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Is Beijing’s Long Game on Taiwan About to End? Peaceful Unification, Brinkmanship, and Military Takeover 北京在台湾的长期博弈即将结束?和平统一、边缘政策和军事接管
IF 2.6 2区 社会学 Q1 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-09-28 DOI: 10.1080/10670564.2022.2124349
Suisheng Zhao
ABSTRACT Beijing has played a long game on Taiwan for more than seventy years. Starting with Mao Zedong’s aborted aspiration of military liberation in 1949, Deng Xiaoping, Jiang Zemin, and Hu Jintao focused on peaceful unification although they never renounced the use of force. With the rhetoric of striving for peaceful unification, Xi Jinping has relied more on brinkmanship to press Taiwan to accept his hardened terms of unification. Xi has made clear that the Taiwan question is China’s core national interest and essentially non-negotiable, important enough to go to war if pushed. China as a ‘divided nation’ cannot sit well with Xi’s China Dream, the catch-all term for Xi’s ambition for great-power status. Riding on the nationalist currents he whipped up, Xi will end the long game according to his timetable, or sooner if the brinkmanship fails and the red lines crossed, whether China is ready or not.
70多年来,北京在台湾问题上打了一场持久战。
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引用次数: 2
The Nexus Between China’s Global Image and Attitudes Toward Diasporic Chinese: A Comparison of Australia and the United States 中国全球形象与对散居华人态度的关系——澳大利亚与美国的比较
IF 2.6 2区 社会学 Q1 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-09-26 DOI: 10.1080/10670564.2022.2127087
Xiao Tan, Rennie Lee, L. Ruppanner
The COVID-19 pandemic intensified unfavorable international news coverage of the Chinese Government with consequences for the Chinese diaspora broadly. To understand these relationships, we conducted surveys in Australia and the United States from 8 to 21 June 2021. Using a survey experiment, we find a significant negative impact of the Chinese Government’s early handling of COVID-19 on public sentiment toward the Chinese Government in Australia but not in the United States. In both countries, expressing unfriendly feelings toward the Chinese Government tends to harm Chinese temporary residents more (compared to permanent residents). The associations between attitudes toward the Chinese Government and diasporic Chinese differ significantly across demographic groups but overall, holding cold attitudes toward the Chinese Government has stronger negative implications for diasporic Chinese in Australia. [ FROM AUTHOR] Copyright of Journal of Contemporary China is the property of Routledge and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full . (Copyright applies to all s.)
新冠肺炎疫情加剧了对中国政府不利的国际新闻报道,对散居海外的中国人产生了广泛影响。为了了解这些关系,我们于2021年6月8日至21日在澳大利亚和美国进行了调查。通过一项调查实验,我们发现中国政府对新冠肺炎的早期处理对澳大利亚公众对中国政府的情绪产生了显著的负面影响,但美国没有。在这两个国家,对中国政府表达不友好的情绪往往会对中国临时居民造成更大的伤害(与永久居民相比)。不同人口群体对中国政府和散居华人的态度之间的联系存在显著差异,但总体而言,对中国政府持冷淡态度对澳大利亚的散居华人有更强的负面影响。[发件人]《当代中国期刊》版权归劳特利奇所有,未经版权持有人明确书面许可,不得将其内容复制或通过电子邮件发送到多个网站或发布到列表服务。但是,用户可以打印、下载或通过电子邮件发送文章供个人使用。这可能会被删节。对复印件的准确性不作任何保证。用户应参考材料的原始发布版本以获取完整信息。(版权适用于所有人。)
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引用次数: 0
Political Discourse in Chinese Urban Community: Pragmatic Utility and Ideological Fatigue 中国城市社区的政治话语:实用功利与意识形态疲劳
IF 2.6 2区 社会学 Q1 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-09-20 DOI: 10.1080/10670564.2022.2124355
Yang Zheng, Jieren Hu
ABSTRACT China’s urban community is an important venue to examine the function of political discourse. Drawing on the theory of strategic action field, this article regards community as a field where officials act as incumbents, citizens as challengers, and the political discourse as an internal governance unit. The empirical data from multiple cities demonstrates that political discourses have facilitated the incumbents with several pragmatic utilities such as assuring the state’s dominance, mobilizing citizens’ participation, and disciplining residents’ regular behaviors. Meanwhile, these discourses have met the problem of ideological fatigue. Local officials’ hypocritical identification and citizens’ disguised conformity disenable the Party-state to win recognition from both citizens and officials. The findings of this article enrich the current study of political discourse with a new perspective.
摘要中国城市社区是考察政治话语功能的重要场所。本文借鉴战略行动场理论,将社区视为一个官员作为在位者、公民作为挑战者、政治话语作为内部治理单元的领域。来自多个城市的实证数据表明,政治话语为在职者提供了一些实用的工具,如确保国家主导地位、动员公民参与和约束居民的常规行为。同时,这些话语也遇到了意识形态疲劳的问题。地方官员虚伪的身份认同和公民的变相从众,使党国无法赢得公民和官员的认同。本文的研究成果为当前政治话语研究提供了一个新的视角。
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引用次数: 1
Does Concurrent Political Leadership Appointment Affect Local Fiscal Allocation in China? 政治领导任命制是否影响地方财政分配?
IF 2.6 2区 社会学 Q1 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-09-20 DOI: 10.1080/10670564.2022.2124354
Jin Yang, Yanhua Deng
ABSTRACT This study examines how power centralization at the provincial level affects the allocation of fiscal expenditures in China. The authors employ a quasi-natural experimental setting formed by a regulation established in 2002 stating that, in general, provincial Chinese Communist Party (CCP) secretaries should be recommended as candidates for chairmen of the Provincial People’s Congress (PPC). An empirical analysis of provincial panel data finds that Party secretaries concurrently serving as PPC chairmen not only inflates the size of local public expenditures, but also limits fiscal expenditures supporting social welfare and livelihood programs due to a tendency among local leaders to invest more in economic programs that could generate short-term economic growth. Furthermore, power centralization and constrained congressional power could reduce the efficiency of local public expenditures.
摘要本研究探讨省级权力集中对中国财政支出分配的影响。作者采用了一个准自然的实验环境,该环境是由2002年制定的一项规定形成的,该规定规定,一般来说,中国共产党省级书记应该被推荐为省级人民代表大会(PPC)主席候选人。对省级面板数据的实证分析发现,同时担任政协主席的党委书记不仅扩大了地方公共支出规模,而且还限制了支持社会福利和民生项目的财政支出,因为地方领导人倾向于更多地投资于可能产生短期经济增长的经济项目。此外,权力集中和国会权力受限会降低地方公共支出的效率。
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引用次数: 0
Bereaved Single-Child Parents as the Focus of Family Planning Officials: State Support, Social Stability, and the Unresolved Consequences of China’s One-Child Policy 失去亲人的独生子女父母是计划生育官员关注的焦点:国家支持、社会稳定和中国独生子女政策未解决的后果
IF 2.6 2区 社会学 Q1 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-09-15 DOI: 10.1080/10670564.2022.2124350
Weiyue Yang
ABSTRACT The shidu problem as an unexpected consequence of the historical one-child policy has now become the new work focus of Chinese family planning officials. Given that the unresolvable dispute over state support has caused shidu activists’ continuous petitioning of governments, local family planning agents take the whole shidu group as a major instability factor while paying undue attention to them due to the strong impact of stability maintenance on their political career. Subsequently, the overemphasis on social stability and shidu families has led to alienation as reflected in the rising economic and social cost for the task. Ultimately, the shidu problem not only disrupts the central government’s plan to address population aging, but also will constrain the development of China’s future population policy.
独生子女问题作为历史上独生子女政策的意外后果,已成为中国计划生育官员新的工作重点。由于无法解决的国家扶养纠纷导致失独分子不断向政府上访,地方计划生育工作人员将失独群体整体视为一个主要的不稳定因素,同时由于维稳对失独分子政治生涯的强烈影响,对失独群体给予了过度关注。随后,对社会稳定和失独家庭的过分强调导致了疏离,这体现在这项任务的经济和社会成本不断上升。最终,失独问题不仅扰乱了中央政府应对人口老龄化的计划,也将制约中国未来人口政策的发展。
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引用次数: 0
Shaping China’s Engagement with the Arctic: Nationalist Narratives and Geopolitical Reality 塑造中国与北极的接触:民族主义叙事和地缘政治现实
IF 2.6 2区 社会学 Q1 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-09-15 DOI: 10.1080/10670564.2022.2124353
F. Wu
ABSTRACT Nationalist narratives and geopolitical reality have played an opposite role in shaping China’s engagement with the Arctic, with the former pushing it forward while the latter pushing it back. Specifically, Chinese nationalist narratives on strong feelings of love for and pride in the Chinese nation not only initiated but also facilitated China’s engagement with the Arctic. Moreover, the ‘China Dream’, an official narrative put forward by the Chinese President Xi Jinping, has driven the country to undertake proactive measures to engage with the Arctic, among others, including self-ascribing China as a ‘Near-Arctic State’ and self-designating the ‘Polar Silk Road’. In stark contrast, however, the geopolitical reality featured by Arctic countries’ policies to push back China’s activities in this region has stymied its ambition to attain great power status in the Arctic.
民族主义叙事和地缘政治现实在塑造中国与北极的接触方面发挥了相反的作用,前者推动了中国与北极的接触,后者则阻碍了中国与北极的接触。具体来说,中国民族主义叙事对中华民族的强烈热爱和自豪感,不仅推动了中国与北极的接触,也促进了中国与北极的接触。然而,与之形成鲜明对比的是,北极国家的政策阻碍了中国在该地区活动的地缘政治现实,阻碍了中国在北极取得大国地位的雄心。
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引用次数: 2
Reassessing Seoul’s “One China” Policy: South Korea-Taiwan “Unofficial” Relations after 30 Years (1992-2022) 重新审视“一个中国”政策:30年后的韩台“非官方”关系(1992-2022)
IF 2.6 2区 社会学 Q1 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-09-14 DOI: 10.1080/10670564.2022.2113959
Chaewon Lee, Adam P. Liff
ABSTRACT  Amid U.S.-led efforts to “internationalize and multilateralize” support for Taiwan in response to mounting pressure from China, the 2021 U.S.-South Korea presidential statement’s unprecedented reference to “peace and stability across the Taiwan Strait” made global headlines. This study analyzes contemporary Korea-Taiwan relations in historic and comparative perspective, focusing especially on Seoul’s official 1992 position on “One China” and its implications for Korea’s Taiwan policy. It demonstrates that Seoul has never recognized Beijing’s self-defined “One China principle” concerning its essential claim of PRC sovereignty over Taiwan. Comparative analysis of Korea’s position and subsequent policies with the U.S.’, Japan’s, and others’ further reveals significant (potential) flexibility in Korea’s approach to Taiwan. The relatively distant state of Korea-Taiwan relations today is the collective political choice of Korea’s democratically-elected leaders—not the legacy of some (non-existent) putative commitment made to Beijing 30 years ago.
摘要 在美国领导的“国际化和多边化”支持台湾的努力中,以应对来自中国日益增加的压力,2021年美韩总统声明前所未有地提到“台湾海峡两岸的和平与稳定”,成为全球头条新闻。本文从历史和比较的角度对当代韩台关系进行了分析,重点探讨了韩国1992年对“一个中国”的正式立场及其对韩国台湾政策的启示。它表明,首尔从未承认北京自行确定的“一个中国原则”,即中华人民共和国对台湾的主权主张。韩国与美国、日本和其他国家的立场和后续政策的比较分析进一步揭示了韩国在台湾问题上的显著(潜在)灵活性。如今相对遥远的韩台关系是韩国民主选举产生的领导人的集体政治选择,而不是30年前对北京做出的一些(不存在的)假定承诺的遗产。
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引用次数: 2
Fearing Hardships and Fatigue? Refusals to Serve in China’s Military, 2009-2018 害怕困难和疲劳?2009-2018年拒绝在中国军队服役
IF 2.6 2区 社会学 Q1 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-09-05 DOI: 10.1080/10670564.2022.2109797
Eric Hundman
ABSTRACT Even as many argue that China’s People’s Liberation Army (PLA) has become increasingly professionalized, reports of PLA deserters are common. This article investigates such refusals to serve between 2009 and 2018, using an original dataset of 236 publicly reported cases. It demonstrates that mainland reports about desertion are restricted, portraying the behavior as occurring among soldiers who are young, unable to endure hardship, and subject to severe and varied punishments. Analysis of this data shows that refusals to serve are more common in China’s military than public reports indicate, and that China’s leaders are concerned about the phenomenon, though they offer no indication the PLA as a whole would disobey civilian leadership. These findings shed light on China’s civil-military relations, central-local relations, and foreign policy.
尽管许多人认为中国人民解放军(PLA)已经变得越来越专业化,但有关解放军逃兵的报道却屡见不实。本文使用236个公开报道案例的原始数据集,调查了2009年至2018年期间的此类拒绝服务。这表明大陆关于逃兵的报道受到限制,将这种行为描述为发生在年轻、不能吃苦、受到严厉和各种惩罚的士兵中。对这些数据的分析表明,拒绝服役在中国军队中比公开报道所显示的更为普遍,中国领导人对这一现象感到担忧,尽管他们没有提供任何迹象表明解放军作为一个整体将不服从文职领导。这些发现揭示了中国的军民关系、中央与地方关系和外交政策。
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引用次数: 0
International Dispute Resolution of BRI-Related Cases: Changes and Challenges “一带一路”国际争端解决的变化与挑战
IF 2.6 2区 社会学 Q1 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-09-01 DOI: 10.1080/10670564.2022.2117981
Magdalena Łągiewska
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引用次数: 0
The Multilevel Politics of County-to-District Mergers in China 中国县区兼并的多层次政治
IF 2.6 2区 社会学 Q1 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-08-31 DOI: 10.1080/10670564.2022.2116564
Jianzi He, Kyle A. Jaros
ABSTRACT County-to-district mergers (chexian gaiqu), a major form of ’administrative division adjustment’ (ADA), have occurred with striking frequency across Chinese cities in recent decades. Despite the high stakes of county mergers, scholars have yet to systematically analyze the political variables that shape where and when such reforms occur. Addressing this gap, the authors assemble a novel dataset to examine the relationship between institutional and leadership factors at different government levels and the incidence of county mergers. This analysis highlights the importance of national leadership priorities in shaping the frequency and regional distribution of county mergers. It also finds that, at least in times of greater central policy permissiveness, the bargaining power of cities is a strong predictor of which localities carry out county mergers.
摘要近几十年来,作为“行政区划调整”(ADA)的一种主要形式,县区合并(车县改区)在中国城市中以惊人的频率发生。尽管县合并的风险很高,但学者们尚未系统地分析影响此类改革何时何地发生的政治变量。为了解决这一差距,作者收集了一个新的数据集,以研究不同政府层面的制度和领导因素与县合并发生率之间的关系。这一分析强调了国家领导优先事项在决定县合并频率和区域分布方面的重要性。研究还发现,至少在中央政策允许度更高的时候,城市的议价能力是哪些地方进行县合并的有力预测因素。
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引用次数: 1
期刊
Journal of Contemporary China
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