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From a common empire to colonial rule: Commodity market disintegration in the Near East 从共同帝国到殖民统治:近东商品市场的解体
IF 2.2 1区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-08-25 DOI: 10.1111/ehr.13281
Laura Panza

This paper investigates the impact of the disruption of the Ottoman Empire on the integration of regional and colonial commodity markets in the Near East. Exploiting a novel dataset on commodity prices in Syria, Egypt, Turkey, France, and the United Kingdom covering the 1787–1939 period, it assesses the extent of price dispersion across markets before and after the end of the Ottoman Empire and investigates the causes behind the change in market integration. The results indicate that, while regional markets disintegrated during 1923–39, reflecting the anti-global environment of the interwar era, colonial market linkages strengthened. The empirical findings also highlight that border effects, rather the rise of protection per se, were the main drivers behind the increase of regional price dispersion.

本文研究了奥斯曼帝国的瓦解对近东地区和殖民地商品市场一体化的影响。本文利用叙利亚、埃及、土耳其、法国和英国 1787-1939 年期间商品价格的新数据集,评估了奥斯曼帝国灭亡前后各市场的价格离散程度,并研究了市场一体化变化背后的原因。结果表明,1923-1939 年间,区域市场解体,反映了战时的反全球化环境,但殖民地市场的联系却得到了加强。实证研究结果还突出表明,边境效应,而非保护本身的兴起,是地区价格离散加剧的主要驱动力。
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引用次数: 0
International entrepreneurship without investor protection: Evidence from initial public offerings in Belgium before the First World War 没有投资者保护的国际创业:第一次世界大战前比利时首次公开募股的证据
IF 2.2 1区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-08-18 DOI: 10.1111/ehr.13278
Marc Deloof, Ine Paeleman

We investigate the financing and performance of international entrepreneurship in an environment that was characterized by severe information problems and very weak investor protection. Despite these problems, new ventures could raise large amounts of equity and debt on the Belgian capital market between 1890 and 1914. Many of these firms were international new ventures (INVs) with their main operations abroad, often far away from Belgium. We find that INVs raised much more capital but were less likely to pay a dividend than domestic new ventures (DNVs). They were less likely to issue a bond and had a higher cost of debt when operating further away from Belgium. Performance after listing was generally bad for new ventures throughout the period, but it was much worse for INVs than for DNVs. Our findings confirm contemporary arguments that unprotected, financially illiterate investors were expropriated by INV founders.

我们在一个以严重的信息问题和非常弱的投资者保护为特征的环境中调查国际创业的融资和表现。尽管存在这些问题,1890年至1914年间,新的企业仍能在比利时资本市场上筹集到大量的股权和债务。这些公司中有许多是国际新企业(INVs),其主要业务在国外,通常远离比利时。我们发现,与国内新合资企业(dnv)相比,INVs筹集了更多的资本,但不太可能支付股息。在远离比利时的地方运营时,它们发行债券的可能性更小,而且债务成本更高。新合资企业上市后的表现在整个时期普遍较差,但invv的表现要比dnv差得多。我们的研究结果证实了当代的观点,即不受保护的、金融文盲的投资者被INV创始人剥夺了。
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引用次数: 0
Numeracy selectivity of Spanish migrants in colonial America (sixteenth–eighteenth centuries) 殖民地美国西班牙移民的算术选择性(十六至十八世纪)
IF 2.2 1区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-08-03 DOI: 10.1111/ehr.13279
María del Carmen Pérez-Artés

Since the arrival of Christopher Columbus in the so-called New World in 1492, hundreds of thousands of Spaniards settled in Central and South America. This paper assesses the skill selectivity of Spanish migrants who went to Hispanic America during the sixteenth to eighteenth centuries for the first time. The age-heaping method is employed to estimate numeracy levels as a proxy for human capital. With a database of 33 929 individual observations, the findings show that Spaniards who left the country to settle in the Spanish territories were positively self-selected. Additionally, differences are observed in the human capital of those who chose to settle in Mexico, who had a higher level of numeracy, than those who chose Peru. These differences might be due to the viceroyalty structure and educational institutions that encouraged the emigration of people with greater human capital to Mexico. Finally, when the level of numeracy of Spaniards in Hispanic America is compared with the numeracy of the total population, emigrants still had higher levels of human capital.

自从1492年克里斯托弗·哥伦布到达所谓的新世界以来,成千上万的西班牙人在中美洲和南美洲定居下来。本文评估了16至18世纪首次前往西班牙裔美洲的西班牙移民的技能选择性。年龄堆积法是用来估计计算水平作为人力资本的代理。通过一个包含33929个个人观察的数据库,研究结果表明,离开西班牙到西班牙领土定居的西班牙人是积极的自我选择。此外,在人力资本方面,选择在墨西哥定居的人比选择在秘鲁定居的人具有更高的计算能力。这些差异可能是由于总督辖区的结构和教育机构鼓励拥有更多人力资本的人移民到墨西哥。最后,当将西班牙裔美国人的计算能力水平与总人口的计算能力进行比较时,移民的人力资本水平仍然较高。
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引用次数: 0
Hot money inflows and bank risk-taking: Germany from the 1920s to the Great Depression 热钱流入与银行风险承担:从20世纪20年代到大萧条的德国
IF 2.2 1区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-07-26 DOI: 10.1111/ehr.13277
Natacha Postel-Vinay, Stéphanie Collet

This paper explores the origins of German banks’ risk-taking in the years preceding the 1931 crisis. The 1920s were marked by a large and prolonged increase in capital flows into Germany, chiefly from the United States and the United Kingdom. This coincided, at the individual bank level, with a rise in leverage and a fall in liquidity. We examine possible connections between the two phenomena. Our analysis is based on a combination of historiographical work and statistical modelling based on a newly hand-collected bimonthly dataset on German reporting banks from 1925 to 1935. Bank by bank we examine the effects of foreign inflows on decisions related to leverage, lending, and liquidity. The Dawes Plan of 1924 and the relative absence of a too-big-to-fail (TBTF) environment allow us to mitigate endogeneity concerns. We suggest that while capital inflows did not seem to impact banks’ liquidity decisions, their impact on leverage was non-negligeable.

本文探讨了德国银行在 1931 年危机前几年承担风险的起源。20 世纪 20 年代,主要来自美国和英国的流入德国的资本大量且长期增加。与此同时,个别银行的杠杆率上升,流动性下降。我们研究了这两种现象之间可能存在的联系。我们的分析基于史学研究和统计建模的结合,以 1925 年至 1935 年德国报告银行的最新手工收集的双月数据集为基础。我们逐个银行研究了外资流入对杠杆率、贷款和流动性相关决策的影响。1924 年的 "道斯计划 "和相对缺乏的 "大而不倒"(TBTF)环境使我们得以减轻对内生性的担忧。我们认为,虽然资本流入似乎不会影响银行的流动性决策,但其对杠杆率的影响是不可忽视的。
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引用次数: 0
Female relatives and domestic service in nineteenth-century England and Wales: Female kin servants revisited 19世纪英格兰和威尔士的女性亲属与家庭服务:再访女性亲属仆人
IF 2.2 1区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-07-22 DOI: 10.1111/ehr.13276
Xuesheng You

This article uses the full sample of the 1851 census enumerators’ books (CEBs) to revisit and reanalyse the well-known phenomenon of female kin servants in the British census. We find that the recording of female kin servants points to three distinct possibilities – day servants, domestic work at relatives’ homes, and work at relatives’ homes as part of the family business unit. Accordingly, we argue that female kin servants offer a rare opportunity to look into the interaction between gendered work, household economy, and market economy, and they should be considered as much in the labour force as classic servants. We further offer tentative methods to revise the number of female domestic servants. Our revision suggests that domestic service probably employed more women than manufacturing activities of all sorts put together. It highlights the limited impacts of industrialization on most women's work experiences as well as traditional sector's importance for women's employment, even as late as the mid-nineteenth century.

本文使用 1851 年人口普查调查员手册(CEBs)的全部样本,重新审视和分析英国人口普查中众所周知的女性亲属仆人现象。我们发现,女性亲属仆人的记录显示了三种不同的可能性--日间仆人、在亲戚家做家务以及作为家庭企业单位的一部分在亲戚家工作。因此,我们认为女性亲属仆人为研究性别工作、家庭经济和市场经济之间的互动提供了一个难得的机会,她们应与传统仆人一样被视为劳动力。我们进一步提出了修正女性家庭佣人数量的初步方法。我们的修订表明,家政服务业雇用的女性人数可能比各种制造业活动雇用的女性人数总和还要多。这凸显了工业化对大多数妇女工作经历的有限影响,以及传统行业对妇女就业的重要性,即使在 19 世纪中叶也是如此。
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引用次数: 0
Stocks and flows: Material culture and consumption behaviour in early modern Venice (c. 1650–1800) 存量与流量:近代早期威尼斯的物质文化与消费行为(约1650-1800)
IF 2.2 1区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-07-19 DOI: 10.1111/ehr.13275
Mattia Viale

This paper examines the evolution of consumption practices in Venice in the long eighteenth century through the combined use of post-mortem inventories and household budgets. Although Italy experienced a period of relative decline between the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, our findings suggest that Venetian households enjoyed a rich and vibrant material culture that was fully comparable with those of the most advanced European urban economies. However, although new products, practices, and fashions were adopted by Venetian society, the architecture of consumption did not undergo sudden and extreme changes; rather, consumption was gradually refined, following the path that it had begun during the Renaissance. We therefore argue that the Venetian economy did not experience a consumer revolution but, instead, consumer evolution. Moreover, this study shows that sophisticated consumption practices were not exclusive to the more dynamic economies of the continent but were widespread even in those regions that were victims of the Little Divergence. We thus suggest that the relationship between consumption development and economic development was not necessarily causal and that the diffusion of new consumption practices throughout society was a necessary, but insufficient, prerequisite for economic take-off.

本文通过对死后财产清单和家庭预算的综合利用,研究了十八世纪长期以来威尼斯消费习俗的演变。虽然意大利在 17 世纪到 18 世纪之间经历了一段相对衰落的时期,但我们的研究结果表明,威尼斯的家庭享有丰富而充满活力的物质文化,完全可以与欧洲最发达的城市经济体相媲美。然而,尽管威尼斯社会采用了新产品、新做法和新时尚,但消费结构并没有发生突然和极端的变化;相反,消费是沿着文艺复兴时期开始的道路逐步完善的。因此,我们认为,威尼斯经济并没有经历消费革命,而是经历了消费演变。此外,这项研究还表明,成熟的消费方式并不是非洲大陆更具活力的经济体所独有的,甚至在那些 "小分化 "的受害地区也很普遍。因此,我们认为,消费发展与经济发展之间的关系并不一定是因果关系,新的消费习俗在全社会的传播是经济腾飞的必要前提,但并不充分。
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引用次数: 0
Height and the disease environment of children: The association between mortality and height in the Netherlands 1850–1940 身高与儿童疾病环境:荷兰1850-1940年死亡率与身高的关系
IF 2.2 1区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-07-12 DOI: 10.1111/ehr.13274
Björn Quanjer

Height and infant mortality are both considered health indicators of a population, yet they tend to be much more strongly correlated in high-income, low-mortality populations. This article shows that infant deaths are not representative of the health of survivors as it relates to height because breastfeeding practices shield them from part of the disease environment. Instead, child mortality rates, especially from food and waterborne diseases, capture the disease load that is associated with lower heights better. The period of this study is 1850–1940, with a focus on 1875–1900, as the Netherlands underwent major health and wealth transitions. Individual conscription heights from the Historical Sample of the Netherlands as well as municipal conscription statistics are used. The article takes a diachronic approach to examine how various health indicators have developed over time. The start of the upward trend in heights and the improvement of child mortality rates coincided in four Dutch regions, whereas infant mortality rates followed a different trajectory. Bivariate maps are used to identify municipalities in which infant and child mortality did not correlate. This study adds to both the understanding of heights as a health indicator and local breastfeeding practices in the nineteenth-century Netherlands.

身高和婴儿死亡率都被认为是人口的健康指标,但在高收入、低死亡率的人口中,这两者往往具有更强的相关性。这篇文章表明,婴儿死亡率并不能代表幸存者的健康状况,因为这与身高有关,因为母乳喂养方式使他们免受部分疾病环境的影响。相反,儿童死亡率,尤其是食物和水传播疾病的儿童死亡率,能更好地反映与身高较低有关的疾病负荷。本研究的时间段为 1850-1940,重点是 1875-1900,因为荷兰经历了重大的健康和财富转型。文章使用了荷兰历史样本中的个人征兵身高以及市政征兵统计数据。文章采用对时方法来研究各种健康指标是如何随着时间的推移而发展的。在荷兰的四个地区,身高上升趋势的开始与儿童死亡率的改善相吻合,而婴儿死亡率则遵循不同的轨迹。双变量地图用于识别婴儿和儿童死亡率不相关的城市。这项研究加深了人们对身高这一健康指标以及十九世纪荷兰当地母乳喂养做法的理解。
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引用次数: 0
Can colonial institutions explain differences in labour returns? Evidence from rural colonial India 殖民制度能解释劳动力回报的差异吗?来自印度殖民地农村的证据
IF 2.2 1区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-07-10 DOI: 10.1111/ehr.13273
Jordi Caum-Julio

This paper studies the relationship between land revenue systems and returns to agricultural labour in colonial India. I provide the first district-level comparative estimates of agricultural labour returns relative to average income, on the basis of wage/income ratios for 1916. I then use those estimates to analyse the impact of the land revenue systems established by the British colonial authorities. Results show that districts with a larger proportion of non-landlord land revenue systems presented higher relative wages, closer to the average income. This effect was mainly driven by differences in land concentration connected to the type of landownership introduced by land revenue systems.

本文研究了印度殖民地时期土地收入制度与农业劳动力回报之间的关系。根据 1916 年的工资/收入比率,我首次提供了地区一级的农业劳动力回报相对于平均收入的比较估算。然后,我利用这些估计值分析了英国殖民当局建立的土地收入制度的影响。结果显示,非地主土地收入制度比例较大的地区,相对工资较高,更接近平均收入。这种影响主要是由于土地收入制度引入的土地所有权类型导致的土地集中度差异造成的。
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引用次数: 0
‘No commercial activity leaves greater benefit’: The profitability of the Cuban-based slave trade during the first half of the nineteenth century “没有商业活动能带来更大的利益”:19世纪上半叶古巴奴隶贸易的盈利能力
IF 2.2 1区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-07-08 DOI: 10.1111/ehr.13272
Jose Miguel Sanjuan-Marroquin, Martin Rodrigo-Alharilla

In this paper, we discuss the basis of the illegal slave trade between Africa and Cuba, measuring its volume and profit during the first half of the nineteenth century. Due to its illegal nature, the sources for exploring this trade were systematically destroyed, but we have been able to locate the accountancy of 17 expeditions that gives us a comprehensive understanding of the profits, margins, and risks. The basis to understanding this business was the murderous use of enslaved persons in the sugar mills, which forced a continuous repositioning through an illegal, although tolerated by the Spanish authorities, business. We demonstrate that from an economic point of view, the slave trade after illegalization was highly profitable, as the financial return of successful expeditions was near 100 per cent of the invested capital in less than a year. The risk of capture by the British authorities, associated with its illegal nature, was only high during the initial moments, and became steadily lower afterwards. In terms of volume, the trade of a half million enslaved persons illegally smuggled into Cuba produced what was probably the island's most important market.

在本文中,我们讨论了非洲与古巴之间非法奴隶贸易的基础,衡量了其在十九世纪上半叶的数量和利润。由于其非法性,探索这一贸易的资料来源被系统性地销毁,但我们还是找到了 17 次探险的账目,使我们对其利润、利润率和风险有了全面的了解。了解这一行业的基础是榨糖厂对被奴役者的凶残使用,这迫使我们通过非法(尽管被西班牙当局容忍)的商业活动不断重新定位。我们证明,从经济角度看,非法化后的奴隶贸易利润很高,因为成功的远征在不到一年的时间里就能获得接近投入资本 100%的经济回报。由于其非法性,被英国当局抓获的风险仅在最初阶段较高,之后逐渐降低。就数量而言,非法偷运到古巴的 50 万被奴役者的贸易可能是古巴最重要的市场。
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引用次数: 0
Between voluntarism and compulsion: Membership in mutual health insurance societies in Swedish manufacturing, c. 1900 在自愿和强迫之间:瑞典制造业相互健康保险协会的会员资格,约1900年
IF 2.2 1区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-07-03 DOI: 10.1111/ehr.13271
Maria Stanfors, Tobias Karlsson, Lars-Fredrik Andersson, Liselotte Eriksson

Membership in mutual health insurance societies spread among industrial workers in the late nineteenth century. We study determinants of such membership among male workers in Swedish manufacturing by using matched employer–employee data from three industries covering all workers (i.e. members and non-members, N > 12 000) and firms around 1900. We find remarkably high rates of membership overall, and especially among married workers. The association between marital status and health insurance suggests that selection into health insurance societies was ‘propitious’ rather than ‘adverse’. Many workers became members well before the age of 40 years, when their health began to deteriorate, and this coincided with the average age of first marriage for men, occurring in their late twenties. Being married and having membership was more marked in firms with voluntary membership and was important for the viability of the mix of voluntary and compulsory health insurance societies emerging in Nordic countries around 1900. Findings support the idea that health insurance can attract high levels of membership under voluntary schemes and suggest why it took so long before statutory health insurance covering sickness absence and workplace accidents was introduced in Sweden.

十九世纪末,加入互助医疗保险协会的现象在产业工人中蔓延开来。我们利用 1900 年前后三个行业所有工人(即会员和非会员,N > 12 000)和企业的雇主-雇员匹配数据,研究了瑞典制造业男性工人加入互助健康保险协会的决定因素。我们发现,总体而言,特别是已婚工人的会员率非常高。婚姻状况与医疗保险之间的关联表明,选择加入医疗保险协会是 "有利 "而非 "不利 "的。许多工人早在 40 岁之前就成为了会员,那时他们的健康状况开始恶化,而这与男性的平均初婚年龄(20 多岁)相吻合。在自愿加入的公司中,已婚和拥有会员资格的情况更为明显,这对于 1900 年前后北欧国家出现的自愿和强制医疗保险协会的可行性非常重要。研究结果支持这样一种观点,即医疗保险可以在自愿计划下吸引大量会员,并说明了为什么瑞典过了很长时间才引入涵盖因病缺勤和工伤事故的法定医疗保险。
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引用次数: 0
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Economic History Review
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