大协议(USMCA)的“静态政府间模式”,成员严格遵守原始协议中的义务-不多也不少。在这种两极化的格局中,亚太地区(以及全球南方国家)的某种类型的贸易安排令人不安。他们以主权为中心,寻求一个像欧盟一样充满活力和不断扩大的共同体,但坚决反对超国家主义,坚持像美墨加协定那样的政府间模式。不出所料,这些措施并未奏效。本文利用东南亚国家联盟2007年后的一体化数据,将一致性合法化作为这一领域的一个新的解释框架,展示了如何在同时具有议程扩张性和政府间可操作性的情况下成功实现区域化。和谐法制化的四管齐下战略——宪法条约明确确立了政府间主义,以促进动态议程的扩展;主定律和次定律的双步骤系统(通过仔细校准使用硬仪器和软仪器);组织层级通过无数的会议和监督机制(而不是裁决)来扩大、实施和施加区域内的问责压力,从而使这种奇特的成功成为可能。
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引用次数: 0
On My Way Out – Advice to Young Scholars VII: Taking Exams Seriously (Part 1); Vital Statistics; In This Issue; In This Issue – Reviews 在我离开的路上——给青年学者的忠告七:认真对待考试(上)关键统计数据;本期;本期-回顾
IF 1.2 3区 社会学 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2022-06-20 DOI: 10.1093/ejil/chac022
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引用次数: 0
Letters to the Editors 致编辑的信
IF 1.2 3区 社会学 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2022-06-05 DOI: 10.1093/ejil/chac011
Cornelia Weiss
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引用次数: 0
Benedictine Monastery in Abu Ghosh Abu Ghosh的本笃会修道院
IF 1.2 3区 社会学 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2022-05-01 DOI: 10.1093/ejil/chac029
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引用次数: 0
OUP accepted manuscript OUP接受稿件
IF 1.2 3区 社会学 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2022-01-01 DOI: 10.1093/ejil/chac008
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引用次数: 0
OUP accepted manuscript OUP接受稿件
IF 1.2 3区 社会学 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2022-01-01 DOI: 10.1093/ejil/chac010
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引用次数: 0
期刊
European Journal of International Law
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