Modern environmentalism originated in the West, beginning when European and North American countries first began to experience the great transformation of industrialization and urbanization. East Asia is an eager learner of the Western modernity; in the last century, the region has mastered the art of manufacturing and emerged as the global export powerhouse. Japan, South Korea, and Taiwan are vibrant and stable democracies, whereas China engineered a sort of “political miracle” as its Leninist control drew strength from, rather than being subverted by, capitalist development. Following these economic and political achievements, the four above-mentioned countries are making huge strides toward better environmental governance. Even climate denialism, which is prevalent among some of the United States top politicians, only found a weak rejoinder in East Asia. Effective Advocacy offers a long-awaited environmental assessment of Japan, South Korea, Taiwan, and China, with additional glances at Hong Kong and Indonesia. This ground-breaking book is built upon a decade of research across this region, generating valuable data on the activities of environmental NGOs (ENGOs) and making use of interviews with key participants. Given the vast scope of the research topic and its internal heterogeneity, this book is a landmark achievement simply because nothing like it has been published previously. While Effective Advocacy appears to have been written primarily for Western readers, it also contributes to mutual dialogue among East Asian policymakers and activists, whose exchanges are at best intermittent and episodic despite their geographical proximity and cultural affinity. There has been a widespread understanding that a shared Confucian heritage in East Asia bestowed deference toward authorities, thus frustrating the efforts of promoting changes from below. Mary Alice Haddad bursts this myth by demonstrating that advocacy efforts in this region are likely to be successful, even in authoritarian China. At the same time, she finds more environmental actions directed toward pollution, and less toward climate change, compared to other regions. With in-depth case studies, Haddad seeks to discover the success formula of East Asian environmentalists. Effective Advocacy unravels a pragmatic, cooperative, gradualist logic behind these successful actions. Positive results are more likely to come when environmentalists have friends inside the government, build trusting relationships with corporations, and target less ambitious goals,
现代环保主义起源于西方，始于欧洲和北美国家首次经历工业化和城市化的巨大转型。东亚是西方现代性的热切学习者；上个世纪，该地区掌握了制造业的艺术，并成为全球出口大国。日本、韩国和台湾都是充满活力和稳定的民主国家，而中国则创造了一种“政治奇迹”，因为其列宁主义控制从资本主义发展中汲取力量，而不是被资本主义发展所颠覆。继这些经济和政治成就之后，上述四国正在朝着更好的环境治理迈出巨大步伐。即使是在美国一些高级政客中普遍存在的否认气候变化的态度，在东亚也只得到了微弱的回应。有效倡导提供了期待已久的日本、韩国、台湾和中国的环境评估，并对香港和印度尼西亚进行了额外的考察。这本开创性的书建立在该地区十年的研究基础上，产生了关于环境非政府组织活动的宝贵数据，并利用了对主要参与者的采访。鉴于研究主题的广泛性及其内部的异质性，这本书是一项里程碑式的成就，因为以前从未出版过类似的书。虽然《有效倡导》似乎主要是为西方读者撰写的，但它也有助于东亚政策制定者和活动家之间的相互对话，尽管他们的地理位置接近，文化渊源深厚，但他们的交流充其量只是断断续续的。人们普遍认为，东亚共同的儒家传统赋予了对当局的尊重，从而阻碍了推动下层变革的努力。玛丽·爱丽丝·哈达德（Mary Alice Haddad）打破了这一神话，她证明，即使在专制的中国，该地区的宣传努力也可能取得成功。与此同时，她发现，与其他地区相比，针对污染的环境行动更多，而针对气候变化的行动更少。通过深入的案例研究，哈达德试图发现东亚环保主义者的成功公式。有效的宣传揭示了这些成功行动背后的务实、合作、渐进的逻辑。当环保主义者在政府内部有朋友，与企业建立信任关系，并以不那么雄心勃勃的目标为目标时，积极的结果更有可能出现，
{"title":"Effective Advocacy: Lessons from East Asia’s Environmentalists by Mary Alice Haddad","authors":"Ming-sho Ho","doi":"10.1162/glep_r_00708","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1162/glep_r_00708","url":null,"abstract":"Modern environmentalism originated in the West, beginning when European and North American countries first began to experience the great transformation of industrialization and urbanization. East Asia is an eager learner of the Western modernity; in the last century, the region has mastered the art of manufacturing and emerged as the global export powerhouse. Japan, South Korea, and Taiwan are vibrant and stable democracies, whereas China engineered a sort of “political miracle” as its Leninist control drew strength from, rather than being subverted by, capitalist development. Following these economic and political achievements, the four above-mentioned countries are making huge strides toward better environmental governance. Even climate denialism, which is prevalent among some of the United States top politicians, only found a weak rejoinder in East Asia. Effective Advocacy offers a long-awaited environmental assessment of Japan, South Korea, Taiwan, and China, with additional glances at Hong Kong and Indonesia. This ground-breaking book is built upon a decade of research across this region, generating valuable data on the activities of environmental NGOs (ENGOs) and making use of interviews with key participants. Given the vast scope of the research topic and its internal heterogeneity, this book is a landmark achievement simply because nothing like it has been published previously. While Effective Advocacy appears to have been written primarily for Western readers, it also contributes to mutual dialogue among East Asian policymakers and activists, whose exchanges are at best intermittent and episodic despite their geographical proximity and cultural affinity. There has been a widespread understanding that a shared Confucian heritage in East Asia bestowed deference toward authorities, thus frustrating the efforts of promoting changes from below. Mary Alice Haddad bursts this myth by demonstrating that advocacy efforts in this region are likely to be successful, even in authoritarian China. At the same time, she finds more environmental actions directed toward pollution, and less toward climate change, compared to other regions. With in-depth case studies, Haddad seeks to discover the success formula of East Asian environmentalists. Effective Advocacy unravels a pragmatic, cooperative, gradualist logic behind these successful actions. Positive results are more likely to come when environmentalists have friends inside the government, build trusting relationships with corporations, and target less ambitious goals,","PeriodicalId":47774,"journal":{"name":"Global Environmental Politics","volume":"23 1","pages":"148-149"},"PeriodicalIF":4.8,"publicationDate":"2023-03-17","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48691637","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Cameron Harrington, Phellecitus Montana, Jeremy J. Schmidt, A. Swain
Abstract This Forum article reports on a meta-review of more than 19,000 published works on water security, of which less than 1 percent explicitly focus on race or ethnicity. This is deeply concerning, because it indicates that race and ethnicity—crucial factors that affect the provision of safe, reliable water—continue to be ignored in academic and policy literatures. In response to this finding the Forum calls for building intersectional water security frameworks that recognize how empirical drivers of social and environmental inequality vary both within and across groups. Intersectional frameworks of water security can retain policy focus on the key material concerns regarding access, safety, and the distribution of water-related risks. They can also explicitly incorporate issues of race and ethnicity alongside other vectors of inequality to address key, overlooked concerns of water security.
{"title":"Race, Ethnicity, and the Case for Intersectional Water Security","authors":"Cameron Harrington, Phellecitus Montana, Jeremy J. Schmidt, A. Swain","doi":"10.1162/glep_a_00702","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1162/glep_a_00702","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract This Forum article reports on a meta-review of more than 19,000 published works on water security, of which less than 1 percent explicitly focus on race or ethnicity. This is deeply concerning, because it indicates that race and ethnicity—crucial factors that affect the provision of safe, reliable water—continue to be ignored in academic and policy literatures. In response to this finding the Forum calls for building intersectional water security frameworks that recognize how empirical drivers of social and environmental inequality vary both within and across groups. Intersectional frameworks of water security can retain policy focus on the key material concerns regarding access, safety, and the distribution of water-related risks. They can also explicitly incorporate issues of race and ethnicity alongside other vectors of inequality to address key, overlooked concerns of water security.","PeriodicalId":47774,"journal":{"name":"Global Environmental Politics","volume":"23 1","pages":"1-10"},"PeriodicalIF":4.8,"publicationDate":"2023-03-17","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45242570","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Jakob Skovgaard, K. Adams, K. Dupuy, Adis Dzebo, Mikkel Funder, A. Fejerskov, Z. Shawoo
Abstract The governance of public climate finance for mitigation and adaptation in developing countries is fragmented on both the international and national levels, with a high diversity of actors with overlapping mandates, preferences, and areas of expertise. In the absence of one unifying actor or institution, coordination among actors has emerged as a response to this fragmentation. In this article, we study the coordination efforts of the two most important multilateral climate funds, the Climate Investment Funds (CIF) and the Green Climate Fund (GCF), on the global level as well as within two recipient countries, Kenya and Zambia. The CIF and the GCF are anchored within the World Bank and the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change, respectively, and represent two diverging perspectives on climate finance. We find that on both levels, coordination was depoliticized by treating it as a technical exercise, rendering invisible the political divergences among actors. The implications of this depoliticization are that both funds coordinate mainly with actors with similar preferences, and consequently, coordination did not achieve its objectives. The article contributes to the literatures on coordination, climate finance, and environmental governance by showing how a response to the fragmentation of climate governance did not overcome political fault lines but rather reinforced them.
{"title":"Multilateral Climate Finance Coordination: Politics and Depoliticization in Practice","authors":"Jakob Skovgaard, K. Adams, K. Dupuy, Adis Dzebo, Mikkel Funder, A. Fejerskov, Z. Shawoo","doi":"10.1162/glep_a_00703","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1162/glep_a_00703","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract The governance of public climate finance for mitigation and adaptation in developing countries is fragmented on both the international and national levels, with a high diversity of actors with overlapping mandates, preferences, and areas of expertise. In the absence of one unifying actor or institution, coordination among actors has emerged as a response to this fragmentation. In this article, we study the coordination efforts of the two most important multilateral climate funds, the Climate Investment Funds (CIF) and the Green Climate Fund (GCF), on the global level as well as within two recipient countries, Kenya and Zambia. The CIF and the GCF are anchored within the World Bank and the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change, respectively, and represent two diverging perspectives on climate finance. We find that on both levels, coordination was depoliticized by treating it as a technical exercise, rendering invisible the political divergences among actors. The implications of this depoliticization are that both funds coordinate mainly with actors with similar preferences, and consequently, coordination did not achieve its objectives. The article contributes to the literatures on coordination, climate finance, and environmental governance by showing how a response to the fragmentation of climate governance did not overcome political fault lines but rather reinforced them.","PeriodicalId":47774,"journal":{"name":"Global Environmental Politics","volume":"23 1","pages":"125-147"},"PeriodicalIF":4.8,"publicationDate":"2023-03-07","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48545595","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract The ability of multilateral environmental agreements (MEAs) to keep pace with their changing circumstances is crucial for a more effective global environmental governance. Yet, we know little about how new institutional design features are taken up by MEAs, allowing them to evolve over time. Building on Kingdon’s multiple streams theory, I conceive the development of new institutional design features as the association between streams of problems, solutions, and political receptivity at critical moments. I apply this framework to two features introduced within the United Nations Convention to Combat Desertification (UNCCD) framework and find that the main design entrepreneurs were the UNCCD Secretariat and independent scientists. The article provides important insight into characteristics that can make MEAs more adaptive. Namely, treaty bodies able to generate feedback about problems, push for solutions, and provide windows of opportunity for advocates to present and revise their proposals are found critical to the development of new design features.
{"title":"Institutional Adaptation in Slow Motion: Zooming In on Desertification Governance","authors":"N. Laurens","doi":"10.1162/glep_a_00705","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1162/glep_a_00705","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract The ability of multilateral environmental agreements (MEAs) to keep pace with their changing circumstances is crucial for a more effective global environmental governance. Yet, we know little about how new institutional design features are taken up by MEAs, allowing them to evolve over time. Building on Kingdon’s multiple streams theory, I conceive the development of new institutional design features as the association between streams of problems, solutions, and political receptivity at critical moments. I apply this framework to two features introduced within the United Nations Convention to Combat Desertification (UNCCD) framework and find that the main design entrepreneurs were the UNCCD Secretariat and independent scientists. The article provides important insight into characteristics that can make MEAs more adaptive. Namely, treaty bodies able to generate feedback about problems, push for solutions, and provide windows of opportunity for advocates to present and revise their proposals are found critical to the development of new design features.","PeriodicalId":47774,"journal":{"name":"Global Environmental Politics","volume":"23 1","pages":"31-53"},"PeriodicalIF":4.8,"publicationDate":"2023-03-07","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"64549235","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
China became one of the biggest players in the global extractive resource supply chain, along with increasing extractive resource demand for green industries. Interestingly, over the last two decades, Chinese actors started participating in transnational extractive governance initiatives (TEGI) supporting transparency, a norm for governance-by-disclosure. This article aims to answer the question of what types of Chinese actors engage in what TEGIs regarding transparency. Based on mapping forty-eight TEGIs, this article shows a nuanced pattern of China’s involvement in extractives governance beyond a dualistic approach to China in global governance—whether China is a threat or nonthreat. Importantly, China does not act as a unified monolithic actor; rather, different types of actors engage TEGIs distinctively. Chinese corporations are most actively engaging in thin transparency TEGIs lacking stringent verification rules and featuring limited multistakeholder participation. It could potentially accelerate the risk of green washing of those companies and disempower weaker actors.
{"title":"China in Transnational Extractives Governance: A Mapping Exercise","authors":"Hyeyoon Park","doi":"10.1162/glep_a_00707","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1162/glep_a_00707","url":null,"abstract":"China became one of the biggest players in the global extractive resource supply chain, along with increasing extractive resource demand for green industries. Interestingly, over the last two decades, Chinese actors started participating in transnational extractive governance initiatives (TEGI) supporting transparency, a norm for governance-by-disclosure. This article aims to answer the question of what types of Chinese actors engage in what TEGIs regarding transparency. Based on mapping forty-eight TEGIs, this article shows a nuanced pattern of China’s involvement in extractives governance beyond a dualistic approach to China in global governance—whether China is a threat or nonthreat. Importantly, China does not act as a unified monolithic actor; rather, different types of actors engage TEGIs distinctively. Chinese corporations are most actively engaging in thin transparency TEGIs lacking stringent verification rules and featuring limited multistakeholder participation. It could potentially accelerate the risk of green washing of those companies and disempower weaker actors.","PeriodicalId":47774,"journal":{"name":"Global Environmental Politics","volume":" ","pages":"-"},"PeriodicalIF":4.8,"publicationDate":"2023-02-16","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42299964","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The creation of the Local Communities and Indigenous Peoples Platform under the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC) set out to incorporate Indigenous and local knowledge into the science–policy landscape of the climate field. The Platform is a crucial case of institutional change, as it signals an incipient shift from a science-centric toward a pluralistic approach to knowledge in global climate governance. This article traces this process of change in the politics and practices underlying the establishment and design of the Platform as an interface for Indigenous and local knowledge holders. The analysis shows that the sui generis design of the Platform was the product of bricolage (recombination) and translation (recontextualization) of disparate elements with the purpose of accommodating various political demands in an altogether new kind of knowledge–policy interface: a diverse boundary organization. The article makes an empirical contribution to the historical development of knowledge politics in the UNFCCC and a theoretical contribution to the study of boundary organizations by advancing a broader conceptualization that transcends science-centric approaches.
{"title":"Diversifying Boundary Organizations: The Making of a Global Platform for Indigenous (and Local) Knowledge in the UNFCCC","authors":"Andrés López-Rivera","doi":"10.1162/glep_a_00706","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1162/glep_a_00706","url":null,"abstract":"The creation of the Local Communities and Indigenous Peoples Platform under the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC) set out to incorporate Indigenous and local knowledge into the science–policy landscape of the climate field. The Platform is a crucial case of institutional change, as it signals an incipient shift from a science-centric toward a pluralistic approach to knowledge in global climate governance. This article traces this process of change in the politics and practices underlying the establishment and design of the Platform as an interface for Indigenous and local knowledge holders. The analysis shows that the sui generis design of the Platform was the product of bricolage (recombination) and translation (recontextualization) of disparate elements with the purpose of accommodating various political demands in an altogether new kind of knowledge–policy interface: a diverse boundary organization. The article makes an empirical contribution to the historical development of knowledge politics in the UNFCCC and a theoretical contribution to the study of boundary organizations by advancing a broader conceptualization that transcends science-centric approaches.","PeriodicalId":47774,"journal":{"name":"Global Environmental Politics","volume":" ","pages":"-"},"PeriodicalIF":4.8,"publicationDate":"2023-02-16","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48815300","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract The political economy of lithium, a “critical mineral” for the renewable energy transition, is marked by two striking developments. First, Global North governments that have historically offshored mining are onshoring lithium to enhance “supply chain security.” Second, these governments have committed to “sustainably sourcing” lithium. In this article, I theorize both developments in terms of a novel security–sustainability nexus: an interlocking set of policies and justifications that promote lithium extraction and emphasize the environmental credentials of Global North mining. The security–sustainability nexus evidences an alignment between state and corporate interests. For public officials, onshoring policies counter China’s “dominance” over battery supply chains. For mining and auto firms, onshoring translates into lucrative incentives, supply security, and reputational benefits. However, despite this state–corporate alignment, the tensions within the security–sustainability nexus illuminate the contradictions of green capitalism. I conclude that the geopolitical and socioenvironmental conflicts over the material foundations of the energy transition are reshaping the inequalities linked to extractive sectors.
{"title":"The Security–Sustainability Nexus: Lithium Onshoring in the Global North","authors":"Thea N. Riofrancos","doi":"10.1162/glep_a_00668","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1162/glep_a_00668","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract The political economy of lithium, a “critical mineral” for the renewable energy transition, is marked by two striking developments. First, Global North governments that have historically offshored mining are onshoring lithium to enhance “supply chain security.” Second, these governments have committed to “sustainably sourcing” lithium. In this article, I theorize both developments in terms of a novel security–sustainability nexus: an interlocking set of policies and justifications that promote lithium extraction and emphasize the environmental credentials of Global North mining. The security–sustainability nexus evidences an alignment between state and corporate interests. For public officials, onshoring policies counter China’s “dominance” over battery supply chains. For mining and auto firms, onshoring translates into lucrative incentives, supply security, and reputational benefits. However, despite this state–corporate alignment, the tensions within the security–sustainability nexus illuminate the contradictions of green capitalism. I conclude that the geopolitical and socioenvironmental conflicts over the material foundations of the energy transition are reshaping the inequalities linked to extractive sectors.","PeriodicalId":47774,"journal":{"name":"Global Environmental Politics","volume":"23 1","pages":"20-41"},"PeriodicalIF":4.8,"publicationDate":"2023-02-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47314445","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-01DOI: 10.1088/2515-7639/acc550
Behrang H Hamadani
Ambient energy harvesting has great potential to contribute to sustainable development and address growing environmental challenges. Converting waste energy from energy-intensive processes and systems (e.g. combustion engines and furnaces) is crucial to reducing their environmental impact and achieving net-zero emissions. Compact energy harvesters will also be key to powering the exponentially growing smart devices ecosystem that is part of the Internet of Things, thus enabling futuristic applications that can improve our quality of life (e.g. smart homes, smart cities, smart manufacturing, and smart healthcare). To achieve these goals, innovative materials are needed to efficiently convert ambient energy into electricity through various physical mechanisms, such as the photovoltaic effect, thermoelectricity, piezoelectricity, triboelectricity, and radiofrequency wireless power transfer. By bringing together the perspectives of experts in various types of energy harvesting materials, this Roadmap provides extensive insights into recent advances and present challenges in the field. Additionally, the Roadmap analyses the key performance metrics of these technologies in relation to their ultimate energy conversion limits. Building on these insights, the Roadmap outlines promising directions for future research to fully harness the potential of energy harvesting materials for green energy anytime, anywhere.
{"title":"2.11 - Accurate characterization of indoor photovoltaic performance.","authors":"Behrang H Hamadani","doi":"10.1088/2515-7639/acc550","DOIUrl":"10.1088/2515-7639/acc550","url":null,"abstract":"Ambient energy harvesting has great potential to contribute to sustainable development and address growing environmental challenges. Converting waste energy from energy-intensive processes and systems (e.g. combustion engines and furnaces) is crucial to reducing their environmental impact and achieving net-zero emissions. Compact energy harvesters will also be key to powering the exponentially growing smart devices ecosystem that is part of the Internet of Things, thus enabling futuristic applications that can improve our quality of life (e.g. smart homes, smart cities, smart manufacturing, and smart healthcare). To achieve these goals, innovative materials are needed to efficiently convert ambient energy into electricity through various physical mechanisms, such as the photovoltaic effect, thermoelectricity, piezoelectricity, triboelectricity, and radiofrequency wireless power transfer. By bringing together the perspectives of experts in various types of energy harvesting materials, this Roadmap provides extensive insights into recent advances and present challenges in the field. Additionally, the Roadmap analyses the key performance metrics of these technologies in relation to their ultimate energy conversion limits. Building on these insights, the Roadmap outlines promising directions for future research to fully harness the potential of energy harvesting materials for green energy anytime, anywhere.","PeriodicalId":47774,"journal":{"name":"Global Environmental Politics","volume":"12 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":2.7,"publicationDate":"2023-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC10644663/pdf/","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"86604994","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract Kennard and Schnakenberg (KS) raise three concerns regarding Aklin and Mildenberger (“Prisoners of the Wrong Dilemma: Why Distributive Conflict, Not Collective Action, Characterizes the Politics of Climate Change,” Global Environmental Politics 20 (4): 4–27). In this response, we delineate where we agree and where we disagree with KS. We then consider whether the model presented by KS changes our assessment that free-riding concerns are not currently the binding constraint on global climate politics. We conclude with a refined statement of our original claim.
{"title":"Reply: The Persistent Absence of Empirical Evidence for Free-Riding in Global Climate Politics","authors":"M. Aklin, M. Mildenberger","doi":"10.1162/glep_c_00700","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1162/glep_c_00700","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Kennard and Schnakenberg (KS) raise three concerns regarding Aklin and Mildenberger (“Prisoners of the Wrong Dilemma: Why Distributive Conflict, Not Collective Action, Characterizes the Politics of Climate Change,” Global Environmental Politics 20 (4): 4–27). In this response, we delineate where we agree and where we disagree with KS. We then consider whether the model presented by KS changes our assessment that free-riding concerns are not currently the binding constraint on global climate politics. We conclude with a refined statement of our original claim.","PeriodicalId":47774,"journal":{"name":"Global Environmental Politics","volume":"23 1","pages":"145-151"},"PeriodicalIF":4.8,"publicationDate":"2022-12-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46141854","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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