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Runes and Rye: Administration in Denmark and the Emergence of the Younger Futhark, 500–800 符文和黑麦:丹麦的行政管理和年轻的Futhark的出现,500-800
IF 0.7 2区 历史学 Q2 ANTHROPOLOGY Pub Date : 2023-06-30 DOI: 10.1017/s001041752300021x
R. Cole
In this article, I take up the case of runic writing to reflect upon James Scott’s view of the nexus between writing and various forms of domination in early states, especially the use of literacy for taxation in cereal-growing societies. Scott’s theses provide interesting matter “to think with,” even when his grasp of historical detail has been found wanting. It is not controversial to grant Scott that cuneiform writing was a remarkable tool for statecraft, and exploitation, in the first states of Mesopotamia, around 3500 BC. The same is true of writing in other early states. But in the first states of Scandinavia, particularly Denmark ca. AD 500–800, writing had a more troubled relationship with the state. No evidence survives that runic writing was used to administer taxation or much else, as it was in other agrarian civilisations. It is true that the runic script was used to commemorate kings, most famously by Haraldr Blátǫnn (r. ca. 958–ca. 986.). But, statistically speaking, it was more often used to aggrandize the sort of local big men who usually resisted centralized power. In this article, I survey the relationship between runic writing and administration. I consider what the Danish situation suggests about the relationship between states and writing and offer a tentative hypothesis of a short-lived attempt at runic bureaucracy around 800, which created—and quickly lost control of—a shortened variety of the runic script (the Younger Futhark).
在这篇文章中,我以北欧文字为例,反思詹姆斯·斯科特关于早期国家中文字与各种形式的统治之间关系的观点,特别是在谷物种植社会中使用识字来征税。斯科特的论文提供了“值得思考”的有趣素材,尽管人们发现他对历史细节的把握不足。在公元前3500年左右,在美索不达米亚的第一个国家,楔形文字是一种卓越的治国工具,这是没有争议的。其他早期国家的文字也是如此。但在斯堪的纳维亚半岛的早期国家,尤其是公元500-800年的丹麦,文字与国家的关系更加棘手。没有证据表明,像其他农业文明那样,符文文字被用来管理税收或其他许多事情。符文文字确实是用来纪念国王的,最著名的是哈拉尔德Blátǫnn (r.c . 958-ca。986年)。但是,从统计上讲,它更多的是用来夸大那些通常抵制中央集权的地方大人物。在这篇文章中,我调查了符文写作与行政之间的关系。我考虑了丹麦的情况所暗示的国家与文字之间的关系,并提出了一个初步的假设,即公元800年前后,人们曾短暂地尝试建立符文官僚机构,创造了一种较短的符文文字(Younger Futhark),但很快就失去了控制。
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引用次数: 0
The Social Movement’s Restoration and Young Men Student’s Organization in Korea YMCA During the State-Building Period (1945-60) 建国时期韩国基督教青年会社会运动的恢复与青年学生组织(1945-60)
IF 0.7 2区 历史学 Q2 ANTHROPOLOGY Pub Date : 2023-06-30 DOI: 10.37743/sah.138.6
Sangjun Park
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引用次数: 0
Language at the Limits of the Human: Deceit, Invention, and the Specter of the Unshared Symbol 人类极限的语言:欺骗、发明和非共享符号的幽灵
IF 0.7 2区 历史学 Q2 ANTHROPOLOGY Pub Date : 2023-06-29 DOI: 10.1017/s0010417523000221
Courtney Handman
Both the theories coming out of the linguistic turn and those running away from it have placed special emphasis on human language (or human symbolic thinking) as a matter of convention and shared meanings. Yet there are other histories that link language and humanness through invention, deceit, and secrecy rather than through convention and publicness. These alternate models have been used as diagnostic of humanness in a range of contexts, from the colonial past into the technologized present. I examine here the ways in which the unshared, non-public symbol has stood at the center of two disparate contexts in which the humanness of speakers of novel languages are put in question. The first case examines the ways in which Christian missionaries started to see Tok Pisin, a novel pidginized language spoken by indentured laborers in colonial Papua New Guinea, as a possible language of evangelism when it became associated with deceit and moral dissolution. The second case examines a 2017 moral panic in the United States about two chatbots that were reported to have invented their own language and then used it to lie to one another. In contrast to the first case, one of the ways that bots get figured as beyond-human is in the fear that there is no way to impose a moral order, no colonial evangelism that could be used to encompass them. By taking on the symbolic while withholding public meanings, the speakers of these unshared symbols sit at the boundaries of humanness.
无论是从语言学转向中产生的理论,还是从语言学转向中逃离出来的理论,都特别强调人类语言(或人类符号思维)是一种惯例和共同意义的问题。然而,还有其他一些历史是通过发明、欺骗和保密而不是通过惯例和公开将语言和人类联系起来的。从殖民时代到科技时代,这些替代模型在一系列背景下被用作对人性的诊断。我在这里考察了这种非共享的、非公共的符号是如何站在两种完全不同的语境的中心的,在这种语境中,讲新语言的人的人性受到了质疑。第一个案例考察了基督教传教士如何开始将托克比辛语(Tok Pisin)视为一种可能的传福音语言,托克比辛语是巴布亚新几内亚殖民地契约劳工使用的一种新型洋泾浜化语言,当它与欺骗和道德解体联系在一起时。第二个案例探讨了2017年美国关于两个聊天机器人的道德恐慌,据报道,这两个聊天机器人发明了自己的语言,然后用它来欺骗对方。与第一种情况相反,机器人被认为是超越人类的一种方式是害怕没有办法强加道德秩序,没有殖民主义的福音可以用来涵盖它们。通过在保留公共意义的同时承担象征意义,这些非共享符号的说话者坐在人性的边界上。
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引用次数: 0
The Owl and the Occult: Popular Politics and Social Liminality in Early Modern South Asia 猫头鹰与神秘:近代早期南亚的大众政治与社会阈限
IF 0.7 2区 历史学 Q2 ANTHROPOLOGY Pub Date : 2023-06-29 DOI: 10.1017/s0010417523000245
D. Cherian
Historians of Islamic occult science and post-Mongol Persianate kingship in the Ottoman, Safavid, and Mughal Empires have in recent years made clear just how central this body of knowledge was to the exercise of imperial power. Alongside, scholarship on tantra has pointed to its diffuse persistence in the early modern period. But what dynamics beyond courts and elite initiates did these investments in occult science and tantra unleash? Through a focus on the seventeenth-century Mughal court and the Rajput polity of Marwar in the eighteenth century, this article weaves together the history of animals with that of harmful magic by non-courtly actors. It demonstrates the blended histories of tantra, Islamicate occult sciences, and folk magic to argue that attributions of liminality encoded people, animals, and things with occult potential. For some, like the owl, this liminality could invite violence and death and for others, like expert male practitioners, it could generate authority. By the eighteenth century, the deployment of practical magic towards harmful or disruptive ends was a political tool wielded not only by kings and elite adepts for state or lineage formation but also by non-courtly subjects and “low”-caste specialists in local social life. States and sovereigns responded to the popular use of harmful magic harshly, aiming to cut off non-courtly access to this resource. If the early modern age was one of new ideologies of universal empire, the deployment of occult power outside the court was inconsistent with the ambitions of the kings of this time.
近年来,奥斯曼帝国、萨非王朝和莫卧儿帝国的伊斯兰神秘学和后蒙古-波斯王国的历史学家已经清楚地表明,这一知识体系对帝国权力的行使是多么重要。除此之外,关于坦陀罗的学术研究也指出,坦陀罗在现代早期一直存在。但是,除了法庭和精英提升者之外,这些对神秘科学和密宗的投资释放了什么动力?本文通过对17世纪莫卧儿王朝和18世纪马尔瓦尔的拉吉普特政体的关注,将动物的历史与非宫廷行为者的有害魔法的历史编织在一起。它展示了密宗、伊斯兰神秘科学和民间魔法的混合历史,认为对极限的归因编码了具有神秘潜力的人、动物和事物。对一些人来说,比如猫头鹰,这种界限可能会引发暴力和死亡,而对另一些人来说——比如男性专业从业者,它可能会产生权威。到了18世纪,为了达到有害或破坏性的目的而使用实用魔法不仅是国王和精英们用来形成国家或血统的政治工具,也是非宫廷臣民和当地社会生活中的“低”种姓专家所使用的政治工具。国家和主权国家对普遍使用有害魔法的行为作出了严厉回应,旨在切断非官方获取这种资源的途径。如果说现代早期是一个普遍帝国的新意识形态,那么在宫廷之外部署神秘力量与当时国王的野心是不一致的。
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引用次数: 0
Balancing Hope and Fear: Muslim Modernists, Democracy, and the Tyranny of the Majority 平衡希望与恐惧:穆斯林现代主义者、民主与多数人的暴政
IF 0.7 2区 历史学 Q2 ANTHROPOLOGY Pub Date : 2023-04-25 DOI: 10.1017/S0010417523000026
M. Abbas
Abstract During the twentieth and twenty-first centuries, many Muslim modernists exhibited mixed records regarding democracy. On the one hand, they articulated cogent arguments that Islam was, at its heart, democratic in nature and worked to counter Islamist claims to the contrary. Some crafted robust visions for Islamic democratic governance. On the other hand, many of the same modernists forged political alliances with military authoritarian regimes. How can we explain this seeming inconsistency between modernist democratic ideals and their not-so-democratic practices? This article argues that this paradoxical pattern stems from a classic dilemma within democratic theory: the tyranny of the majority. After providing a brief history of majoritarian fears in Western political theory, the article investigates two prominent case studies from mid-twentieth-century Pakistan and Indonesia. The first examines Fazlur Rahman’s ties to Ayub Khan’s military regime in 1960s Pakistan, and the second analyzes why a movement of young modernists was willing to collaborate with Suharto’s New Order regime in 1970s Indonesia. Together, the two cases demonstrate that Muslim modernists balance their genuine hopes for an Islamic democratic future with persistent fears of majoritarian tyranny by advocating for constraints on the majority will. While these constraints can be controversial and even authoritarian in nature, they have important parallels in Western democratic thought. Ultimately, this article argues that Muslim modernists’ mixed records are a function of democratic theory itself rather than some Islamic exception to it.
在20世纪和21世纪,许多穆斯林现代主义者对民主表现出不同的记录。一方面,他们阐述了令人信服的论点,即伊斯兰教本质上是民主的,并努力反驳伊斯兰主义者的相反主张。一些人精心构思了伊斯兰民主治理的宏伟愿景。另一方面,许多现代主义者与军事独裁政权结成了政治联盟。我们如何解释现代主义民主理想和他们不那么民主的实践之间这种看似不一致的现象呢?本文认为,这种矛盾的模式源于民主理论中的一个经典困境:多数人的暴政。在简要介绍了西方政治理论中多数主义恐惧的历史之后,本文调查了20世纪中期巴基斯坦和印度尼西亚的两个著名案例研究。第一篇研究了法兹鲁尔·拉赫曼与20世纪60年代巴基斯坦阿尤布·汗军事政权的关系,第二篇分析了为什么年轻的现代主义者运动愿意与20世纪70年代印度尼西亚苏哈托的新秩序政权合作。总之,这两个案例表明,穆斯林现代主义者通过提倡限制多数人的意愿,在他们对伊斯兰民主未来的真正希望与对多数人专制的持续恐惧之间取得了平衡。虽然这些限制在本质上可能是有争议的,甚至是专制的,但它们在西方民主思想中有重要的相似之处。最后,本文认为,穆斯林现代主义者的混合记录是民主理论本身的功能,而不是伊斯兰教的例外。
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引用次数: 0
Slavery, Freedom Suits, and Legal Praxis in the Ottoman Empire, ca. 1590–1710 奥斯曼帝国的奴隶制、自由诉讼和法律实践,约1590–1710年
IF 0.7 2区 历史学 Q2 ANTHROPOLOGY Pub Date : 2023-04-21 DOI: 10.1017/S001041752300004X
J. M. White
Abstract Beginning with the story of the Muslim youth Mehmed bin Abdülcelil of Tunis, this article examines the plight of Ottoman subjects abducted and sold into slavery within the Ottoman Empire and their efforts to regain freedom through Ottoman courts. Freedom suits (hürriyet davaları) were common in the seventeenth-century Ottoman Empire, so much so that contemporary legal praxis manuals (sukuk) always provided examples of how to document them, but they have never been systematically studied for this period in which slave ownership was extremely widespread and the legality of enslavement depended solely on religion and subjecthood. Drawing on a sample of seventy-nine suits from greater Istanbul and eleven sukuk manuscripts, this article considers how the trade in the illegally enslaved was concealed by the immense traffic in licit captives and how the theoretical protections of Ottoman subjecthood clashed with the practical challenges of how to prove it, exposing the gap between slavery as legal institution and slaving in practice. Whereas the vast majority of freedom suits ended in rulings in favor of the victims, most of the illegally enslaved probably never managed to have their cases heard or were turned away for lack of evidence.
摘要本文从突尼斯的穆斯林青年穆罕默德·本·阿卜杜勒塞利尔的故事开始,探讨了奥斯曼帝国内部被绑架和贩卖为奴隶的奥斯曼臣民的困境,以及他们通过奥斯曼法庭重获自由的努力。自由诉讼(hürriyet davaları)在17世纪的奥斯曼帝国很常见,以至于当代法律实践手册(sukuk)总是提供了如何记录这些诉讼的例子,但在这个奴隶所有权极其普遍、奴役的合法性完全取决于宗教和服从的时期,从未对其进行过系统的研究。本文以大伊斯坦布尔的79件诉讼和11份苏库克手稿为样本,思考了非法奴隶贸易是如何被合法俘虏的大量贩运所掩盖的,以及奥斯曼帝国从属地位的理论保护与如何证明这一点的实际挑战是如何冲突的,揭示了奴隶制作为法律制度与奴隶制在实践中的差距。尽管绝大多数自由诉讼都以有利于受害者的裁决告终,但大多数非法奴役者可能从未成功审理过自己的案件,或者因缺乏证据而被拒之门外。
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引用次数: 0
Blagoustroistvo: Infrastructure, Determinism, (Re-)coloniality, and Social Engineering in Moscow, 1917–2022 Blagoustroistvo:莫斯科的基础设施、决定论、(再)殖民和社会工程,1917-2022
IF 0.7 2区 历史学 Q2 ANTHROPOLOGY Pub Date : 2023-04-20 DOI: 10.1017/S0010417523000063
Markus Lähteenmäki, M. Murawski
Abstract Blagoustroistvo is an archaic Russian word used today primarily to refer to urban public works. This article, a collaboration between an anthropologist and a historian, focuses on aesthetics, rhetorics, and concrete practices of blagoustroistvo in Moscow during two temporal junctures: the first decade following the October Revolution (ca. 1917–1930), and the decade of Sergey Sobyanin’s Moscow Mayoralty (2010–). Our juxtaposition reveals striking continuities and contrasts. Both in the 1920s and 2010s, we show, blagoustroistvo was characterized by a semiotically-intense presence in the city; associated with an emphasis on deterministic socio-psychological “engineering”; ideologically framed by a “vernacularized” form of Marxism-Leninism; and invested with a powerful role in reconfiguring society’s spatial hierarchies, political geometry, and class consciousness. In the former period, social transformation referred to the inversion of class hierarchies and a partly illusory reconfiguration of power between center and periphery. In the 2010s, however, blagoustroistvo became a project that sought a reversion to class categories and the re-colonial reconstitution of the center’s coercive domination of the fringes. Our analysis proffers blagoustroistvo—a high-modernist, deterministic “infrastructural ideology” that has endured into and flourished in the twenty-first century—as a uniquely illustrative concept for understanding the shifting ideologies of Soviet and post-Soviet infrastructural modernity and its winding but stubborn colonial logics. Moreover, our explication of blagoustroistvo’s trans-epochal meanderings brings comparative nuance to current global debates around the alleged “return” of “social engineering” to urban governance and design in the guise of artificial intelligence, big data, smart cities, and “surveillance capitalism.”
Blagoustroistvo是一个古老的俄语词,今天主要用来指城市公共工程。本文是一位人类学家和一位历史学家的合作,主要关注美学、修辞学和两个时期莫斯科blagoustroistvo的具体实践:十月革命后的第一个十年(约1917-1930年)和谢尔盖·索比亚宁(Sergey Sobyanin)担任莫斯科市长的十年(2010 -)。我们的并置揭示了惊人的连续性和对比。我们发现,在20世纪20年代和2010年代,blagoustroistvo的特点是在城市中具有强烈的符号存在;强调确定性的社会心理“工程”;在意识形态上被马克思列宁主义的“白话化”形式所框定;并在重新配置社会的空间等级、政治几何和阶级意识方面发挥了强大的作用。在前一个时期,社会转型指的是阶级等级的颠倒和中心与边缘之间部分虚幻的权力重新配置。然而,在2010年代,blagoustroistvo成为了一个寻求回归阶级类别和重新殖民重建中心对边缘的强制性统治的项目。我们的分析提供了blagoustroistvo——一种高度现代主义的、决定论的“基础设施意识形态”,它一直延续到21世纪,并在21世纪蓬勃发展——作为一个独特的说明性概念,用于理解苏联和后苏联基础设施现代性意识形态的转变及其曲折而顽固的殖民逻辑。此外,我们对blagoustroistvo的跨时代迂回的解释,为当前围绕“社会工程”在人工智能、大数据、智能城市和“监视资本主义”的幌子下所谓的“回归”城市治理和设计的全球辩论带来了相对细微的差别。
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引用次数: 1
Tensions of Modernity: Privilege, Precarity, and Colonial Nostalgia among European Security Contractors in East Africa 现代性的紧张:特权,不稳定,和殖民怀旧的欧洲安全承包商在东非
IF 0.7 2区 历史学 Q2 ANTHROPOLOGY Pub Date : 2023-04-20 DOI: 10.1017/S0010417523000038
Jethro Norman
Abstract Private security work can be a brutal world of short-term contracts, exploitation, and under-regulation, where the imperative of profit is expected to trump collective notions of military brotherhood. Why then do so many demobilized soldiers turn to it as a vocation? While a rich body of work has revealed the vulnerabilities of demobilized military life, ethnographic investigations into how contractors experience and make sense of precarity are less common. Drawing on fieldwork with military veterans of European descent working and living in East Africa, this article argues that a central, yet underexplored, feature of contemporary security work is colonial nostalgia. Some contractors read the travelogues of colonial adventurers, while others trace their family genealogy to ancestral colonial frontier soldiers. A few even write their own memoirs in similar fashion. Writing, reading, and living the colonial past through this contractor canon serves several present-day functions. First, the parallels between risk-taking colonial adventurers and the kind of rugged individualism associated with homo economicus masks the tensions and fissures that emerge from soldiers’ discharge from the military and subsequent remobilization as privatized contractors. Secondly, colonial nostalgia forms part of a larger political critique of Western military interventions, of which many of these contractors experienced first-hand. Here, private security work is imagined as replicating an older, more effective tradition of frontier soldiering that is rooted in a logic of settler-colonialism. Finally, fantasies of a colonial past feed into contractors’ attempts to market themselves to clients and to organize their everyday work.
私人保安工作可能是一个残酷的世界,充斥着短期合同、剥削和监管不足,在这里,利润的必要性被期望胜过集体的军事兄弟情谊。那么,为什么这么多复员军人把它作为一种职业呢?虽然大量的工作揭示了复员军人生活的脆弱性,但对承包商如何经历和理解不稳定的民族志调查却不太常见。通过对在东非工作和生活的欧洲裔退伍军人的实地调查,本文认为,当代安全工作的一个核心特征是殖民怀旧,但这一特征尚未得到充分发掘。一些承包商阅读殖民冒险家的游记,而另一些承包商则把他们的家谱追溯到殖民边境士兵的祖先。一些人甚至以类似的方式写自己的回忆录。写作,阅读和生活的殖民历史通过这个承包商佳能服务于几个当今的功能。首先,冒险的殖民冒险家和与经济人相关的那种粗犷的个人主义之间的相似之处掩盖了士兵从军队退伍和随后作为私有化承包商重新部署所产生的紧张和裂痕。其次,对殖民地的怀旧构成了对西方军事干预的更大政治批评的一部分,其中许多承包商都亲身经历过。在这里,私人安保工作被认为是在复制一种更古老、更有效的边境士兵传统,这种传统植根于定居者殖民主义的逻辑。最后,对殖民地历史的幻想助长了承包商向客户推销自己和组织日常工作的企图。
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引用次数: 1
Antislavery, “Native Labour,” and the Turn to Indenture in British Colonial Natal, 1842–1860 1842-1860年英国殖民地纳塔尔的反奴隶制、“本土劳工”和契约化
IF 0.7 2区 历史学 Q2 ANTHROPOLOGY Pub Date : 2023-04-19 DOI: 10.1017/S0010417523000014
J. Connolly
Abstract This article presents an expansive history of a seemingly discrete event: the decision to extend an indentured labor system created in the Caribbean and Indian Ocean to the British colony of Natal, in South Africa, in 1860. Most work on indenture in Natal takes 1860 as a starting point and treats the migration of Indian workers under indenture in relative isolation. By contrast, this article focuses on the period preceding the first Indian arrivals and examines the colony’s turn to indenture alongside three seemingly separate migrations. In so doing, the article shows how antislavery politics, an early system of indirect rule, conflict between settlers and imperial administrators, and important shifts in race-thinking all contributed to the extension of indenture to Natal. In the process, the article illuminates the entangled, decentered nature of imperial rule by integrating lines of analysis normally kept separate, as a disciplinary matter, as “African colonial” and as “imperial” history.
摘要本文介绍了一个看似离散的事件的广阔历史:1860年,决定将在加勒比海和印度洋建立的契约劳工制度扩展到南非的英国殖民地纳塔尔。纳塔尔的大多数契约工作都以1860年为起点,相对孤立地对待契约下印度工人的移民。相比之下,这篇文章关注的是第一批印度人到来之前的时期,并考察了殖民地在三次看似独立的移民中向契约的转变。在这样做的过程中,文章展示了反奴隶制政治、早期的间接统治制度、定居者和帝国行政人员之间的冲突以及种族思想的重要转变是如何促成契约延伸到纳塔尔的。在这个过程中,文章通过整合通常分开的分析线,作为一个学科问题,作为“非洲殖民地”和“帝国”历史,阐明了帝国统治的纠缠和分散性质。
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引用次数: 0
Class Trips beyond Borders: Reimagining the Nation through State-Sponsored Heritage Tourism 跨境课堂旅行:通过国家赞助的遗产旅游重塑国家形象
IF 0.7 2区 历史学 Q2 ANTHROPOLOGY Pub Date : 2023-04-19 DOI: 10.1017/S0010417523000087
Virág Molnár
Abstract The article explores how cross-border heritage tourism is promoted in public schools to reimagine Hungary as an ethnically homogeneous nation by incorporating ethnic kin communities that live in neighboring countries. Cross-border heritage tourism has long served to establish strong ties to ethnic diaspora communities that live beyond the territorial borders of the nation-state. National borders in Central and Eastern Europe were repeatedly redrawn across ethnic groups over the twentieth century. Heritage tourism remains a key cultural and economic practice that symbolically questions current national borders and aims to increase the viability of ethnic enclave economies in countries where the given ethnic group is a minority. The article focuses on a large-scale student travel program that was launched by the Hungarian government in 2010, the year that marked the start of a brisk populist turn in Hungarian politics. The program provides funding to public school students for organized class trips to areas of neighboring countries (Romania, Slovakia, Serbia, Croatia, and Ukraine) that belonged to the Hungarian state before World War I. It shows how the Hungarian government mobilizes the public education system to foster a narrow and exclusionary ethnic understanding of cultural membership by selectively overemphasizing Hungarian heritage in regions that have had multi-ethnic, multi-religious, and multicultural histories for centuries. This project extends research on identity-based heritage tourism to show how it has become an integral part of the propaganda toolkit of populist governments.
摘要本文探讨了如何在公立学校推广跨境遗产旅游,通过融入居住在邻国的少数民族亲属社区,将匈牙利重新想象为一个种族单一的国家。长期以来,跨境遗产旅游一直致力于与居住在民族国家领土边界之外的散居民族社区建立牢固的联系。在20世纪,中欧和东欧的国家边界在各民族之间反复重新划定。遗产旅游仍然是一种关键的文化和经济实践,象征性地质疑当前的国家边界,旨在提高特定民族为少数民族的国家的民族飞地经济的可行性。这篇文章聚焦于匈牙利政府于2010年启动的一项大规模学生旅行计划,这一年标志着匈牙利政治开始了民粹主义的蓬勃发展。该项目为公立学校的学生提供资金,让他们有组织地前往第一次世界大战前属于匈牙利的邻国(罗马尼亚、斯洛伐克、塞尔维亚、克罗地亚和乌克兰)进行课堂旅行。它展示了匈牙利政府如何动员公共教育系统,通过选择性地过度强调几个世纪以来拥有多民族、多宗教和多文化历史的地区的匈牙利遗产,来培养对文化成员的狭隘和排斥性种族理解。该项目扩展了对基于身份的遗产旅游的研究,以展示它如何成为民粹主义政府宣传工具包的一个组成部分。
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引用次数: 1
期刊
Comparative Studies in Society and History
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