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'That Little Book': R.Y. Jennings, The Acquisition of Territory in International Law 《那本小书》:R.Y.詹宁斯,《国际法中的领土取得》
IF 1.2 3区 社会学 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2023-05-12 DOI: 10.1093/ejil/chad011
Cait Storr
The Acquisition of Territory in International Law has been an indispensable work in the field for 60 years. It remains so, if for shifting reasons. Robert Jennings’ treatment of the applicable law is so succinct, and his bald statements of fact as to the nature of international law so unapologetic, that the text will invariably reward close re-reading by international lawyers of all persuasions. Acquisition of Territory goes far beyond its apparent brief of summarizing the relevant lex lata and offering an expert opinion on key issues of lex ferenda. Viewed from the right light, the work is a prism that refracts the world of early 1960s international law. Jennings deftly sidesteps and postpones fundamental questions of anti-colonial justice that some would have expected to be addressed in a lecture series on the acquisition of territory given in December 1962. The reading down of global anti-colonial movements to a ‘policy question’ beyond the strict concerns of jurists says much of the culture of British international law in the early 1960s. Jennings uses law to relegate calls for colonizing powers to be held to account to some future time, in some differently constituted international system. Amongst his kind, then and now, he is hardly alone.
60年来,国际法中的领土征用一直是该领域不可或缺的工作。如果出于不断变化的原因,情况依然如此。罗伯特·詹宁斯(Robert Jennings)对适用法律的处理如此简洁,他对国际法性质的赤裸裸的事实陈述如此毫无歉意,以至于文本总是会得到各种信仰的国际律师的仔细阅读。《领土的征用》远远超出了其对相关现行法的总结和就拟议法的关键问题提出专家意见的明显简要介绍。从正确的角度来看,这部作品是折射20世纪60年代初国际法世界的棱镜。詹宁斯巧妙地回避并推迟了反殖民正义的基本问题,有些人本以为这些问题会在1962年12月关于获取领土的系列讲座中得到解决。将全球反殖民运动解读为一个超越法学家严格关注的“政策问题”,反映了20世纪60年代初英国国际法的大部分文化。詹宁斯利用法律将要求殖民大国在未来某个时间,在一些不同结构的国际体系中承担责任的呼吁降级。在当时和现在的同类中,他并不孤单。
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引用次数: 0
Small Powers, International Organizations and the Role of Law: Jorge Castañeda’s Views from Mexico 小国、国际组织与法律的作用:Jorge Castañeda在墨西哥的观点
IF 1.2 3区 社会学 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2023-05-01 DOI: 10.1093/ejil/chad028
Francisco Quintana
This article examines the work of Mexican diplomat and jurist Jorge Castañeda as an insight into the trajectory of international legal thought in the semi-periphery on international organizations. It argues that Castañeda adopted a distinct approach to international organizations law that foregrounds power asymmetries. The article considers three interventions made by Castañeda that express this semi-peripheral approach and have lasting relevance. First, it shows how, by focusing on the interests of small powers, Castañeda’s work in the 1950s departed from functionalist optimism and stressed the tension between rule by international organizations and domestic rule, emphasizing the centrality of the reserved domain and drawing lessons for strategic legal engagement for small powers. Second, this article studies how Castañeda’s concern for the cause of small powers shaped his views on regionalism, grounding his critique of Pan-Americanism and his vindication of the United Nations (UN) to attenuate the perils of regionalism. Third, this article retrieves Castañeda’s defence of the UN General Assembly as a platform for international law-making, contextualizes it within the rise of decolonization and explores the implications for his earlier sceptical views about the expansion of UN powers. The article concludes by highlighting the significance of the thought of semi-peripheral jurists for any efforts aimed at re-theorizing international organizations.
本文考察了墨西哥外交官和法学家Jorge Castañeda的工作,以深入了解国际组织半边缘的国际法律思想轨迹。它认为,卡斯塔涅达对国际组织法采取了一种独特的方法,突出了权力不对称。本文考虑了Castañeda提出的三项干预措施,这些干预措施表达了这种半边缘方法,并具有持久的相关性。首先,它展示了卡斯塔涅达在20世纪50年代的作品如何通过关注小大国的利益,背离了功能主义的乐观主义,强调了国际组织统治与国内统治之间的紧张关系,强调了保留领域的中心地位,并为小大国的战略法律参与吸取了教训。其次,本文研究了卡斯塔涅达对小国事业的关注如何塑造了他对地区主义的看法,以他对泛美主义的批判和他对联合国(UN)的辩护为基础,以减轻区区主义的危险。第三,本文检索了卡斯塔涅达对联合国大会作为国际法制定平台的辩护,将其置于非殖民化兴起的背景下,并探讨了他早期对扩大联合国权力持怀疑态度的观点的含义。文章最后强调了半边缘法学家的思想对任何旨在重新理论化国际组织的努力的重要性。
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引用次数: 0
Editorial: ChatGPT and Law Exams; On My Way In IV: ‘Aren’t You Exclusive?!’ On the Pros and Cons of Writing Letters of Reference for Only One Candidate in an Academic Hiring Process; In This Issue; In This Issue – Reviews 社论:ChatGPT和法律考试;《在我的IV之路上》:“你不是独家的吗?!”在学术招聘过程中只为一名候选人写推荐信的利弊;在本期中;本期-评论
IF 1.2 3区 社会学 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2023-05-01 DOI: 10.1093/ejil/chad029
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引用次数: 0
Samuel Kwadwo Boaten Asante and the United Nations Centre on Transnational Corporations (1975–1992) Samuel Kwadwo Boaten Asante和联合国跨国公司中心(1975–1992)
IF 1.2 3区 社会学 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2023-05-01 DOI: 10.1093/ejil/chad025
Kehinde Folake Olaoye
This article uses Samuel Kwadwo Boaten Asante’s career at the United Nations Centre on Transnational Corporations (UNCTC) as a prism for examining the place of Third World Approaches to International Law within mainstream international organizations (IO) law. By focusing on his role as chief legal adviser, director and highest-ranking legal civil servant at the UNCTC during the heydays of the New International Economic Order (NIEO), it uncovers a less-examined international institution and the dilemmas faced by the Third World international legal civil servant. By examining Asante’s intellectual history and publications during the operational years of the UNCTC, it identifies three main under-explored typologies of Third World approaches to IO law. It argues that the low visibility of Third World approaches within mainstream IO law is closely linked to the failures of the NIEO movement, the abolition of the UNCTC, which symbolized the non-realization of aspirations to codify the principles of the NIEO through IOs, and minimal engagement by IO law scholars with Third World problems. This article argues that, even though the UNCTC ceased to exist in 1992, it created a lasting legacy through its advisory services, which forms part of IO law history.
本文以Samuel Kwadwo Boaten Asante在联合国跨国公司中心(UNCTC)的职业生涯为棱镜,考察第三世界国际法方法在主流国际组织法中的地位。通过重点介绍他在新国际经济秩序鼎盛时期担任联合国赔偿委员会首席法律顾问、主任和最高级别法律公务员的角色,揭示了一个审查较少的国际机构以及第三世界国际法律公务员所面临的困境。通过研究阿桑特在UNCTC运作期间的知识史和出版物,它确定了第三世界信息技术法方法的三个主要类型,这些类型尚未得到充分探索。它认为,第三世界方法在主流信息产业法中的知名度较低,与国家信息产业组织运动的失败、联合国贸易法委员会的废除密切相关,这象征着没有实现通过信息产业组织编纂国家信息产业组织原则的愿望,以及信息产业法学者对第三世界问题的参与程度最低。这篇文章认为,尽管UNCTC于1992年不复存在,但它通过其咨询服务创造了持久的遗产,这是IO法律历史的一部分。
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引用次数: 0
Between Asylum and Liberation: The New Palestinian Refugees 在庇护与解放之间:新的巴勒斯坦难民
IF 1.2 3区 社会学 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2023-05-01 DOI: 10.1093/ejil/chad030
Itamar Mann
Contemporary Palestinian asylum seekers raise fundamental questions regarding the relationship between the institution of asylum and struggles for national liberation. Underlying the legal framework that applies to them is an assumption of inverse correlation: the more Palestinians obtain access to individual asylum claims, the less secure are the fundamental Palestinian claims of self-determination and return. But is this trade-off acceptable today? Comparable dilemmas animate other large-scale displacements, but scholars seldom discuss their full implications for international legal theory. Rather than providing a definite answer to the question, this article maps out four major aspects of how individual protection and self-determination are interrelated, or, indeed, bifurcated, in international law. The new Palestinian refugees are important to consider not only because their continued displacement is foreseeable but also because their exceptional plight invites a reconsideration of the political foundations of refugee law. How can policy makers and legal interpreters uphold principles of both individual and collective protection, preventing the two from cutting against each other?
当代巴勒斯坦寻求庇护者提出了关于庇护制度与争取民族解放斗争之间关系的根本问题。适用于他们的法律框架的基础是一个反向相关的假设:巴勒斯坦人获得个人庇护申请的机会越多,巴勒斯坦人自决和返回的基本要求就越不安全。但这种权衡在今天可以接受吗?类似的困境引发了其他大规模的流离失所,但学者们很少讨论它们对国际法律理论的全面影响。这篇文章并没有对这个问题提供一个明确的答案,而是列出了个人保护和自决在国际法中如何相互关联,或者实际上是如何分岔的四个主要方面。考虑新的巴勒斯坦难民是重要的,不仅因为他们继续流离失所是可以预见的,而且因为他们的特殊困境要求重新考虑难民法的政治基础。政策制定者和法律解释者如何维护个人保护和集体保护的原则,防止两者相互冲突?
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引用次数: 0
Roaming Charges Moments of Dignity: Washington Square, NYC 漫游为尊严时刻充电:纽约市华盛顿广场
IF 1.2 3区 社会学 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2023-05-01 DOI: 10.1093/ejil/chad021
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引用次数: 0
Wars of Recovery 复苏之战
IF 1.2 3区 社会学 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2023-05-01 DOI: 10.1093/ejil/chad026
E. Lieblich
Aggressor state A occupies territory belonging to victim state V. After decades, V decides to go to war to recover its territory, although hostilities have long subsided. Are such ‘wars of recovery’ lawful under international law? Should they be? Recent conflicts have generated a heated scholarly debate on this question, which has ended in stark disagreement. A permissive approach argues that wars of recovery are lawful instances of self-defence, while a restrictive view claims that situations of prolonged occupation are territorial disputes that should be settled peacefully. This article uncovers the theoretical premises that underlie both approaches. As it shows, the dilemma reflects a larger tension within the contemporary international law on the use of force – mainly, between its traditional focus on state rights such as territory and sovereignty and a competing view that seeks to place individual rights at the core of the legal regime. As the article shows, deciding on the question of wars of recovery requires making commitments in four normative spheres: instrumentally, it requires considering questions of international stability, and, non-instrumentally, it requires considering questions of justice as well as possible justifications for killing and sacrifice. These considerations, however, result in instability owing, among other factors, to the fluctuating effects of the passage of time, which follow our normative assumptions about the legal order. Ultimately, the article suggests that those engaging in debate on wars of recovery make explicit their normative assumptions on the ends of jus ad bellum and that, in any case, even if wars of recovery would be deemed legal, they would still remain heavily contestable owing to strong competing reasons against them.
侵略国A占领了受害国V的领土。几十年后,V国决定通过战争收复领土,尽管敌对状态早已平息。这种“恢复战争”在国际法下合法吗?应该吗?最近的冲突引发了一场关于这个问题的激烈的学术辩论,最终以截然不同的分歧告终。一种宽容的观点认为,恢复战争是合法的自卫,而一种限制的观点认为,长期占领的情况是应该和平解决的领土争端。本文揭示了这两种方法背后的理论前提。正如它所显示的那样,这一困境反映了当代国际法在使用武力方面更大的紧张关系——主要是在传统上对领土和主权等国家权利的关注与寻求将个人权利置于法律制度核心的竞争观点之间。正如这篇文章所显示的,决定恢复战争的问题需要在四个规范领域做出承诺:在工具上,它需要考虑国际稳定问题,而在非工具上,它需要考虑正义问题以及杀戮和牺牲的可能理由。然而,这些考虑导致不稳定,除其他因素外,原因是时间流逝的波动影响,这符合我们对法律秩序的规范性假设。最后,这篇文章表明,那些参与关于恢复战争的辩论的人明确了他们对战争正义的规范性假设,并且,在任何情况下,即使恢复战争被认为是合法的,由于反对它们的强大竞争理由,它们仍然存在很大的争议。
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引用次数: 0
Foreign Investors of the World, Unite! The International Association for the Promotion and Protection of Private Foreign Investments (APPI) 1958–1968 全世界的外国投资者,团结起来!1958年至1968年国际促进和保护外国私人投资协会
IF 1.2 3区 社会学 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2023-05-01 DOI: 10.1093/ejil/chad017
Filip Batselé
This article studies lobbying efforts by the actors that investment treaties protect – namely, foreign investors. It uses a legal-historical approach to analyse the activities of the International Association for the Promotion and Protection of Private Foreign Investments (Association internationale pour la promotion et la protection des investissements privés en territoires étrangers or APPI), a transnational business interest association that lobbied for better protection of private foreign investment under international law. The article considers the role of this group in lobbying for three multilateral investment treaties (an investment code, investor-state arbitration and investment insurance) during the 1950s and 1960s, using unexplored archival sources. The article makes three substantive contributions to the literature. First, it shows that the key actors involved in APPI were a transnational advocacy network of businessmen and lawyers at multinational companies, mainly in the oil and banking sector. Second, it shows how these two types of actors (businessmen and lawyers) acted symbiotically. The businessmen provided access to policy-makers and introduced company lawyers into the policy-making cycle. The company lawyers provided expertise and specific legal texts with which civil servants could work. Third, it argues that, despite the group members’ common goal to improve foreign investment security, competing individual initiatives and institutional competition, next to state preferences, often impeded more effective lobbying.
本文研究了投资条约保护的行为者——即外国投资者——的游说努力。它采用法律-历史方法分析了国际促进和保护外国私人投资协会(国际促进和保障境内私人投资协会)的活动,一个跨国商业利益协会,游说根据国际法更好地保护外国私人投资。文章考虑了该组织在20世纪50年代和60年代利用未经探索的档案来源为三项多边投资条约(投资法、投资者-国家仲裁和投资保险)进行游说的作用。这篇文章对文学有三个实质性的贡献。首先,它表明参与APPI的主要行为者是跨国公司的商人和律师组成的跨国宣传网络,主要是石油和银行部门。其次,它展示了这两种类型的行动者(商人和律师)是如何共生的。商人们为决策者提供了机会,并将公司律师引入决策周期。该公司的律师提供了专业知识和公务员可以使用的具体法律文本。第三,它认为,尽管集团成员的共同目标是改善外国投资安全,但除了国家偏好之外,相互竞争的个人举措和机构竞争往往阻碍了更有效的游说。
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引用次数: 0
Dana Schmalz, Review of Liv Feijen, The Evolution of Humanitarian Protection in European Law and Practice 《欧洲法律与实践中人道主义保护的演变》,作者:Dana Schmalz
IF 1.2 3区 社会学 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2023-05-01 DOI: 10.1093/ejil/chad032
Dana Schmalz
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引用次数: 0
Douglas Guilfoyle, Review of Ian Urbina, The Outlaw Ocean: Crime and Survival in the Last Untamed Frontier Douglas Guilfoyle,Ian Urbina评论,《亡命之徒的海洋:最后一片未知的边疆中的犯罪与生存》
IF 1.2 3区 社会学 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2023-05-01 DOI: 10.1093/ejil/chad019
D. Guilfoyle
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引用次数: 4
期刊
European Journal of International Law
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