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Rewriting Histories of the Use of Force: The Narrative of ‘Indifference’. 改写武力使用的历史:“冷漠”的叙述。
IF 1.2 3区 社会学 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2023-08-28 DOI: 10.1093/ejil/chad043
T. Ruys
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引用次数: 0
Taking Future Generations Seriously: A Rejoinder to Margaretha Wewerinke-Singh, Ayan Garg and Shubhangi Agarwalla; and Peter Lawrence 认真对待后代:对Margaretha Wewerinke-Singh、Ayan Garg和Shubhangi Agarwalla的回应和彼得·劳伦斯
IF 1.2 3区 社会学 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2023-08-28 DOI: 10.1093/ejil/chad044
S. Humphreys
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引用次数: 0
Judicial Independence and Impartiality: Tenure Changes at the European Court of Human Rights 司法独立和公正:欧洲人权法院任期的变化
IF 1.2 3区 社会学 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2023-08-24 DOI: 10.1093/ejil/chad036
Helga Molbæk-Steensig, Alexandre Quemy
Judges should be impartial and independent, judging based solely on the law. Current constitutional literature suggests an important factor in securing this may be the length of tenure. The assumption is that judges with non-renewable terms are more independent than judges with renewable terms since they do not have to worry about reappointment, but proving this assumption empirically is not straightforward. Obstacles include difficulties in comparing different courts and the fact that there is often no obvious case outcome that proves independence. This article aims to overcome these obstacles with a mixed-methods study on the European Court of Human Rights during a time when the tenure rules changed. The study goes beyond the counting of votes and analyses the arguments used in separate opinions as indicators of independence. Our main findings are that, after the introduction of non-renewable terms, judges write more opinions overall, and more of them criticize the judges’ appointing states, while fewer defend it. We also find that judges on non-renewable terms are on average more likely to write opinions addressing violations as systemic problems and to use their opinions to provide guidance for their appointing states on implementing judgments and improving human rights protection.
法官应该公正独立,完全依据法律进行审判。目前的宪法文献表明,确保这一点的一个重要因素可能是任期的长短。有一种假设认为,任期不可连任的法官比任期可连任的法官更独立,因为他们不必担心再次任命,但从经验上证明这一假设并不简单。障碍包括难以比较不同的法院,以及往往没有明显的案件结果证明其独立性。本文旨在通过对任期规则变化时期欧洲人权法院的混合方法研究来克服这些障碍。这项研究超越了计票,并分析了不同意见中使用的论点,作为独立性的指标。我们的主要发现是,在引入不可续期条款后,法官总体上写了更多的意见,其中批评法官任命国家的人更多,辩护的人更少。我们还发现,任期不可延长的法官平均更有可能撰写将侵权行为视为系统性问题的意见,并利用其意见为其任命国在执行判决和改善人权保护方面提供指导。
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引用次数: 0
In Defence of Future Generations: A Reply to Stephen Humphreys 为子孙后代辩护——回复Stephen Humphreys
IF 1.2 3区 社会学 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2023-08-03 DOI: 10.1093/ejil/chad033
M. Wewerinke‐Singh, Ayan Garg, Shubhangi Agarwalla
In this reply to Stephen Humphreys, we challenge the dismissal of future generations as a locus of responsibility for present generations. Drawing from diverse sources such as indigenous law, environmental jurisprudence and practice, we demonstrate that global discourse on intergenerationality is broader and more nuanced than Humphreys suggests. Our response highlights the importance of incorporating diverse perspectives to enrich discourse and promote an inclusive approach to the progressive development of international law. Further, we contend that ‘future generations’ discourse has emancipatory power, offering potential for reshaping international law based on a vision of justice and solidarity across time and space. We call for increased dialogue and collaboration among scholars, practitioners and frontline communities to ensure that future generations discourse remains grounded in real-world experiences. By persistently interrogating and developing our understanding of responsibilities owed to future generations, we can imagine and cultivate a more inclusive – and, hence, more promising – approach to addressing climate change and related global crises.
在对斯蒂芬·汉弗莱斯的答复中,我们对将后代视为当代人的责任中心的做法提出质疑。从土著法律、环境法学和实践等不同来源,我们证明,关于代际关系的全球讨论比Humphreys所说的更广泛、更微妙。我们的答复强调了纳入不同观点的重要性,以丰富讨论并促进国际法逐步发展的包容性方法。此外,我们认为,“子孙后代”话语具有解放力量,为基于跨时空的正义和团结愿景重塑国际法提供了潜力。我们呼吁加强学者、从业者和一线社区之间的对话与合作,以确保后代的话语仍以现实世界的经验为基础。通过不断质疑和发展我们对子孙后代责任的理解,我们可以想象并培养一种更具包容性的——因此也更有希望的——应对气候变化和相关全球危机的方法。
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引用次数: 0
International Law Must Respond to the Reality of Future Generations: A Reply to Stephen Humphreys 国际法必须回应子孙后代的现实:对斯蒂芬·汉弗莱斯的回复
IF 1.2 3区 社会学 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2023-08-01 DOI: 10.1093/ejil/chad034
P. Lawrence
Stephen Humphreys in his article ‘Against Future Generations’ in this journal argues against intergenerational framings in the climate context, claiming that such framings work against future generations by carrying forward today’s structural inequalities into the future. He contends that those using such framings tend to subordinate global intra-generational equity to local intergenerational equity, glossing over very significant differences in power and wealth amongst those impacted by climate change. This response to Humphreys’ article argues that Humphreys has set up a false dichotomy: it is not only developed countries that care about future generations – developing countries are concerned about addressing poverty now and their own future generations. Humphreys’ claim that climate litigation has and should limit itself to harms to persons alive now is also unconvincing. Most climate litigation involving children or young people to date has included claims brought by them both in relation to their own interests (now and in the future) and on behalf of future generations. The response points to cases where, contrary to Humphreys’ position – harms extending to future generations have made a substantive difference in legal outcomes.
斯蒂芬·汉弗莱斯(Stephen Humphreys)在本杂志的文章《反对未来几代人》(Against Future Generations)中反对气候背景下的代际框架,声称这种框架通过将当今的结构性不平等带入未来而对未来几代不利。他认为,那些使用这种框架的人往往将全球代际公平置于地方代际公平之下,掩盖了受气候变化影响的人在权力和财富方面的巨大差异。对汉弗莱斯文章的回应认为,汉弗莱斯建立了一种错误的二分法:不仅发达国家关心子孙后代,发展中国家也关心解决现在的贫困问题和他们自己的子孙后代。Humphreys声称气候诉讼已经而且应该限制对现在活着的人的伤害,这也令人难以信服。迄今为止,大多数涉及儿童或年轻人的气候诉讼都包括他们为自己(现在和未来)的利益和子孙后代提出的索赔。回应指出,与Humphreys的立场相反,延伸到后代的伤害在法律结果上产生了实质性的影响。
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引用次数: 0
Diane Desierto, Review of Tom Ginsburg, Democracies and International Law 戴安·德西尔托,《汤姆·金斯伯格述评》,《民主与国际法》
3区 社会学 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2023-08-01 DOI: 10.1093/ejil/chad040
Diane A Desierto
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引用次数: 0
Chris Whomersley, Review of Stefan Talmon (ed.), German Practice in International Law 克里斯·霍默斯利:《斯蒂芬·塔尔蒙述评》(主编),《国际法中的德国实践》
3区 社会学 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2023-08-01 DOI: 10.1093/ejil/chad042
Chris Whomersley
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引用次数: 0
Unmasking the Term 'Dual Use' in EU Spyware Export Control 揭露欧盟间谍软件出口管制中的“双重用途”一词
3区 社会学 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2023-08-01 DOI: 10.1093/ejil/chad039
Lena Riecke
Abstract Spyware has been heralded as an essential tool for law enforcement and intelligence operations. However, examples abound of states that use it in a manner that violates human rights as well as undermines democracy and the rule of law. Against this backdrop, the European Union (EU) Dual-use Regulation was recast in 2021. It now makes an effort to control the export of cyber surveillance technologies, including spyware, which it defines as dual use. What narrative is created by framing spyware as ‘dual use’? This article illustrates how the term 'dual use' roots in a distinction between ‘peaceful’ and ‘non-peaceful’, or ‘civil’ and ‘military’ uses, and has gradually become associated with a broader dichotomy between ‘legitimate’ and ‘illegitimate’ purposes. Historically, this duality served not only to articulate the risks posed by certain technologies and indicate the rationale for their export control but also to justify their trade. Yet recourse by EU actors to dual use tilts the EU discourse on spyware export control towards state-centric security considerations and commercial interests over human rights. Unmasking how the term transposes a conceptually flawed, deceptive and empty duality to the spyware context, this article shows that the very concept of dual use may undermine human rights safeguards in spyware export control.
间谍软件被认为是执法和情报工作的重要工具。然而,有很多国家以侵犯人权、破坏民主和法治的方式使用它的例子。在此背景下,欧盟于2021年重新制定了《双重用途条例》。目前,中国正努力控制包括间谍软件在内的网络监控技术的出口,并将其定义为双重用途。将间谍软件定义为“双重用途”会产生什么样的叙事?本文阐述了“双重用途”一词如何源于“和平”与“非和平”,或“民用”与“军事”用途之间的区别,并逐渐与“合法”与“非法”目的之间更广泛的二分法联系在一起。从历史上看,这种两重性不仅有助于阐明某些技术所构成的风险,并表明其出口管制的理由,而且还有助于证明其贸易是正当的。然而,欧盟行为体诉诸双重用途,使欧盟关于间谍软件出口管制的论述倾向于以国家为中心的安全考虑,以及商业利益高于人权。本文揭示了该术语如何将概念上有缺陷、具有欺骗性和空洞的二元性转置到间谍软件上下文中,表明双重用途的概念本身可能会破坏间谍软件出口控制中的人权保障。
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引用次数: 0
The Last Page 最后一页
3区 社会学 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2023-08-01 DOI: 10.1093/ejil/chad038
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引用次数: 0
The (Non-)Use of African Law by the International Criminal Court 国际刑事法院对非洲法律的(非)使用
3区 社会学 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2023-08-01 DOI: 10.1093/ejil/chad035
Stewart Manley, Pardis Moslemzadeh Tehrani, Rajah Rasiah
Abstract All defendants before the International Criminal Court (ICC) to date have been African, with their alleged crimes having been committed, at least partly, on African soil. When turning to national laws to resolve issues of interpretation in these cases, should the ICC see whether it can use laws of the African state in which the crime occurred? This article argues that it should, but observes – from a dataset of 16,192 citations containing over 200 citations to national laws – that it rarely does. Instead, it turns much more often to Western European and US laws. This phenomenon, the article suggests, troublingly reflects and perpetuates the marginalization of African and other global South laws from what constitutes international law. The article also argues that the Rome Statute requires the ICC to at least examine for appropriateness the laws of a subset of these neglected systems (‘the national laws of States that would normally exercise jurisdiction over the crime’) when identifying general principles of law. There are several compelling reasons to extend this examination requirement to African and other global South country laws more broadly, and even when not dealing with general principles of law, and few reasons not to.
迄今为止,国际刑事法院(ICC)的所有被告都是非洲人,他们所指控的罪行至少部分是在非洲领土上犯下的。当求助于国家法律来解决这些案件的解释问题时,国际刑事法院是否应该考虑是否可以使用犯罪发生的非洲国家的法律?本文认为它应该这样做,但是从一个包含16192条引用的数据集(其中包含200多条对国家法律的引用)观察到,它很少这样做。相反,它更多地求助于西欧和美国的法律。文章指出,这种现象令人不安地反映并延续了非洲和其他全球南方法律在构成国际法方面的边缘化。文章还认为,《罗马规约》要求国际刑事法院在确定一般法律原则时,至少审查这些被忽视的系统的一个子集的法律(“通常对犯罪行使管辖权的国家的国内法”)的适当性。有几个令人信服的理由将这一审查要求更广泛地扩展到非洲和其他全球南方国家的法律,甚至在不涉及一般法律原则的情况下,而且几乎没有理由不这样做。
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European Journal of International Law
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