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On Jordanna Matlon’s A Man among Other Men: The Crisis of Black Masculinity in Racial Capitalism, Ithaca, NY, Cornell University Press, 2022 论乔丹娜·马伦的《男人中的男人:种族资本主义下黑人男子气概的危机》,伊萨卡,纽约州,康奈尔大学出版社,2022年
IF 3.7 2区 经济学 Q1 Economics, Econometrics and Finance Pub Date : 2023-06-26 DOI: 10.1093/ser/mwad020
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引用次数: 0
Beyond crony capitalism: financialization, flexible actors and private power in transition economies—the case of Agrokor 超越裙带资本主义:转型经济中的金融化、灵活的行为者和私人权力——以Agrokor为例
IF 3.7 2区 经济学 Q1 Economics, Econometrics and Finance Pub Date : 2023-06-24 DOI: 10.1093/ser/mwad035
P. Stubbs, Mislav Žitko
In this article, we provide a critique of the concept of crony capitalism as the dominant explanation of change in economies in transition-based as it is on an idealized technocratic representation of ‘free markets’. We do this through an analysis of the fall of the Croatian company Agrokor, one of the most important companies in post-socialist Southeast Europe. The Agrokor case allows for an understanding of state-economy restructurings in times of crisis, and the competing temporalities and rhythms of corporate practices, political interventions and public perceptions. Agrokor can be considered as a symbol of many of the unfolding contradictions of transnational capitalism in the semi-periphery. The nature of Agrokor’s demise is understood as a result of the hyper-financialization of the firm and the rise of transnational predatory finance. The translation of liquidity and debt crises into a fundamental restructuring of the conglomerate, ushering in a shift in power and control, is the product of active work by a range of agents and an attempted resolution, partial and unfinished, of a struggle for dominance between fractions of capital.
在这篇文章中,我们对裙带资本主义的概念进行了批判,裙带资本主义是转型期经济体变化的主要解释,因为它是基于“自由市场”的理想化技术官僚代表。我们通过分析克罗地亚公司Agrokor的倒闭来做到这一点,Agrokor是后社会主义时代东南欧最重要的公司之一。Agrokor案使我们能够理解危机时期的国家经济重组,以及企业实践、政治干预和公众认知的竞争时间和节奏。Agrokor可以被认为是跨国资本主义在半边缘地区许多矛盾的象征。Agrokor倒闭的本质被理解为该公司过度金融化和跨国掠夺性金融兴起的结果。将流动性和债务危机转化为企业集团的根本性重组,带来权力和控制权的转变,是一系列代理人积极工作的结果,也是部分和未完成的资本份额之间争夺主导权斗争的尝试解决的结果。
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引用次数: 0
The family web: Multigenerational class persistence in elite populations 家庭网络:精英群体中多代阶级的持久性
IF 3.7 2区 经济学 Q1 Economics, Econometrics and Finance Pub Date : 2023-06-23 DOI: 10.1093/ser/mwad033
Shay O’Brien
This article introduces the first-ever full kinship network of an upper-class population in a US city (n = 12 273). Multigenerational class transmission models tend to conceptualize families as father–son chains, especially for the upper class, but I systematically include women, finding that nearly 70% of Dallas high society from 1895 to 1945 was related in a single web encompassing most of the city’s wealthy, powerful, and high-status people. Because elites did not always have sons, nearly three times more families persisted over the 50-year period than patrilineal measures would suggest. Almost all persistent families connected to the web, and they connected more deeply than non-persistent families. Three case studies demonstrate that women and kin ties beyond the patrilineage frequently drove elite family persistence. Upper-class populations are best understood not as collections of distinct dynasties that live or die with the success of sons, but as complex, durable family webs.
本文介绍了美国城市中第一个上层阶级人口的完整亲属网络(n = 12273)。多代阶级传递模型倾向于将家庭概念化为父子链,尤其是对上层阶级而言,但我系统地将女性纳入其中,发现从1895年到1945年,达拉斯上流社会近70%的人都与一个包含了该市大多数富人、权贵和高地位人士的网络有关。由于精英阶层并不总是有儿子,在50年的时间里,持续存在的家庭数量几乎是父系制度测算结果的三倍。几乎所有的持久性家庭都与网络相连,而且它们比非持久性家庭联系得更紧密。三个案例研究表明,女性和父系以外的亲属关系经常推动精英家族的坚持。对上层阶级人口最好的理解不是不同王朝的集合,这些王朝的生死取决于儿子的成功,而是复杂而持久的家庭网络。
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引用次数: 1
How platform businesses mobilize their users and allies: Corporate grassroots lobbying and the Airbnb ‘movement’ for deregulation 平台企业如何动员他们的用户和盟友:企业基层游说和爱彼迎放松管制的“运动”
IF 3.7 2区 经济学 Q1 Economics, Econometrics and Finance Pub Date : 2023-06-19 DOI: 10.1093/ser/mwad028
Luke Yates
This article analyzes and theorizes the political strategies of businesses in the new digital ‘platform’ economy. Airbnb, Uber and meal delivery companies have transformed travel, urban space and repertoires of everyday exchange; they are also transforming norms around governance. Central to platforms corporate political strategies is the use of corporate grassroots lobbying (CGL), the selection, mobilization, resourcing and coordination of ordinary users and grassroots allies to influence the public and policy-making process. The article argues that platforms build on, and make five innovations to, the most common existing repertoires of CGL. Four main approaches of CGL among these businesses are also identified: temporary mobilization; curated storytelling; front groups; and grassroots alliances. The article demonstrates how these approaches to CGL are deployed and combined, using Airbnb as the main case study. Finally, I reflect on the implications of the findings for the platform economy, corporate political activity and socioeconomic change.
本文分析并理论化了新的数字“平台”经济中企业的政治策略。Airbnb、优步和送餐公司已经改变了旅行、城市空间和日常交流的场所;他们也在改变有关治理的规范。平台企业政治战略的核心是利用企业基层游说(CGL),选择、动员、资源和协调普通用户和基层盟友,以影响公众和决策过程。文章认为,平台建立在CGL现有最常见的曲目基础上,并对其进行了五项创新。还确定了CGL在这些企业中的四种主要方法:临时动员;策划讲故事;前沿群体;以及基层联盟。本文以Airbnb为主要案例研究,展示了CGL的这些方法是如何部署和组合的。最后,我反思了研究结果对平台经济、企业政治活动和社会经济变化的影响。
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引用次数: 1
Labor market risks and welfare preferences: a bounded rationality approach 劳动力市场风险与福利偏好:有限理性方法
2区 经济学 Q1 Economics, Econometrics and Finance Pub Date : 2023-06-15 DOI: 10.1093/ser/mwad034
Leo Ahrens
This study introduces a bounded rationality approach to welfare preference formation under exposure to labor market risks. It argues that risk exposure only increases welfare demand when it is reasonable to assume that workers are aware of their risk exposure and when future-related concerns are currently salient. Empirical analyses of longitudinal data from Switzerland and 28 European countries support the theory. Swiss workers only optimize their welfare preferences in a forward-looking manner when they become unemployed, and only the national unemployment rate is found to increase welfare demand in European countries. In contrast, a variety of risks on the occupational and individual level drawn from previous research are found to be unrelated with welfare preferences. The implication is that the risk exposure of employed workers may matter less for their welfare preferences and downstream political phenomena such as voting behavior than commonly expected.
本研究引入有限理性方法研究劳动力市场风险下福利偏好的形成。它认为,风险暴露只会增加福利需求,当可以合理地假设工人意识到他们的风险暴露,当与未来相关的担忧目前很突出。对瑞士和欧洲28个国家的纵向数据进行的实证分析支持了这一理论。瑞士工人只有在失业时才前瞻性地优化福利偏好,欧洲国家只有国家失业率才会增加福利需求。相比之下,从先前的研究中得出的职业和个人层面的各种风险与福利偏好无关。这意味着受雇工人的风险暴露对他们的福利偏好和下游政治现象(如投票行为)的影响可能比通常预期的要小。
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引用次数: 0
Making sense of the financialization of households: state of the art and beyond 理解家庭的金融化:最先进的技术和超越
IF 3.7 2区 经济学 Q1 Economics, Econometrics and Finance Pub Date : 2023-06-15 DOI: 10.1093/ser/mwad029
Alicja Bobek, Marek Mikuš, M. Sokol
Building on, and going beyond, the state-of-the-art literature, this article aims to advance the analysis and conceptualization of the financialization of households. It argues that there is a need to better conceptualize the household and that the relations between households and other actors in financialized capitalism require further elaboration. Its contribution rests on providing a high-level review of literature and on proposing a relational and activity-orientated approach to the household as a micro-level social institution performing its activities through a web of relationships. Furthermore, it builds on the concept of ‘financial chains’ to draw attention to power relations and transfers of value between households and other economic actors. In doing so, the article also highlights the uneven ways through which households are inserted into such ‘financial chains’ and explores social, spatial and temporal dimensions of household financialization. Finally, it suggests avenues for further research.
基于并超越现有文献,本文旨在推进家庭金融化的分析和概念化。它认为,有必要更好地概念化家庭,并且在金融化资本主义中,家庭与其他行动者之间的关系需要进一步阐述。它的贡献在于对文献进行高水平的审查,并提出一种关系和面向活动的办法,把家庭作为通过关系网开展活动的微观社会机构。此外,它建立在“金融链”的概念上,以引起人们对家庭和其他经济行为者之间的权力关系和价值转移的关注。在此过程中,文章还强调了家庭插入这种“金融链”的不平衡方式,并探讨了家庭金融化的社会、空间和时间维度。最后,提出了进一步研究的途径。
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引用次数: 0
An economic sociology perspective on informal domestic work relations: a study of domestic workers and their employers in Pakistan 非正式家庭工作关系的经济社会学视角:对巴基斯坦家庭工人及其雇主的研究
2区 经济学 Q1 Economics, Econometrics and Finance Pub Date : 2023-06-15 DOI: 10.1093/ser/mwad030
Muhammad Shehryar Shahid, Jawad Syed
Abstract The scholarship on informal domestic work remains heavily dominated by the marginalization discourse, describing this form of work as being an exploitative and abusive endeavour. In contrast, drawing on the relational work perspective from economic sociology, we conceive of informal domestic work as embedded in a relational infrastructure of social ties and reciprocal favours. In doing so, our article addresses the following overarching question: to what extent are the informal domestic work relations reciprocal instead of [or in addition to] being only exploitative and abusive? Drawing on in-depth interviews with 90 paid domestic workers and their employers, our findings reveal that while these domestic workers typically operate within the constrained opportunity structures, their work relations comprise a tacit sociological element of reciprocal benefits. However, we also conclude that by infusing these work relations with reciprocal elements, the domestic workers indeed gain something but also ultimately reinforce their unequal position.
关于非正式家务劳动的学术研究仍然被边缘化的话语所主导,将这种形式的工作描述为一种剥削和虐待的努力。相反,从经济社会学的关系工作角度来看,我们认为非正式的家务劳动嵌入在社会关系和互惠的关系基础结构中。在这样做的过程中,我们的文章解决了以下首要问题:非正式的家庭工作关系在多大程度上是互惠的,而不是[或除了]只是剥削和虐待?通过对90名有偿家庭佣工及其雇主的深入访谈,我们的研究结果表明,虽然这些家庭佣工通常在受限的机会结构中工作,但他们的工作关系包含了互惠互利的隐性社会学因素。然而,我们也得出结论,通过在这些工作关系中注入互惠因素,家庭佣工确实获得了一些东西,但最终也加强了他们的不平等地位。
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引用次数: 0
What limits intra-household insurance or the ‘Added Worker Effect’? 什么限制了家庭内部保险或“附加工人效应”?
IF 3.7 2区 经济学 Q1 Economics, Econometrics and Finance Pub Date : 2023-06-12 DOI: 10.1093/ser/mwad025
Debra Hevenstone, Dorian Kessler, Larissa Luchsinger
The ‘Added Worker Effect’ (AWE) theory posits that partners of the unemployed provide intra-household insurance by increasing their earnings. However, estimates of the AWE are small. Popular explanations include lacking need (e.g. due to generous unemployment benefits), capacity or willingness to increase earnings, though these explanations are seldom tested systematically. Using Swiss administrative data and difference-in-differences estimates, we find an overall AWE among only non-working women. We find no systematic differences in AWEs between couples with differing needs or capacities, but aspects related to willingness like marriage, long marital duration and shared biological children are associated with higher AWEs. Men’s overall slight reduction in earnings upon their partners’ unemployment is driven by young, childless, cohabiting men. Overall, compared to unemployment insurance, in all studied subgroups, the AWE is a minimal source of insurance.
“额外工人效应”(AWE)理论认为,失业者的伴侣通过增加他们的收入来提供家庭内部保险。然而,对AWE的估计很小。流行的解释包括缺乏需求(例如,由于慷慨的失业救济金)、增加收入的能力或意愿,尽管这些解释很少得到系统的检验。利用瑞士的行政数据和差中差估计,我们发现只有非工作女性才有整体的敬畏感。我们发现,不同需求或能力的夫妻在敬畏度方面没有系统性差异,但与婚姻意愿、婚姻持续时间长和共有亲生子女等方面相关的因素与更高的敬畏度有关。由于配偶失业,男性收入总体上略有下降,这是由年轻、没有孩子、同居的男性造成的。总的来说,与失业保险相比,在所有研究的亚组中,AWE是最低限度的保险来源。
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引用次数: 0
Correction to: Structural adjustment and the political economy of capital flight 更正:结构调整与资本外逃的政治经济学
2区 经济学 Q1 Economics, Econometrics and Finance Pub Date : 2023-06-06 DOI: 10.1093/ser/mwad032
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引用次数: 0
In the shadow of hierarchy: minimum wage commissions in the UK and Germany 在等级制度的阴影下:英国和德国的最低工资委员会
IF 3.7 2区 经济学 Q1 Economics, Econometrics and Finance Pub Date : 2023-05-19 DOI: 10.1093/ser/mwad027
D. Mabbett
The adoption of statutory minimum wages (MWs) has been accompanied by institutional innovations in the relationship between governments, employers and unions. In the UK and Germany, MW commissions were created to recommend or determine the MW. Their memberships are dominated by trade unionists and employers. Structures that engage the social partners ‘in the shadow of hierarchy’ can be efficient as well as politically expedient. They will be stable if, first, the social partners can establish a consensual basis for decisions and, second, this consensus position is near enough to the government’s position not to trigger intervention. The first condition has been met but not the second: both in the UK and Germany, governments have overridden employers and unions in order to introduce higher MWs. The article explores why this has happened and draws out the implications for MW fixing and the stability of shadow-of-hierarchy arrangements.
在采用法定最低工资的同时,政府、雇主和工会之间的关系也进行了制度创新。在英国和德国,成立了兆瓦委员会来推荐或确定兆瓦。他们的会员主要是工会会员和雇主。让社会伙伴“在等级制度的阴影下”参与的结构可能是高效的,也是政治上的权宜之计。如果,首先,社会伙伴能够建立一个共识的决策基础,其次,这个共识的立场足够接近政府的立场,不触发干预,它们将是稳定的。第一个条件已得到满足,但第二个条件尚未得到满足:在英国和德国,政府都凌驾于雇主和工会之上,以引入更高的最低工资。本文探讨了发生这种情况的原因,并得出了对MW修复和层次阴影安排稳定性的影响。
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引用次数: 0
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Socio-Economic Review
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