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The Climate Heritage Paradox – how rethinking archaeological heritage can address global challenges of climate change 气候遗产悖论--重新思考考古遗产如何应对全球气候变化挑战
IF 1.3 2区 历史学 0 ARCHAEOLOGY Pub Date : 2024-03-01 DOI: 10.1080/00438243.2024.2320122
Cornelius Holtorf
For archaeology to address adequately the global challenges of climate change, it needs to resolve the Climate Heritage Paradox which consists of two contradictions. Firstly, in contemporary societ...
考古学要充分应对气候变化带来的全球性挑战,就必须解决由两个矛盾组成的气候遗产悖论。首先,在当代社会...
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引用次数: 0
Archaeology in a fragile environment: archaeology of the lower Yangtze Shanghai region 脆弱环境中的考古学:长江下游上海地区的考古学
IF 1.3 2区 历史学 0 ARCHAEOLOGY Pub Date : 2024-02-15 DOI: 10.1080/00438243.2024.2304343
Edward Allen, Michael Storozum, Pengfei Sheng
The Shanghai region is home to millennia of archaeological cultures and a massive modern metropolois. Until recently, this regional history has remained within the overarching framework of a north-...
上海地区拥有数千年的考古学文化和庞大的现代大都市。直到最近,这一地区的历史仍然停留在北上海和南上海的总体框架内。
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引用次数: 0
Ancient Koguryŏ’s heritage around Ji’an: past and current interpretations 古代高句丽在吉安一带的遗产:过去和现在的解释
IF 1.3 2区 历史学 0 ARCHAEOLOGY Pub Date : 2024-02-15 DOI: 10.1080/00438243.2024.2304321
Rainer Feldbacher
The Kingdom of Koguryŏ was one of the so-called Three Kingdoms of Korea in the 1st millennium AD. According to the Samguk Sagi (Historical Records of the Three States), it was founded on what is no...
高句丽王国是公元 1 世纪所谓的朝鲜三国之一。据《三国史记》记载,高句丽建国于现在的...
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引用次数: 0
Longquan celadon: a quantitative archaeological analysis of a pan-Indian Ocean industry of the 12th to 15th centuries 龙泉青瓷:对12至15世纪泛印度洋工业的定量考古分析
IF 1.3 2区 历史学 0 ARCHAEOLOGY Pub Date : 2023-06-12 DOI: 10.1080/00438243.2023.2216183
Ran Zhang, D. Kennet, Peter J. Brown, Xiaohang Song, Wang Guangyao, Yi Zhai, Mingjun Wu
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引用次数: 0
Theory and methods of settlement archaeology – the Chinese contribution 定居考古的理论与方法——中国的贡献
IF 1.3 2区 历史学 0 ARCHAEOLOGY Pub Date : 2023-06-08 DOI: 10.1080/00438243.2023.2216182
Anke Hein
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引用次数: 0
Understanding Chinese archaeology by statistical analysis of papers published by Chinese researchers in Chinese and World core journals during the past century (1920–2020) 20世纪(1920-2020)中国学者在国内外核心期刊上发表论文的统计分析
IF 1.3 2区 历史学 0 ARCHAEOLOGY Pub Date : 2023-02-22 DOI: 10.1080/00438243.2022.2156592
Xu Wei, Wentai Lou, Ting Li, Ruxi Yang, Tingting Liang, C. He, Liwei Wang, Junjie Yuan, Yinghua Li
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引用次数: 1
Balancing the scales: archaeological approaches to social inequality 平衡尺度:社会不平等的考古学方法
IF 1.3 2区 历史学 0 ARCHAEOLOGY Pub Date : 2022-08-08 DOI: 10.1080/00438243.2023.2169341
J. Beck, Colin P. Quinn
ABSTRACT Archaeology lends a critical perspective to research on social inequality due to the field’s unique access to deep history, emphasis on materiality, and explicit incorporation of multiple lines of evidence. This paper offers a concise overview of archaeological approaches aimed at students and scholars in other fields. We develop a categorization of disciplinary strategies, arguing that archaeologists address institutionalized inequality through examining inequalities in the accumulation of goods or resources (economic differentiation); access to resources or knowledge (social differentiation), and inequalities in action, the ability to make decisions for oneself or others (political differentiation). We illustrate these categories with reference to the distinctions between material, relational, and embodied wealth. We draw upon a broad range of geographic, chronological, and cultural case studies to illustrate the flexibility and utility of archaeological methods for answering questions about inequality in human societies.
摘要考古学为研究社会不平等提供了一个批判性的视角,因为该领域具有独特的深入历史的途径,强调物质性,并明确纳入了多条证据线。本文简要概述了针对其他领域的学生和学者的考古方法。我们对学科策略进行了分类,认为考古学家通过研究商品或资源积累中的不平等(经济差异)来解决制度化的不平等;获得资源或知识的机会(社会分化),行动中的不平等,为自己或他人做出决定的能力(政治分化)。我们参照物质财富、关系财富和具体财富之间的区别来说明这些类别。我们利用广泛的地理、时间和文化案例研究来说明考古方法在回答人类社会不平等问题方面的灵活性和实用性。
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引用次数: 2
Reflections on archaeology and inequality. A foreword 关于考古学和不平等的思考。前言
IF 1.3 2区 历史学 0 ARCHAEOLOGY Pub Date : 2022-08-08 DOI: 10.1080/00438243.2022.2233798
R. McGuire
In this World Archaeology issue – An Archaeology of Inequality – archaeologists continue the discipline’s engagement with social inequality in a wide range of contexts and times. My work has always been about power, oppression and how to change these things. Robert Paynter and I wrote an earlier volume – The Archaeology of Inequality – that addressed these goals (McGuire and Paynter 1991). When Bob and I published the book thirty years ago, Anglophone archaeology was locked in a debate between a culture history of traditions and a processual archaeology focused on cultural evolution. Culture history primarily asked how traditional societies reproduced themselves with little or no attention to the power relations that might entail. The cultural evolutionists saw power as something that ‘egalitarian’ societies lacked except for distinctions of age and gender. They told (and some still tell) a story of how the powerful drove cultural evolution and created inequality (e.g. Flannery and Marcus 2012). We challenged these perspectives and took a relational view of humans and cultural that emphasized the conscious actions of people in their mundane lives as the place people make change. Bob and I participated in a general movement in anthropology, at the end of the 20th century, which emphasized power and the expression of power in domination and resistance. We were greatly influenced by James Scott’s (1985) book Weapons of the Weak: Everyday Forms of Peasant Resistance. Like many others, we only later discovered Elizabeth Janeway’s (1980) book Power of the Weak. Then as now, focusing on inequality brought us to not just study the world but rather to try and change it. Before the 1980s, most anthropologists assumed a Weberian (Weber 1978, 53) concept of power to whit; the ability of individuals or groups to get their way when opposed by others. In this sense, power is a quantifiable thing that people can acquire, store, win, lose and expend. In contrast, and following the lead of many others, we advanced a relational concept of power. Our thought started with the work of Karl Marx and the relational dialectic as discussed by Bertell Ollman (2003). We treated power not as a thing or a quantity, but rather as a relationship between humans’ power to do and to have power over. This led to a focus in the book on resistance to inequality as opposed to inequality simply being something imposed from above. Soon after the publication of our book, critics within Anthropology questioned the concept of resistance (Ortner 1995; Seymour 2006). They noted the vagueness of the concept and the catch all nature of it. They pointed out that researchers rarely defined resistance. The basic consensus among anthropologists had been that resistance involves intent in opposing those exerting ‘power over’. So, if the peasants stole rice because they were hungry, but not with an intent to resist, was rice stealing resistance? Critics accused scholars of romanticizing and fetishiz
在《世界考古学》杂志《不平等的考古学》中,考古学家继续研究该学科在各种背景和时代中与社会不平等的关系。我的工作一直是关于权力、压迫以及如何改变这些事情。Robert Paynter和我写了一本早期的书——《不平等考古》,阐述了这些目标(McGuire和Paynter,1991年)。三十年前,当鲍勃和我出版这本书时,英语考古学陷入了传统文化史和专注于文化进化的过程考古学之间的争论。文化史主要询问传统社会是如何在很少或根本不注意可能涉及的权力关系的情况下复制自己的。文化进化论者将权力视为“平等主义”社会所缺乏的东西,除了年龄和性别的区别。他们讲述了(有些人至今仍在讲述)权贵如何推动文化进化并造成不平等的故事(例如,弗兰纳里和马库斯,2012年)。我们挑战了这些观点,并对人类和文化采取了一种关系观,强调人们在日常生活中的有意识的行为,因为这是人们做出改变的地方。鲍勃和我参加了20世纪末人类学的一场普遍运动,该运动强调权力以及权力在统治和抵抗中的表达。詹姆斯·斯科特(James Scott)1985年出版的《弱者的武器:农民抵抗的日常形式》一书对我们产生了很大影响。和其他许多人一样,我们后来才发现伊丽莎白·詹威(Elizabeth Janeway)(1980年)的《弱者的力量》一书。当时和现在一样,关注不平等不仅让我们研究世界,而且让我们尝试改变世界。在20世纪80年代之前,大多数人类学家都假设了韦伯(Weber 1978,53)的权力概念;个人或团体在遭到他人反对时能够为所欲为的能力。从这个意义上说,权力是一种可以量化的东西,人们可以获得、储存、赢得、失去和消耗。相比之下,在许多其他人的领导下,我们提出了一个权力的关系概念。我们的思想始于卡尔·马克思的工作和贝尔特尔·奥尔曼(2003)所讨论的关系辩证法。我们不把权力视为一件事或一个量,而是把它视为人类做事的权力和拥有权力之间的关系。这导致书中关注对不平等的抵制,而不是仅仅从上面强加的不平等。在我们的书出版后不久,人类学内部的评论家就对抵抗的概念提出了质疑(Ortner 1995;西摩,2006年)。他们注意到这个概念的模糊性和包罗万象的性质。他们指出,研究人员很少定义阻力。人类学家之间的基本共识是,抵抗涉及反对那些施加“权力”的人的意图。那么,如果农民偷米是因为饥饿,而不是为了抵抗,偷米是抵抗吗?批评者指责学者将抵抗浪漫化、恋物化,并将主题本质化。这种行为导致研究人员忽视了下属群体内部的冲突和等级制度。想要研究其他关系的批评者认为抵抗过于强调权力。最具说服力的批评是指责缺乏抵抗可以用来指责被压迫者的压迫。这种批判的分量促使我通过实践来研究权力和压迫(McGuire,2008)。实践是指人类知情和创造性、创造和改变世界和我们的独特能力。实践最简单的定义是《世界考古学2022》,第54卷,第491–492号https://doi.org/10.1080/00438243.2022.2233798
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引用次数: 1
Recognising inequality: ableism in Egyptological approaches to disability and bodily differences 认识不平等:埃及学中对残疾和身体差异的残疾歧视
IF 1.3 2区 历史学 0 ARCHAEOLOGY Pub Date : 2022-08-08 DOI: 10.1080/00438243.2023.2170911
H. Vogel, R. Power
ABSTRACT This paper employs a historiographical approach to review the allied fields of Egyptology and Egyptian Archaeology in relation to studies of disability and bodily differences in ancient Egypt. We incorporate critical disability studies and embodiment theories to consider whether ableism is prevalent across these disciplines. The focus of this study has been inverted from ‘identifying’ disability. Instead our primary driving question is: are Egyptological approaches to bodily differences and disabilities contributing to a production and maintenance of ableism in Egyptology? Here we first identify ableist narratives within numerous methodologies highlighting the need to reconsider existing approaches, terminologies, models, and assumptions regarding studies of disability in the ancient past. We then challenge readers to recognise ableism as a form of inequality in the existing scholarship, and in turn, call for better awareness of assumptions relating to bodily norms, terminologies, and inclusivity in ancient world studies.
本文采用史学方法来回顾埃及学和埃及考古学的相关领域,涉及古埃及的残疾和身体差异的研究。我们结合关键的残疾研究和具体化理论来考虑残疾歧视是否在这些学科中普遍存在。这项研究的重点已经从“识别”残疾倒置了。相反,我们的主要问题是:埃及学对身体差异和残疾的研究是否导致了埃及学中残疾歧视的产生和维持?在这里,我们首先在许多方法中识别出残疾主义者的叙述,强调需要重新考虑古代关于残疾研究的现有方法、术语、模型和假设。然后,我们要求读者认识到,在现有的学术研究中,残疾歧视是一种不平等的形式,反过来,我们呼吁读者更好地意识到古代世界研究中与身体规范、术语和包容性有关的假设。
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引用次数: 1
Wandering Islands1: towards an archaeology of garbage-based settlements 流浪岛屿1:以垃圾为基础的定居点考古学
IF 1.3 2区 历史学 0 ARCHAEOLOGY Pub Date : 2022-08-08 DOI: 10.1080/00438243.2023.2170910
Maryam Dezhamkhooy
ABSTRACT The growing rate of global inequality, on the one hand, and hyper-consumerism, particularly among higher socio-economic classes in developed countries, on the other, have resulted in the emergence of new forms of subsistence, lifestyles and settlement types where subaltern groups and populations live and work. This paper investigates the emergence of two of these kinds of settlement in Tehran, Iran, that have developed based on the intersection of two factors: garbage and undocumented migration. In these places, undocumented Afghan migrants sort and sell dry garbage. At the same time, these places shelter the workers, chiefly teenage and underage undocumented Afghan migrants. This paper is a preliminary effort to archaeologically categorize and conceptualize these garbage-based settlements. Archaeology is among the best methodologies to investigate the materiality and inequality faced by such transient subaltern groups in the short and long term. Here I discuss how several factors, beyond absolute poverty, participate in turning garbage into a livelihood and generate garbage-based settlements.
一方面,全球不平等的增长速度,以及过度消费主义,特别是在发达国家的高社会经济阶层中,另一方面,导致了新的生存形式、生活方式和定居类型的出现,在那里,次等群体和人口生活和工作。本文调查了伊朗德黑兰两种定居点的出现,这两种定居点是基于垃圾和无证移民这两个因素的交集而发展起来的。在这些地方,无证阿富汗移民分类并出售干垃圾。与此同时,这些地方庇护了工人,主要是青少年和未成年的无证阿富汗移民。本文是对这些以垃圾为基础的聚落进行考古分类和概念化的初步努力。考古学是研究这些短暂的次等群体在短期和长期内所面临的物质性和不平等的最佳方法之一。在这里,我将讨论除了绝对贫困之外的几个因素如何参与将垃圾转化为生计并产生以垃圾为基础的定居点。
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引用次数: 1
期刊
WORLD ARCHAEOLOGY
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