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Who benefits from an adult worker model? Gender inequality in couples’ daily time use in Germany across time and social classes 谁会从成年员工模式中受益?德国不同时间和社会阶层夫妻日常时间使用的性别不平等
IF 3.7 2区 经济学 Q1 ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2022-12-21 DOI: 10.1093/ser/mwac065
Carolin Deuflhard
This article investigates how mothers’ and fathers’ daily time use changed across social classes from 1990 to 2013 in Germany. In the 2000s, Germany’s adherence to the male breadwinner model was eroded by labor and family policy reforms typical of the adult worker model, which assumes individual self-sufficiency. The implications for gender and class inequality have been heatedly discussed. Drawing on the German Time Use Survey, I find that gender equality in the division of labor is greatest among full-time dual-earner couples with standard schedules. The prevalence of this pattern increased among the middle- and upper-class in historically conservative western Germany, but declined across classes in formerly socialist eastern Germany. In parallel, nonstandard work patterns and dual-joblessness gained in importance among lower-class couples, particularly in eastern Germany. I conclude that the adult worker model benefited mothers with access to standard full-time jobs but at the cost of greater class polarization.
本文调查了从1990年到2013年,德国不同社会阶层的母亲和父亲的日常时间使用是如何变化的。21世纪初,德国对男性养家糊口模式的坚持受到了成年工人模式典型的劳动和家庭政策改革的侵蚀,成年工人模式假设个人自给自足。人们对性别和阶级不平等的影响进行了热烈的讨论。根据德国时间使用调查,我发现在有标准时间表的全职双职工夫妇中,分工中的性别平等程度最高。在历史上保守的西德,这种模式在中产阶级和上层阶级中的流行率有所上升,但在前社会主义的东德,这种模式的流行率在各阶级中有所下降。与此同时,非标准的工作模式和双重失业在下层夫妇中变得越来越重要,尤其是在德国东部。我的结论是,成年工人模式有利于母亲获得标准的全职工作,但代价是阶级两极分化加剧。
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引用次数: 0
Correction to: Cooperative enterprise at scale: comparative capitalisms and the political economy of ownership 更正:规模合作企业:比较资本主义与所有制政治经济学
IF 3.7 2区 经济学 Q1 ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2022-12-16 DOI: 10.1093/ser/mwac068
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引用次数: 0
Making the ‘business case’: vocabularies of motive and clean tech innovation in the hidden developmental state 制造“商业案例”:隐藏发展状态下的动机和清洁技术创新词汇
IF 3.7 2区 经济学 Q1 ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2022-11-21 DOI: 10.1093/ser/mwac061
M. Kallman, S. Frickel
This article analyzes the hidden developmental state (HDS) from a cultural perspective, exploring the values and vocabularies of motive among technology experts, managers and government officials involved in state-led innovation. We consider the rollout of smart meters in Washington State, an endeavor primarily funded by the American Recovery and Reinvestment Act of 2009 (ARRA). Mobilizing evidence from 70 key informant interviews, we develop two related arguments. First, despite its ‘hiddenness’, the ARRA provided cash injections that shifted utility business models and electricity markets from fossil fuels infrastructure and toward renewable technologies by funding projects rather than organizations. The funding structure enabled engineers and managers to bypass conventional industry gatekeepers. Second, this shift was conditioned by a traditional ‘business case’ discourse, which functioned as a rhetorical lubricant, legitimating risky innovation and disguising individual and organizational values that run against established norms. A concluding discussion highlights the implications for future research.
本文从文化视角分析了隐性发展状态(HDS),探讨了参与国家主导创新的技术专家、管理者和政府官员的价值观和动机词汇。我们考虑在华盛顿州推出智能电表,这是一项主要由2009年美国复苏和再投资法案(ARRA)资助的努力。从70个关键线人访谈中提取证据,我们提出了两个相关的论点。首先,尽管ARRA“隐蔽”,但它通过资助项目而不是组织,提供了现金注入,将公用事业的商业模式和电力市场从化石燃料基础设施转向可再生技术。这种融资结构使工程师和管理人员能够绕过传统的行业看门人。其次,这种转变受到传统“商业案例”话语的制约,这种话语起到了修辞润滑剂的作用,使冒险创新合法化,并掩盖了违背既定规范的个人和组织价值观。结论性讨论强调了对未来研究的影响。
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引用次数: 1
Digital power resources (DPR): the political economy of structural and infrastructural business power in digital(ized) capitalism 数字权力资源(DPR):数字资本主义中结构和基础设施商业权力的政治经济学
IF 3.7 2区 经济学 Q1 ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2022-10-21 DOI: 10.1093/ser/mwac059
Michael Kemmerling, Christine Trampusch
Studies on digitalization and business power tend to focus on digital platform firms. In contrast, we argue that data, digital technologies and digital infrastructures create novel digital power resources (DPR) for firms throughout sectors. DPR can be structural, that is, rooted in data and digital technologies, and infrastructural, that is, rooted in digital infrastructure. We propose indicators and apply them to a sample of 120 large firms from the USA, UK, France and Germany, active in five sectors. We find that firms from all sectors control DPR but the sectoral distribution varies depending on the national political–economic context. Lastly, we demonstrate the analytical value added of our concept by explaining variation in business preferences and strategies toward data sovereignty and data-sharing regulation in the German automotive sector. Our DPR concept improves our understanding of why and how business seeks to influence (digital) policies and politics in digital(ized) capitalism in general.
对数字化和商业力量的研究往往集中在数字平台公司。相比之下,我们认为数据、数字技术和数字基础设施为整个行业的企业创造了新的数字电力资源(DPR)。DPR可以是结构性的,也就是植根于数据和数字技术,也可以是基础设施,也就是根植于数字基础设施。我们提出了指标,并将其应用于来自美国、英国、法国和德国的120家大公司的样本,这些公司活跃于五个行业。我们发现,所有部门的公司都控制着DPR,但部门分布因国家政治经济背景而异。最后,我们通过解释德国汽车行业在数据主权和数据共享监管方面的商业偏好和策略的变化,展示了我们概念的分析附加值。我们的DPR概念提高了我们对商业为什么以及如何在数字化资本主义中影响(数字化)政策和政治的理解。
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引用次数: 4
The strings of the ‘golden straitjacket’: sovereign ratings and the welfare state in developed countries “金色紧身衣”的琴弦:发达国家的主权评级和福利国家
IF 3.7 2区 经济学 Q1 ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2022-10-14 DOI: 10.1093/ser/mwac058
Alison Johnston, Zsófia Barta
Do sovereign ratings influence social spending in developed countries? Ratings are highly publicized and fiscally consequential assessments of countries’ creditworthiness shown to penalize welfare-largesse. We hypothesize that downgrades induce governments to retrench social spending, and test this hypothesis via panel-analyses of 23 OECD countries between 1995 and 2019. Our event-study shows that downgrades are associated with spending reductions, but upgrades have no effect. Our error-correction models demonstrate that, since the global financial crisis, spending on social services and transfers is reduced after downgrades, with reductions in social transfers occurring over the longer run. Reductions are particularly pronounced in country-years with high public debt and social–democratic executives but are independent of elections. We conclude that ratings became a binding constraint on social spending since the crisis drove home developed countries’ fallibility in international debt markets.
主权评级会影响发达国家的社会支出吗?评级是高度公开的,对国家信誉的财政影响评估显示出对福利慷慨的惩罚。我们假设降级会导致政府削减社会支出,并通过1995年至2019年间对23个经合组织国家的小组分析来检验这一假设。我们的事件研究表明,降级与支出减少有关,但升级没有影响。我们的纠错模型表明,自全球金融危机以来,社会服务和转移支付的支出在降级后减少,从长远来看,社会转移支付的减少会发生。在公共债务高、行政人员社会民主但独立于选举的国家年份,削减幅度尤其明显。我们得出的结论是,由于危机导致国内发达国家在国际债务市场上容易犯错,评级成为社会支出的约束因素。
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引用次数: 0
On Mariana Mazzucato’s Mission Economy: a Moonshot Guide to Changing Capitalism, London, Allen Lane, 2021 《玛丽安娜·马祖卡托的使命经济:改变资本主义的登月指南》,伦敦,艾伦·莱恩,2021
IF 3.7 2区 经济学 Q1 ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2022-09-07 DOI: 10.1093/ser/mwac042
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引用次数: 2
Economic nostalgia: the salience of economic identity for the Brexit campaign 经济怀旧:英国退欧运动对经济认同的突显
IF 3.7 2区 经济学 Q1 ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2022-08-23 DOI: 10.1093/ser/mwac037
Lisa Suckert
The rise of ‘new populism’ is commonly explained by two opposing approaches known as cultural backlash and economic deprivation. Their antagonism perpetuates a dichotomous understanding of economy versus identity. This article contributes to scholarly attempts to overcome this dichotomy by introducing the concept of economic identity. It suggests to bring ‘the economic’ back into culturalist explanations as a discursive motif that can be charged with identity and tradition. I argue that shared assumptions about what economic practices, institutions and conventions appear appropriate for the nation can serve the purpose of national identification. A qualitative discourse analysis of almost 400 Brexit campaign documents shows that those in favour of withdrawal and often considered ‘populist’ did not neglect economic arguments. But instead of relying on brute economic calculus, they referred to Britain’s economic traditions and images of a glorious economic past. By linking economic critique of the EU to issues of British heritage, Leave made Brexit a question of national economic identity—a discursive strategy particularly resonating with those economically deprived.
“新民粹主义”的兴起通常可以用两种相反的方式来解释,即文化反弹和经济剥夺。他们的对立延续了对经济与身份的二分理解。本文通过引入经济同一性的概念,为克服这种二分法的学术尝试做出了贡献。它建议将“经济”带回文化主义的解释中,作为一个可以被身份和传统指控的话语母题。我认为,关于什么经济实践、制度和惯例似乎适合一个国家的共同假设,可以达到国家认同的目的。对近400份英国脱欧竞选文件的定性话语分析表明,那些支持脱欧的人,通常被认为是“民粹主义者”,并没有忽视经济论据。但他们没有依靠野蛮的经济计算,而是参考了英国的经济传统和辉煌经济过去的形象。通过将对欧盟的经济批评与英国遗产问题联系起来,脱欧使英国退欧成为一个国家经济认同的问题——这是一种话语策略,特别能引起那些经济上被剥夺的人的共鸣。
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引用次数: 3
Hyper-elite network building in Madagascar: amplification or compensatory strategy? 马达加斯加的超级精英网络建设:放大还是补偿策略?
IF 3.7 2区 经济学 Q1 ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2022-08-12 DOI: 10.1093/ser/mwac045
Linda Rua, M. Razafindrakoto, F. Roubaud
Research has proved that social networks are unevenly distributed. Qualitative and theoretical work on elite networks raises the question: do they amplify or compensate for inequalities in the powerful other resources? We test these hypotheses using a unique dataset of hyper-elites in Madagascar. We identify three network dimensions: extent, quality and effectiveness. We find that elite groups disadvantaged in terms of social position are generally disadvantaged in terms of social networks. In particular, the caste system is still key to network building at the top. Homophily is the dominant bonding dynamic among elites. However, some compensatory mechanisms are in play. Socially disadvantaged elites tend to make more use of their networks. They also have more upwardly heterophilous potential and mobilized networks. The predominance of the elite network’s amplifying role explains the prevalence of the elite reproduction dynamic. Newcomers, who represent a minority, are excluded from the highest decision-making bodies.
研究证明,社交网络分布不均。关于精英网络的定性和理论研究提出了一个问题:它们是放大还是补偿了强大的其他资源中的不平等?我们使用马达加斯加超级精英的独特数据集来检验这些假设。我们确定了三个网络维度:范围、质量和有效性。我们发现,在社会地位方面处于不利地位的精英群体在社会网络方面通常处于不利地位。特别是,种姓制度仍然是高层网络建设的关键。同性恋是精英之间的主要纽带。然而,一些补偿机制正在发挥作用。处于社会弱势的精英倾向于更多地利用他们的网络。他们也有更多向上的异语文潜力和动员网络。精英网络放大作用的优势解释了精英再生产动态的普遍性。代表少数群体的新来者被排除在最高决策机构之外。
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引用次数: 0
Novel welfare state responses in times of crises: the COVID-19 crisis versus the Great Recession 危机时期福利国家的新对策:COVID-19危机与大衰退
IF 3.7 2区 经济学 Q1 ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2022-08-12 DOI: 10.1093/ser/mwac033
C. O’Donoghue, D. Sologon, Iryna Kyzyma
Using microsimulation tools, we explore the social policy responses to the Great Recession and the COVID-19 crisis, and their impact on preserving living standards in Ireland. During the Great Recession, the focus was on cost reduction. By contrast, during the COVID-19 crisis, the focus was on mitigating the impact on household incomes. In addition, an innovation in joint public and private responses emerged through social partnership. We find a stronger policy response during the COVID-19 crisis than the Great Recession. The COVID-19 crisis was more rapid, leaving more individuals out of work, thus family support was weaker. This was compensated by stronger private support through social partnership. Consequently, those with lower incomes had larger disposable incomes at the onset of the crisis; an effect that reduced with policy learning. We find increasing trust in public institutions during the COVID-19 crisis as opposed to a decline during the Great Recession.
使用微观模拟工具,我们探讨了对大衰退和COVID-19危机的社会政策反应,以及它们对保持爱尔兰生活水平的影响。在经济大衰退期间,重点是降低成本。相比之下,在2019冠状病毒病危机期间,重点是减轻对家庭收入的影响。此外,通过社会伙伴关系,出现了公私联合应对的创新。我们发现,在2019冠状病毒病危机期间,政策应对比大衰退期间更有力。新冠肺炎危机爆发速度更快,导致更多的人失业,因此家庭支持更弱。通过社会伙伴关系提供的更强有力的私人支持弥补了这一点。因此,在危机开始时,收入较低的人的可支配收入较高;这种效应随着政策学习而减弱。我们发现,在2019冠状病毒病危机期间,公众对公共机构的信任有所增加,而在大衰退期间则有所下降。
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引用次数: 3
The managerial contradictions of extroverted financialization: the rise and fall of Deutsche Bank 外向型金融化的管理矛盾:德意志银行的兴衰
IF 3.7 2区 经济学 Q1 ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2022-08-11 DOI: 10.1093/ser/mwac050
Mareike Beck
Deutsche Bank was once an acclaimed US-style investment bank but is now struggling. The rise of US finance is often explained as an outcome of financial liberalization that motivated other banks to abandon their traditional industrial support to chase profit opportunities within global securities markets. This story, however, underestimates how the transition to US-led financialization was deeply entangled with managerial struggles and the contradictions of adopting US financial innovations from a peripheral position. By contrast, I use the concept of extroverted financialization to portray Deutsche Bank’s transformation as an outcome of its attempts to integrate new funding practices connected to US money markets, called liability management. I argue that this process generated a difficult-to-manage business model and, ultimately, Deutsche’s decline. Because of these extroverted strategies, the bank is now caught between opposing logics of banking, within neither of which it can regain its previous powerful position.
德意志银行(Deutsche Bank)曾是一家备受赞誉的美式投资银行,但现在举步维艰。美国金融业的崛起通常被解释为金融自由化的结果,这种自由化促使其他银行放弃传统的行业支持,转而在全球证券市场追逐盈利机会。然而,这个故事低估了向美国主导的金融化过渡与管理斗争以及从外围国家采用美国金融创新的矛盾是如何深深纠缠在一起的。相比之下,我使用外向金融化的概念,将德意志银行的转型描述为其尝试整合与美国货币市场相关的新融资实践(称为负债管理)的结果。我认为,这一过程产生了一种难以管理的商业模式,并最终导致了德意志银行的衰落。由于这些外向型战略,该银行现在陷入了对立的银行业逻辑之间,在这两种逻辑中,它都无法重新获得以前的强大地位。
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引用次数: 1
期刊
Socio-Economic Review
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