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Critical Nationalists: A Discourse Analysis of Quotidian Nationalist Expression Among Chinese Elite Urbanites 批判的民族主义者:中国城市精英中的民族主义话语分析
IF 2.6 2区 社会学 Q1 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-02-12 DOI: 10.1080/10670564.2023.2174800
Binglian Guo
ABSTRACT This study systematically examines, deconstructs, and maps the quotidian nationalist discourse among Chinese netizens and analyzes their ‘liking’ behavior on the social media platform, Zhihu, in order to investigate what and how they talk about nationalism. The analysis of the quotidian expression of nationalism marks a shift from the previous practice of relying on high-profile nationalist movements as evidence which may create an incomplete or inaccurate impression that much of Chinese nationalism is virulent and over-zealous. This study finds that Zhihu users are critical nationalists who are competitive but judicious. The existence of levelheaded nationalists in China’s online space suggests the limits of strident nationalist contagion and nationalist mobilization.
本研究系统地考察、解构和绘制了中国网民的日常民族主义话语,并分析了他们在社交媒体平台知乎上的“点赞”行为,以探究他们谈论民族主义的内容和方式。对民族主义日常表达的分析标志着一种转变,从以往依赖高调的民族主义运动作为证据的做法,可能会造成一种不完整或不准确的印象,即中国的民族主义在很大程度上是恶毒和过度热情的。本研究发现,知乎用户是具有批判性的民族主义者,他们竞争激烈,但也很明智。在中国的网络空间里,头脑冷静的民族主义者的存在表明了尖锐的民族主义传染和民族主义动员的局限性。
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引用次数: 1
Innovation Network Formation and the Catalyzing State: A Study of Two Innovative Industry Clusters in China 创新网络的形成与催化状态——基于中国两个创新产业集群的研究
IF 2.6 2区 社会学 Q1 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-01-29 DOI: 10.1080/10670564.2023.2172554
Shuanping Dai, Markus Taube, Jie Liu, Gang Liu
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引用次数: 1
Rising Income and Wealth Inequality in China: Empirical Assessments and Theoretical Reflections 中国日益加剧的收入与财富不平等:实证评估与理论反思
IF 2.6 2区 社会学 Q1 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-01-26 DOI: 10.1080/10670564.2023.2172553
Zhao Simon Xiao Bin, Wong David Wai Ho, Shao Chen Han, Liu Kai Ming
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引用次数: 0
Invented Borders: The Tension Between Grassroots Patriotism and State-led Patriotic Campaigns in China 发明的边界:中国基层爱国主义与国家领导的爱国运动之间的紧张关系
IF 2.6 2区 社会学 Q1 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-01-23 DOI: 10.1080/10670564.2023.2167054
Chi Zhang, Yiben Ma
ABSTRACT Patriotic campaigns and mass mobilization draw on existing xenophobic attitudes of the public, reinforcing the ‘us vs. them’ dualism between China and ‘the West’. However, patriotic campaigns are not always top-down, state-led, nor are they always primarily driven by political ideology. Patriotic content appeals to a growing nationalist audience who consumes a mixed feeling of perceived victimization at the hand of foreign aggression and the pride arising from being a Chinese citizen. This paper argues that the profitability of patriotic content circulating on social media exacerbated the tension between market-driven grassroots patriotism and state-led patriotic campaigns. The tension grows out of, and is manifested in, the online popular debate around economically driven, grassroots ‘patriotic’ content that can challenge the state state-led patriotic rhetoric. While the state sometimes strategically co-opts some patriotic contents into its own patriotic narratives, it also delegitimises other undesired ones through labels such as ‘high-level black’ (gaoji hei) or ‘low-level red’ (diji hong). These labels were initially used to differentiate meticulously crafted political satire and parody from incompetent, illogical and vulgar propaganda pieces that unintendedly blemish the state’s patriotic campaigns, but later evolved into an exercise of power to distance the CCP from undesired patriotic content.
爱国运动和群众动员利用了公众现有的仇外态度,强化了中国和西方之间“我们vs.他们”的二元论。然而,爱国运动并不总是自上而下的、国家主导的,也不总是主要受政治意识形态的驱动。爱国主义内容吸引了越来越多的民族主义观众,这些人既有被外国侵略戕害的感觉,又有作为中国公民的自豪感。本文认为,在社交媒体上传播的爱国主义内容的盈利能力加剧了市场驱动的基层爱国主义与国家主导的爱国主义运动之间的紧张关系。这种紧张关系产生并表现在围绕经济驱动、草根“爱国”内容的网上流行辩论中,这些内容可以挑战国家主导的爱国言论。虽然国家有时会战略性地将一些爱国主义内容纳入自己的爱国主义叙事中,但它也会通过“高黑”或“低红”等标签使其他不受欢迎的爱国主义内容失去合法性。这些标签最初是用来区分精心制作的政治讽刺和恶搞与不合格、不合逻辑和庸俗的宣传作品,这些宣传作品无意中损害了国家的爱国运动,但后来演变成一种权力的行使,使中共与不受欢迎的爱国内容保持距离。
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引用次数: 0
Does China’s Case Falsify Modernization Theory? Interim Assessment 中国的案例证伪了现代化理论吗?中期评估
IF 2.6 2区 社会学 Q1 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-01-04 DOI: 10.1080/10670564.2022.2163586
Sungmin Cho
ABSTRACT This study revisits the question of whether China's economic development has brought democratic changes within the country or not. While the modernization theory suggests that economic development should lead to democratization, scholars claim that China has not made democratic progress despite its economic growth. By comparing these two competing perspectives and examining the evidence behind each assessment, I argue that there has been a certain degree of democratic progress in China, in terms of increasing social aspirations for a more open and free society among the Chinese people. I explain why and how scholars reach different conclusions about democratic progress in China, and emphasize the importance of understanding discrepancies between (1) the lack of change in the state’s system, (2) oscillation between liberal and illiberal policies, and (3) progressive changes in society. This article draws on previous studies and data from the World Value System, Varieties of Democracy, and Asian Barometer projects. It also discusses how Chinese people's local understanding of democracy affects the assessment of modernization theory's applicability in explaining China's case.
摘要本研究重新审视了中国经济发展是否带来了国内民主变革的问题。虽然现代化理论主张经济发展应该导致民主化,但学者们认为,中国在经济增长的同时并没有取得民主进步。通过比较这两种相互竞争的观点,并研究每种评估背后的证据,我认为中国在一定程度上取得了民主进步,就中国人民对更加开放和自由的社会的日益增长的社会愿望而言。我解释了学者们为什么以及如何对中国的民主进步得出不同的结论,并强调了理解以下三者之间差异的重要性:(1)国家制度缺乏变化,(2)自由和非自由政策之间的摇摆,以及(3)社会的进步变化。本文借鉴了世界价值体系、民主多样性和亚洲晴雨表项目先前的研究和数据。本文还讨论了中国人对民主的地方性理解如何影响现代化理论在解释中国案例时的适用性评估。
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引用次数: 1
Correction Notice 调整通知
IF 2.6 2区 社会学 Q1 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/10670564.2021.1913816
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引用次数: 0
The Impact of China’s Dams on the Mekong River Basin: Governance, Sustainable Development, and the Energy-Water Nexus 中国大坝对湄公河流域的影响:治理、可持续发展和能源-水关系
IF 2.6 2区 社会学 Q1 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/10670564.2022.2052445
Suzanne Ogden
ABSTRACT China has made Yunnan Province its ‘Southern Gateway’ and the hub of its transportation corridors and energy-water nexus in Southeast Asia by incorporating the Greater Mekong Subregion into its ‘Belt and Road Initiative.’ China’s Lancang River (Upper Mekong) hydropower development generates costs and benefits for downstream countries. China dominates the Greater Mekong Subregion through institutional development, technological expertise, and financial investment; yet, despite asymmetrical power relationships, China’s Mekong neighbors guard their sovereignty and maintain substantial bargaining power. China is most successful when it embraces the ‘preferences’ it shares with them. An ongoing debate likewise undermines Beijing’s dominance among China’s stakeholders, who contest the developmental model versus the environmental sustainability model, as well as the meaning of ‘environmental protection.’
中国将大湄公河次区域纳入“一带一路”倡议,使云南省成为其“南方门户”,成为其在东南亚交通走廊和能源-水联系的枢纽。中国澜沧江(湄公河上游)的水电开发为下游国家带来了成本和收益。中国通过制度建设、技术专长和金融投资在大湄公河次区域占据主导地位;然而,尽管存在不对称的权力关系,中国的湄公河邻国仍然捍卫着自己的主权,并保持着相当大的议价能力。当中国拥抱与他们共享的“偏好”时,中国是最成功的。一场正在进行的辩论同样削弱了北京在中国利益相关者中的主导地位,这些利益相关者对发展模式与环境可持续性模式以及“环境保护”的意义进行了争论。
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引用次数: 3
Political Events and Cultural Othering: Impact of Protests and Elections on Identities in Post-Handover Hong Kong, 1997–2021 政治事件与文化另类:抗议和选举对香港后身份认同的影响,1997-2021
IF 2.6 2区 社会学 Q1 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-12-21 DOI: 10.1080/10670564.2022.2159756
F. L. F. Lee, C. Chan
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引用次数: 0
In the Pursuit of the Constructed Truth: Courtroom Questioning as a Persuasive Genre of Talk 在追求建构的真理中:法庭提问作为一种说服性的谈话方式
IF 2.6 2区 社会学 Q1 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-12-07 DOI: 10.1080/10670564.2022.2153017
Kege Li
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引用次数: 0
China’s Artificial Intelligence Ethics: Policy Development in an Emergent Community of Practice 中国人工智能伦理:新兴实践共同体中的政策发展
IF 2.6 2区 社会学 Q1 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-12-01 DOI: 10.1080/10670564.2022.2153016
Guangyu Qiao-Franco, Rong-hui Zhu
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引用次数: 4
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Journal of Contemporary China
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