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Friends, enemies, and agonists: Politics, morality and media in the COVID-19 conjuncture 朋友、敌人和激动者:COVID-19危机中的政治、道德和媒体
IF 2.2 1区 文学 Q1 COMMUNICATION Pub Date : 2022-05-31 DOI: 10.1177/09579265221095408
S. Phelan
The radical democratic theorist Chantal Mouffe has long criticized the moralization of politics in its neoliberalized Third Way form. The argument informs her analysis of the rise of the far right, which she suggests has partly been enabled by moralizing antagonisms that inhibit a culture of agonistic political contestation. This paper uses Mouffe to think about the current condition of mediatized public discourse, extending her critique of moralized politics to a wider set of targets. I illuminate the argument through an analysis of a BBC Newsnight report that thematizes the ‘toxic’ nature of public debate about the science of COVID-19. I show how the report internalizes sedimented ‘culture war’ discourses about the polarized nature of today’s public culture and, in the process, offers oblique insights into how far-right discourses are normalized. I end by considering some of the limitations of Mouffe’s work as a resource for thinking about how to counteract the far right.
激进民主理论家尚塔尔·墨菲(Chantal Mouffe)长期以来一直批评新自由主义化的第三条道路形式的政治道德化。这一论点为她对极右势力崛起的分析提供了依据。她认为,极右势力崛起的部分原因是,道德上的对抗抑制了一种激烈的政治竞争文化。本文用墨菲的视角来思考媒介化公共话语的现状,将她对道德化政治的批判扩展到更广泛的目标上。我通过对英国广播公司晚间新闻报道的分析来阐明这一观点,该报道将关于COVID-19科学的公共辩论的“有毒”性质作为主题。我展示了这份报告如何内化了关于当今公共文化两极化本质的沉淀的“文化战争”话语,并在此过程中,对极右翼话语如何正常化提供了间接的见解。最后,我将考虑墨菲作品的一些局限性,以此作为思考如何对抗极右翼的资源。
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引用次数: 3
News media and the politics of fear: Normalization and contrastive discourses in the reporting on terrorist attacks in Sweden and the UK 新闻媒体与恐惧政治:瑞典和英国恐怖袭击报道中的常态化与对比话语
IF 2.2 1区 文学 Q1 COMMUNICATION Pub Date : 2022-05-24 DOI: 10.1177/09579265221095409
Mats Ekström, Marianna Patrona, J. Thornborrow
This paper provides a comparative critical discourse analysis of news discourse on terrorism with respect to the coverage by two Swedish and two UK broadsheet newspapers of the terrorists attacks that took place in Stockholm and in London respectively in the year 2017. The research goal is to investigate the type of discourses mobilized that help enact a ‘politics of fear’, and to compare the constitutive elements of this rhetoric within the same, and across the two national contexts. The findings point to three major representations as points on a continuum of discourses that emphatically affirm, give rise to, but also resist and counteract, a politics of fear. The paper sheds light on processes of normalization at work in the routine discursive practices of press coverage, but also to the rise of counter-discourses that resist, downplay, or take a critical stance toward the core elements of a politics of fear. It is argued that these latter discursive practices may work in the opposite direction, namely to de-normalize or marginalize a dominant politics of fear.
本文就瑞典两家和英国两家大报对2017年分别发生在斯德哥尔摩和伦敦的恐怖分子袭击事件的报道,对恐怖主义新闻话语进行了比较批判性话语分析。研究目标是调查动员起来的有助于实施“恐惧政治”的话语类型,并比较这种修辞在同一个国家和两个国家背景下的构成要素。研究结果指出,三个主要的表征是一系列话语的要点,这些话语强调肯定、引发、但也抵制和抵消恐惧政治。这篇论文揭示了新闻报道的日常话语实践中的正常化过程,也揭示了抵制、淡化或对恐惧政治的核心要素采取批评立场的反话语的兴起。有人认为,后一种话语实践可能会朝着相反的方向发展,即使占主导地位的恐惧政治去正常化或边缘化。
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引用次数: 2
Worthiness, unity, numbers and commitment: Strengthening qualitative corpus methods in the critical discourse analysis of protest press coverage 价值、统一、数量与承诺:在抗议新闻报道批评话语分析中强化定性语料库方法
IF 2.2 1区 文学 Q1 COMMUNICATION Pub Date : 2022-05-19 DOI: 10.1177/09579265221093650
C. Kennedy
The increasingly used method of corpus-assisted Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) has recently been criticised for lacking identifiable and accountable methods in its qualitative analyses. For example, manual concordance analysis (a popular corpus technique involving the ‘close reading’ of text) rarely explicates the qualitative method involved – that is, if any has been used at all. This article seeks to strengthen qualitative concordance analysis in the context of the press representation of protests. In doing so, it theoretically formulates the novel linguistic application of Tilly’s sociological ‘WUNC’ framework, which argues protests and social movements are successful when they display worthiness, unity, numbers and commitment. By mapping prominent CDA theories onto Tilly’s definitions of worthiness, unity, numbers and commitment, the article offers a replicable qualitative approach to the analysis of concordances specific to linguistic research about the press representation of protests.
近年来,越来越多地使用的语料库辅助批评语篇分析方法因其定性分析缺乏可识别和可解释的方法而受到批评。例如,手动一致性分析(一种涉及文本“细读”的流行语料库技术)很少解释所涉及的定性方法——也就是说,如果已经使用过的话。本文试图在新闻报道抗议活动的背景下加强定性一致性分析。在这样做的过程中,它从理论上阐述了蒂莉社会学“WUNC”框架的新颖语言应用,该框架认为,抗议和社会运动在表现出价值、团结、数量和承诺时是成功的。通过将著名的CDA理论映射到Tilly对价值、统一、数字和承诺的定义上,本文提供了一种可复制的定性方法来分析针对抗议新闻表现的语言学研究的一致性。
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引用次数: 2
Sacrificing long hair and the domestic sphere: Reporting on female medical workers in Chinese online news during Covid-19 牺牲长发和家庭:新冠肺炎期间中国网络新闻中的女医务工作者报道
IF 2.2 1区 文学 Q1 COMMUNICATION Pub Date : 2022-05-19 DOI: 10.1177/09579265221096029
Xinmei Sun, Małgorzata Chałupnik
In the context of the outbreak of the Covid-19 pandemic, female medical staff constituted a large proportion of frontline healthcare workers in China, with 50% of doctors and over 90% of nurses being women. In this paper, we aim to examine how these medical workers were represented at the start of the pandemic in online news reports posted on one of China’s most popular social media platforms, Weibo. In the paper, we draw upon corpus-based critical discourse analysis, comparing representations of female medical workers to those of medical workers in general. We observe that not only are female medical workers portrayed through a predominantly gendered lens, but they are also subordinated to the needs of the state. We consider the role played by state-controlled media in regulating the position of (working) women in society and probe into rhetorical means through which this is achieved.
在新冠肺炎疫情爆发的背景下,女性医护人员在中国一线医护人员中占很大比例,其中50%的医生和90%以上的护士是女性。在这篇论文中,我们旨在研究在疫情开始时,这些医务工作者在中国最受欢迎的社交媒体平台之一微博上发布的在线新闻报道中的表现。在本文中,我们利用基于语料库的批判性话语分析,将女性医务工作者和一般医务工作者的表征进行比较。我们观察到,女性医务工作者不仅是通过以性别为主的视角来描绘的,而且她们也服从于国家的需求。我们考虑了国家控制的媒体在规范(职业)女性在社会中的地位方面所发挥的作用,并探讨了实现这一点的修辞手段。
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引用次数: 4
The abnormalisation of social justice: The ‘anti-woke culture war’ discourse in the UK 社会正义的畸形化:英国的“反觉醒文化战争”话语
IF 2.2 1区 文学 Q1 COMMUNICATION Pub Date : 2022-05-12 DOI: 10.1177/09579265221095407
Bart Cammaerts
In this article, the so-called ‘anti-woke’ culture war is deconstructed through the notions of metapolitics in fascist discourses – linked to the Gramscian ‘hegemonisation’ and ‘the war of position’ – as well as the Schmittian friend/enemy distinction coupled with theories of deviance and moral panics. The appropriation of the neo-fascist culture war discourse by the mainstream right in the UK is analysed discursively, combining political discourse analysis, the discourse-historical approach and discourse-conceptual analysis. The anti-woke culture war by the British conservative party as well as rightwing media will serve to analyse how social justice struggles like anti-racism, anti-sexism and pro-LGBTQ rights are being abnormalised and positioned as extreme deviant political positions. Linked to this, so-called ‘cancel culture’ is strategically deployed by dominant groups to neutralise contestations against racist, sexist and anti-LGBTQ views. Finally, freedom of speech and the right to offend is weaponised to protect racist and discriminatory language and to position these idea’s as valid opinions worthy of democratic debate.
在这篇文章中,所谓的“反觉醒”文化战争是通过法西斯话语中的元政治概念来解构的——与葛兰西的“霸权化”和“阵地之战”有关——以及施米特的朋友/敌人区分,以及越界和道德恐慌理论。本文结合政治话语分析、话语历史分析和话语概念分析,对英国主流右翼对新法西斯主义文化战争话语的挪用进行了话语分析。英国保守党和右翼媒体的反觉醒文化战争将分析反种族主义、反性别歧视、支持lgbtq权利等社会正义斗争如何被异常化,并被定位为极端的偏离政治立场。与此相关的是,所谓的“取消文化”被主导群体战略性地部署,以中和反对种族主义、性别歧视和反lgbtq观点的争论。最后,言论自由和冒犯的权利被武器化,以保护种族主义和歧视性语言,并将这些想法定位为值得民主辩论的有效意见。
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引用次数: 20
Occupying the streets, occupying words. Reframing new feminisms through reappropriation 占领街道,占领文字。通过重新利用重塑新女性主义
IF 2.2 1区 文学 Q1 COMMUNICATION Pub Date : 2022-05-10 DOI: 10.1177/09579265221093649
Manuela Romano
This paper presents a Critical and Socio-Cognitive analysis of protest discourse as created in slogans for feminist rallies taking place in Spain (2017–2020). The study focuses on the discursive evolution of the term manada (‘wolfpack’), from its origins as a metonymy to refer to a gang rape taking place in the San Fermín bullfighting celebration of July 2016, to its reappropriation by feminists to bring attention to gender violence and, most importantly, to create a positive in-group identity of cohesion and empowerment, while delegitimizing and dispossessing the out-group, rapists, of their power. The analysis shows how reappropriation, together with recontextualization and multimodal creativity, helps to understand the impact of a single term, manada, in the transformation of the traditional discourse of fear and threat into one of solidarity and hope when addressing gender violence, as well as its effects on the constructions of new cognitive and social frames within the community.
本文对西班牙(2017-2020)女权主义集会口号中的抗议话语进行了批判和社会认知分析。这项研究的重点是manada(“狼群”)一词的话语演变,从它的起源作为一个转喻,指2016年7月在San Fermín斗牛庆祝活动中发生的轮奸,到女权主义者重新使用它,以引起对性别暴力的关注,最重要的是,创造一种积极的凝聚力和赋权的群体内认同,同时使外群体(强奸犯)失去合法性和剥夺他们的权力。分析显示,在处理性别暴力问题时,再挪用、重新语境化和多模态创造力如何有助于理解单一术语“manada”在将传统的恐惧和威胁话语转变为团结和希望话语方面的影响,以及它对构建社区内新的认知和社会框架的影响。
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引用次数: 3
The intertextuality and interdiscursivity of “mirroring” in South Korean cyberfeminist posts 韩国网络女权主义帖子中“镜像”的互文性与交叉性
IF 2.2 1区 文学 Q1 COMMUNICATION Pub Date : 2022-05-07 DOI: 10.1177/09579265221096028
Sunyoung Yang, Kathy Lee
This study examines the phenomenon of “mirroring” used by Womad, a cyberfeminist community in South Korea. Mirroring involves the reversal of gender to spotlight misogynist practices that might otherwise go unnoticed. To better understand mirroring, we introduce selected posts from Ilbe, a male-dominant online forum, known for denigrating Korean women and then analyze Womad’s posts on similar topics following approaches in critical discourse analysis and feminist post-structuralism. Our analysis examines two main linguistic strategies of mirroring that Womad uses to disrupt gendered ideologies. First, we focus on the use of intertextuality in Womad’s posts through their adoption of Ilbe’s masculine register to combat misogyny by targeting men. Interdiscursivity is another important strategy Womad users deploy to foreground the inequities entrenched in Korea’s long-standing patriarchy. Ultimately, mirroring offers critiques of gender inequity and misogyny through active engagements with everyday linguistic practices online while opening up new possibilities for gender politics.
这项研究考察了韩国网络女权主义团体Womad使用的“镜像”现象。镜像包括颠倒性别,以突显可能被忽视的厌女行为。为了更好地理解镜像,我们介绍了男性主导的在线论坛Ilbe的精选帖子,该论坛以诋毁韩国女性而闻名,然后按照批判性话语分析和女权主义后结构主义的方法分析了Womad关于类似主题的帖子。我们的分析考察了Womad用来破坏性别意识形态的两种主要语言镜像策略。首先,我们关注Womad的帖子中互文性的使用,通过采用Ilbe的男性登记册来对抗针对男性的厌女症。跨话语是Womad用户用来突出韩国长期父权制中根深蒂固的不平等现象的另一个重要策略。最终,镜像通过积极参与日常在线语言实践,对性别不平等和厌女症提出了批评,同时为性别政治开辟了新的可能性。
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引用次数: 1
Marginal voices: Exploring presence and participation in interaction in child protection conferences 边缘声音:探讨儿童保护会议互动的存在与参与
IF 2.2 1区 文学 Q1 COMMUNICATION Pub Date : 2022-05-01 DOI: 10.1177/09579265221108024
Eleanor Lutman-White, J. Angouri
Child protection conferences are key meetings in the social work child protection process in England. They provide the context where decisions are made about how best to safeguard and promote the welfare of children and constitute an important opportunity for social work services to work in partnership with parents; yet there is little research about what happens interactionally in these meetings and particularly about parents’ participation. Using interactional sociolinguistics, we analyse the data from three audio-recorded child protection conferences, focussing on sequences where concerns are raised and responded to, to illuminate how parent involvement is accomplished interactionally. We look specifically at the linguistic and discursive features of turns and the management of the floor, connecting the sequential nature of the account sequences to presence and participation. The analysis shows a contrast between professionals’ participation versus parents’ presence in this asymmetrical event, suggesting a marginalisation of parents’ contributions and a mismatch between the principle of partnership working with parents and practice in this area of child protection social work.
儿童保护会议是英国社会工作儿童保护过程中的关键会议。它们提供了关于如何最好地保障和促进儿童福利的决策背景,并为社会工作服务与父母合作提供了一个重要机会;然而,很少有人研究这些会议中的互动情况,尤其是家长的参与情况。使用互动社会语言学,我们分析了三次儿童保护音频会议的数据,重点关注提出和回应问题的顺序,以阐明父母的参与是如何通过互动实现的。我们特别关注回合的语言和话语特征以及发言权的管理,将叙述顺序的顺序性与在场和参与联系起来。分析显示,在这一不对称事件中,专业人员的参与与父母的参与形成了对比,表明父母的贡献被边缘化,与父母合作的原则与儿童保护社会工作领域的实践不匹配。
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引用次数: 0
From fallacies to semi-fake news: Improving the identification of misinformation triggers across digital media 从谬论到半假新闻:提高对数字媒体中错误信息触发因素的识别
IF 2.2 1区 文学 Q1 COMMUNICATION Pub Date : 2022-05-01 DOI: 10.1177/09579265221076609
Elena Musi, C. Reed
This study tackles the fake news phenomenon during the pandemic from a critical thinking perspective. It addresses the lack of systematic criteria by which to fact-check the grey area of misinformation. As a preliminary step, drawing from fallacy theory, we define what type of fake news convey misinformation. Through a data data driven approach, we then identify 10 fallacious strategies which flag misinformation and we provide a deterministic analysis method by which to recognize them. An annotation study of over 220 news articles about COVID-19 fact-checked by Snopes shows that (i) the strategies work as indicators of misinformation (ii) they are related to digital media affordances (iii) and they can be used as the backbone of more informative fact-checkers’ ratings. The results of this study are meant to help citizens to become their own fact-checkers through critical thinking and digital activism.
这项研究从批判性思维的角度处理了疫情期间的假新闻现象。它解决了缺乏系统的标准来核实错误信息的灰色地带的问题。作为一个初步步骤,我们借鉴谬论理论,定义了什么类型的假新闻传达了错误信息。通过数据数据驱动的方法,我们确定了10种标记错误信息的错误策略,并提供了一种识别它们的确定性分析方法。Snopes对220多篇关于新冠肺炎事实核查的新闻文章进行的注释研究表明,(i)这些策略作为错误信息的指标发挥作用(ii)它们与数字媒体的可供性有关(iii)它们可以用作信息更丰富的事实核查者评分的支柱。这项研究的结果旨在帮助公民通过批判性思维和数字行动主义成为自己的事实核查者。
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引用次数: 5
Look, Dude: How hyperpartisan and non-hyperpartisan speech differ in online commentary 看,老兄:在线评论中的超党派和非超党派言论有何不同
IF 2.2 1区 文学 Q1 COMMUNICATION Pub Date : 2022-05-01 DOI: 10.1177/09579265221108022
Allison Nguyen, Tom Roberts, P. Anand, J. E. Fox Tree
Identifying the characteristics of hyperpartisan communication that make it so amenable to sharing is crucial to combating the spread of misinformation. We analyzed a corpus of hyperpartisan and non-hyperpartisan writing produced on internet forums and found that markers of spontaneous communication are strongly predictive of hyperpartisan speech, regardless of whether that speech is left- or right-leaning. The markers of spontaneous communication included swear words, discourse markers, local pronouns like I and you, and exclamation marks. This suggests that speakers in hyperpartisan online communities exploit linguistic resources, even those without overtly political or persuasive content, to engage readers through appeal to closeness and familiarity.
识别超党派沟通的特征,使其易于分享,对于打击错误信息的传播至关重要。我们分析了互联网论坛上产生的超党派和非超党派写作语料库,发现自发交流的标志物对超党派言论有很强的预测作用,无论该言论是左倾还是右倾。自发交流的标记包括脏话、话语标记、“我和你”等地方代词和感叹号。这表明,超党派网络社区中的演讲者利用语言资源,即使是那些没有公开政治或说服力内容的人,也能通过吸引亲近感和熟悉感来吸引读者。
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引用次数: 0
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