Pub Date : 2022-08-05DOI: 10.1080/10670564.2022.2108680
Di Wang
ABSTRACT During the 2020 Two Sessions of Chinese Government, national representatives debated ‘single women’s’ reproductive rights (SWRR), a cause spearheaded by a coalition of queer feminist activists and lawyers in China. In light of state retaliation against feminist and LGBTQ movements since 2015, why have feminist activists, LGBTQ activists, and legal activists been able to coalesce around SWRR? My analysis shows a differential coalescing process, in which Chinese queer feminist activists have driven the coalition to constantly re-center queer women’s lived reality. I argue that these activists’ movements between and around different dominant strategies for challenging China’s state-family project and their commitment to rallying others who may differ in their approach have made SWRR a site around which to coalesce in post-2015 Chinese civil society.
{"title":"Differential Coalescing: Re-Building the Coalition for ‘Single Women’s’ Reproductive Rights in China","authors":"Di Wang","doi":"10.1080/10670564.2022.2108680","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/10670564.2022.2108680","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT During the 2020 Two Sessions of Chinese Government, national representatives debated ‘single women’s’ reproductive rights (SWRR), a cause spearheaded by a coalition of queer feminist activists and lawyers in China. In light of state retaliation against feminist and LGBTQ movements since 2015, why have feminist activists, LGBTQ activists, and legal activists been able to coalesce around SWRR? My analysis shows a differential coalescing process, in which Chinese queer feminist activists have driven the coalition to constantly re-center queer women’s lived reality. I argue that these activists’ movements between and around different dominant strategies for challenging China’s state-family project and their commitment to rallying others who may differ in their approach have made SWRR a site around which to coalesce in post-2015 Chinese civil society.","PeriodicalId":47894,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Contemporary China","volume":"32 1","pages":"779 - 793"},"PeriodicalIF":2.6,"publicationDate":"2022-08-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47862193","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-08-02DOI: 10.1080/10670564.2022.2107390
Dongtao Qi, Suixin Zhang, Shengqiao Lin
ABSTRACT Based on a nine-city cell phone survey in 2019, this paper systematically examines which groups showed stronger support for armed unification with Taiwan and what factors and mechanisms might contribute to their support. The bivariate analysis shows the politically, economically, and socially privileged groups and those with stronger national pride and more understanding of Taiwan were more pro-armed unification, while residents of the two coastal cities, Xiamen and Guangzhou, were less supportive. Further analysis indicates education and unfavorable view of the Taiwanese government were the two most powerful factors contributing to the support. Possible contributing mechanisms might include both top-down mechanisms, such as political indoctrination and propaganda, and bottom-up ones, such as the respondents’ interest and identity considerations influenced by their city’s proximity to Taiwan.
{"title":"Urban Chinese Support for Armed Unification with Taiwan: Social Status, National Pride, and Understanding of Taiwan","authors":"Dongtao Qi, Suixin Zhang, Shengqiao Lin","doi":"10.1080/10670564.2022.2107390","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/10670564.2022.2107390","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Based on a nine-city cell phone survey in 2019, this paper systematically examines which groups showed stronger support for armed unification with Taiwan and what factors and mechanisms might contribute to their support. The bivariate analysis shows the politically, economically, and socially privileged groups and those with stronger national pride and more understanding of Taiwan were more pro-armed unification, while residents of the two coastal cities, Xiamen and Guangzhou, were less supportive. Further analysis indicates education and unfavorable view of the Taiwanese government were the two most powerful factors contributing to the support. Possible contributing mechanisms might include both top-down mechanisms, such as political indoctrination and propaganda, and bottom-up ones, such as the respondents’ interest and identity considerations influenced by their city’s proximity to Taiwan.","PeriodicalId":47894,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Contemporary China","volume":"32 1","pages":"727 - 744"},"PeriodicalIF":2.6,"publicationDate":"2022-08-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48590212","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-06-23DOI: 10.1080/10670564.2022.2090101
Hongying Wang, A. Cooper
ABSTRACT The expanding profile of Chinese international development aid has generated strong academic and policy interests. A growing literature has emerged on Chinese foreign aid’s motivations, modalities, and impact. However, a significant lacuna remains in the domestic politics relating to this phenomenon. This gap is especially glaring in public opinion concerning China’s growing foreign aid programs. By analyzing empirical data gathered from a variety of sources, including a well-established online forum, social media sites of two influential media organizations, and multi-year surveys of residents of Beijing, this paper presents a nuanced picture of what the Chinese public thinks of Chinese foreign aid and tests two popular explanations of public opposition to foreign aid—perceived budgetary trade-offs and more general dissatisfaction with government policies.
{"title":"Public Opinion on Chinese Foreign Aid Policy: Calculated Opposition or General Discontent?","authors":"Hongying Wang, A. Cooper","doi":"10.1080/10670564.2022.2090101","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/10670564.2022.2090101","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT The expanding profile of Chinese international development aid has generated strong academic and policy interests. A growing literature has emerged on Chinese foreign aid’s motivations, modalities, and impact. However, a significant lacuna remains in the domestic politics relating to this phenomenon. This gap is especially glaring in public opinion concerning China’s growing foreign aid programs. By analyzing empirical data gathered from a variety of sources, including a well-established online forum, social media sites of two influential media organizations, and multi-year surveys of residents of Beijing, this paper presents a nuanced picture of what the Chinese public thinks of Chinese foreign aid and tests two popular explanations of public opposition to foreign aid—perceived budgetary trade-offs and more general dissatisfaction with government policies.","PeriodicalId":47894,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Contemporary China","volume":"32 1","pages":"455 - 472"},"PeriodicalIF":2.6,"publicationDate":"2022-06-23","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48042004","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-06-21DOI: 10.1080/10670564.2022.2090111
S. Keng, Lingna Zhong, Baoqing Pang
ABSTRACT In China, too many leadership positions are assigned to the same broad administrative levels, creating difficulty in distinguishing their specific political rankings. Pinpointing their exact political significance, this study proposes an index using the common joint appointments of party and government positions in the Chinese Nomenklatura. After coming up with the index, to demonstrate applicability, this article uses it first to assess China’s provincial-level positions and then extend it down to prefecture-level and up to Central ministerial positions. The authors believe that this new index enables better observation and interpretation of China’s leadership transfers and, consequently, improves researchers’ understanding of the prospects of Chinese politicians and the dynamics of the Chinese polity.
{"title":"Pinpointing the Chinese Nomenklatura: An Index to Rank China’s Leadership Positions","authors":"S. Keng, Lingna Zhong, Baoqing Pang","doi":"10.1080/10670564.2022.2090111","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/10670564.2022.2090111","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT In China, too many leadership positions are assigned to the same broad administrative levels, creating difficulty in distinguishing their specific political rankings. Pinpointing their exact political significance, this study proposes an index using the common joint appointments of party and government positions in the Chinese Nomenklatura. After coming up with the index, to demonstrate applicability, this article uses it first to assess China’s provincial-level positions and then extend it down to prefecture-level and up to Central ministerial positions. The authors believe that this new index enables better observation and interpretation of China’s leadership transfers and, consequently, improves researchers’ understanding of the prospects of Chinese politicians and the dynamics of the Chinese polity.","PeriodicalId":47894,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Contemporary China","volume":"32 1","pages":"510 - 523"},"PeriodicalIF":2.6,"publicationDate":"2022-06-21","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42036170","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-06-21DOI: 10.1080/10670564.2022.2090068
Brandon K. Yoder, Kanti Bajpai
ABSTRACT Recent China-India relations have been marked by a puzzling mix of cooperation and rivalry across military, economic, institutional and normative dimensions. Yet despite a large empirical literature on this crucial relationship, existing scholarship has struggled to explain its countervailing trends. This is due in large part to a lack of rigorous theory, which is essential for explanation. This article illustrates the theoretical shortcomings of current scholarship on China-India relations, drawing on the methodological literature on causal inference. It then shows how the four articles that follow in the special issue serve as a much-needed corrective to this problem by developing and applying well-specified theories to explain variation in China-India cooperation and rivalry, and presents a synthesis of their causal claims.
{"title":"Introduction: Explaining Cooperation and Rivalry in China-India Relations","authors":"Brandon K. Yoder, Kanti Bajpai","doi":"10.1080/10670564.2022.2090068","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/10670564.2022.2090068","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Recent China-India relations have been marked by a puzzling mix of cooperation and rivalry across military, economic, institutional and normative dimensions. Yet despite a large empirical literature on this crucial relationship, existing scholarship has struggled to explain its countervailing trends. This is due in large part to a lack of rigorous theory, which is essential for explanation. This article illustrates the theoretical shortcomings of current scholarship on China-India relations, drawing on the methodological literature on causal inference. It then shows how the four articles that follow in the special issue serve as a much-needed corrective to this problem by developing and applying well-specified theories to explain variation in China-India cooperation and rivalry, and presents a synthesis of their causal claims.","PeriodicalId":47894,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Contemporary China","volume":"32 1","pages":"353 - 368"},"PeriodicalIF":2.6,"publicationDate":"2022-06-21","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43417453","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-06-20DOI: 10.1080/10670564.2022.2090082
D. Ollapally
ABSTRACT This article examines five direct border conflicts between China and India to study how well the reputational effects of their crisis management conformed to conventional deterrence expectations. This article finds that how these crises are settled suggests that instead of deterrence expectations of resolve-oriented behavior, China and India have engaged in reassurance-oriented behavior. Answering why reassurance has taken precedence over resolve even under crises conditions, it is argued that despite the two countries being at odds on the specific and highly salient border issue, they recognize the value of broader joint gains, which in turn is buttressed by a shared ‘post-colonial’ identity and common worldview on questions of global order.
{"title":"China-India Face-offs: How Does Reputation Matter in Crisis Management?","authors":"D. Ollapally","doi":"10.1080/10670564.2022.2090082","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/10670564.2022.2090082","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This article examines five direct border conflicts between China and India to study how well the reputational effects of their crisis management conformed to conventional deterrence expectations. This article finds that how these crises are settled suggests that instead of deterrence expectations of resolve-oriented behavior, China and India have engaged in reassurance-oriented behavior. Answering why reassurance has taken precedence over resolve even under crises conditions, it is argued that despite the two countries being at odds on the specific and highly salient border issue, they recognize the value of broader joint gains, which in turn is buttressed by a shared ‘post-colonial’ identity and common worldview on questions of global order.","PeriodicalId":47894,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Contemporary China","volume":"32 1","pages":"417 - 435"},"PeriodicalIF":2.6,"publicationDate":"2022-06-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42673430","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-06-19DOI: 10.1080/10670564.2022.2090105
Jianhong Qi, K. Tang, Danqing Yin, Yong Zhao
ABSTRACT In this article, the authors investigate how the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) may affect China’s global image. They find evidence that international opinions on China are diverse but not polarized. They also find that the BRI has curried favor for China in the related countries. On average, the BRI increases the net public approval rating of the Chinese leadership in these countries by 15 percentage points. Interestingly, the BRI arouses approving foreign opinions more than quietens disapproving voices. Furthermore, there is tentative evidence suggesting that the BRI impacts China’s global reputation through trade, infrastructure, debt, and people-people interactions. Lastly, respondents who are older, better educated, with a higher income, and living in urban areas viewed China more favorably after the launch of the BRI.
{"title":"Remaking China’s Global Image with the Belt and Road Initiative: Is the Jury Out?","authors":"Jianhong Qi, K. Tang, Danqing Yin, Yong Zhao","doi":"10.1080/10670564.2022.2090105","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/10670564.2022.2090105","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT In this article, the authors investigate how the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) may affect China’s global image. They find evidence that international opinions on China are diverse but not polarized. They also find that the BRI has curried favor for China in the related countries. On average, the BRI increases the net public approval rating of the Chinese leadership in these countries by 15 percentage points. Interestingly, the BRI arouses approving foreign opinions more than quietens disapproving voices. Furthermore, there is tentative evidence suggesting that the BRI impacts China’s global reputation through trade, infrastructure, debt, and people-people interactions. Lastly, respondents who are older, better educated, with a higher income, and living in urban areas viewed China more favorably after the launch of the BRI.","PeriodicalId":47894,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Contemporary China","volume":"32 1","pages":"473 - 494"},"PeriodicalIF":2.6,"publicationDate":"2022-06-19","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42546269","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-06-19DOI: 10.1080/10670564.2022.2090099
Angela Tritto, A. Camba
ABSTRACT How did the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) shape the volume and destination of Chinese greenfield foreign direct investments (GFDI)? This article examines Chinese GFDI in Indonesia, Malaysia, the Philippines, and Myanmar using quantitative and qualitative data. Results show first, that the BRI led to a surge of investments by firms with stronger government affiliation in sectors related to infrastructure and connectivity. In contrast, the BRI had limited effect on firms in consumption-related industries that are primarily small and privately owned. Second, the change in sectoral destination of Chinese GFDI after the BRI is explained by the strength of diplomatic bilateral relations, which generate government support for investments in specific industries, and by host market conditions, such as favourable regulatory environments and positive economy outlook.
{"title":"The Belt and Road Initiative in Southeast Asia: A Mixed Methods Examination","authors":"Angela Tritto, A. Camba","doi":"10.1080/10670564.2022.2090099","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/10670564.2022.2090099","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT How did the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) shape the volume and destination of Chinese greenfield foreign direct investments (GFDI)? This article examines Chinese GFDI in Indonesia, Malaysia, the Philippines, and Myanmar using quantitative and qualitative data. Results show first, that the BRI led to a surge of investments by firms with stronger government affiliation in sectors related to infrastructure and connectivity. In contrast, the BRI had limited effect on firms in consumption-related industries that are primarily small and privately owned. Second, the change in sectoral destination of Chinese GFDI after the BRI is explained by the strength of diplomatic bilateral relations, which generate government support for investments in specific industries, and by host market conditions, such as favourable regulatory environments and positive economy outlook.","PeriodicalId":47894,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Contemporary China","volume":"32 1","pages":"436 - 454"},"PeriodicalIF":2.6,"publicationDate":"2022-06-19","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41611695","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-06-19DOI: 10.1080/10670564.2022.2090076
Courtney J. Fung
ABSTRACT What explains rising powers’ approach to emerging norms that challenge ontological order? The article uses a controlled comparison of two rising powers, China and India, as they address the responsibility to protect, which reconceives state sovereignty as contingent. Both states rejected the norm at its inception, before diverging as UN Security Council members during norm application in the Libya intervention. China assumed a creative resister role, offering tactical concessions, while using traditional sovereignty norms to renovate norm content. India assumed a norm begrudger role, typified by rhetorical rejection and disengagement from evolving normative discourse, coupled with practical support for the responsibility to protect. These rising powers’ normative roles are shaped by their dual status and differing positions within the UN Security Council social environment.
{"title":"Rising Powers and Normative Resistance: China, India, and the Responsibility to Protect","authors":"Courtney J. Fung","doi":"10.1080/10670564.2022.2090076","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/10670564.2022.2090076","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT What explains rising powers’ approach to emerging norms that challenge ontological order? The article uses a controlled comparison of two rising powers, China and India, as they address the responsibility to protect, which reconceives state sovereignty as contingent. Both states rejected the norm at its inception, before diverging as UN Security Council members during norm application in the Libya intervention. China assumed a creative resister role, offering tactical concessions, while using traditional sovereignty norms to renovate norm content. India assumed a norm begrudger role, typified by rhetorical rejection and disengagement from evolving normative discourse, coupled with practical support for the responsibility to protect. These rising powers’ normative roles are shaped by their dual status and differing positions within the UN Security Council social environment.","PeriodicalId":47894,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Contemporary China","volume":"32 1","pages":"386 - 398"},"PeriodicalIF":2.6,"publicationDate":"2022-06-19","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46513335","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-06-16DOI: 10.1080/10670564.2022.2090074
Kristen Hopewell
ABSTRACT Despite considerable tensions, China and India formed a surprising alliance at the WTO. Their alliance proved highly successful, bringing an end to American dominance and sharply curtailing the ability of the US to set the rules of global trade. However, the article shows, a key risk of soft balancing within an international institution is that, if successful, it may cause the dominant power to abandon the institution altogether. The US responded to China and India’s soft balancing by turning away from the WTO, actively undermining its rules and enforcement mechanism, and pursuing its interests through bilateral channels. The article thus identifies a distinct and previously unrecognized wedge strategy—vertical forum-shifting, or moving the action from international institutions to bilateral negotiations, to split an adversary coalition.
{"title":"Balancing, Threats, and Wedges in International Political Economy: The Origins and Impact of the Sino-Indian Alliance at the WTO","authors":"Kristen Hopewell","doi":"10.1080/10670564.2022.2090074","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/10670564.2022.2090074","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Despite considerable tensions, China and India formed a surprising alliance at the WTO. Their alliance proved highly successful, bringing an end to American dominance and sharply curtailing the ability of the US to set the rules of global trade. However, the article shows, a key risk of soft balancing within an international institution is that, if successful, it may cause the dominant power to abandon the institution altogether. The US responded to China and India’s soft balancing by turning away from the WTO, actively undermining its rules and enforcement mechanism, and pursuing its interests through bilateral channels. The article thus identifies a distinct and previously unrecognized wedge strategy—vertical forum-shifting, or moving the action from international institutions to bilateral negotiations, to split an adversary coalition.","PeriodicalId":47894,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Contemporary China","volume":"32 1","pages":"369 - 385"},"PeriodicalIF":2.6,"publicationDate":"2022-06-16","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48078411","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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