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Bangladesh - Growing Regional Presence 孟加拉国——不断增长的地区影响力
IF 3.4 1区 社会学 Q1 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2022-06-20 DOI: 10.56312/dujir15e1n2e5
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引用次数: 0
Bangladesh & Regionalism: ‘Taking Two to Tango’, or Lingering in Limbo? 孟加拉与地方主义:“两人跳探戈”,还是在地狱边缘徘徊?
IF 3.4 1区 社会学 Q1 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2022-06-20 DOI: 10.56312/dujir15e1n2e6
Imtiaz. Hussain
Why have Bangladesh’s regional integrative efforts sputtered more than resonate? Will its sought-after Southeast Asian trade linkages stem from what is on the table than off of it? A structured-focused study 1 , utilizing methods both case 2 and comparative 3 , applies neo-functional and regional integration tenets 4 , to the country’s diplomatic neighbourhood forays, before probing possible future trajectories. Preliminary findings elevate exogenous (not necessarily external) constraints and interdependent relations 5 , more than endogenous and integrative. Among the constraints: (a) Bangladesh’s export rigidities and the stubbornness to diversify consumption patterns; (b) infrastructural deficiencies impeding the necessary flows for regional growth; (c) security considerations impinging progress, limiting partner possibilities; and (d) mostly the absence of any south-south exchange weltanschauung to fall back upon.
为什么孟加拉国的区域一体化努力失败了,而不是产生了共鸣?中国备受追捧的东南亚贸易联系,是源于谈判桌上的东西,还是源于谈判之外的东西?一项以结构化为重点的研究,利用案例2和比较3的方法,在探索可能的未来轨迹之前,将新功能和区域一体化原则应用于该国的外交邻国尝试。初步的研究结果强调了外生(不一定是外部)约束和相互依赖的关系,而不是内生的和综合的。限制因素包括:(a)孟加拉国的出口僵化和不愿使消费模式多样化;(b)基础设施不足妨碍区域增长的必要流动;(c)阻碍进展的安全考虑,限制合作伙伴的可能性;(d)主要是缺乏任何可以依靠的南南交流。
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引用次数: 0
Five Decades of Bangladesh-U.S. Relations: A Neoclassical Realist Explanation 五十年的孟加拉-美国关系关系:一个新古典现实主义的解释
IF 3.4 1区 社会学 Q1 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2022-06-20 DOI: 10.56312/dujir15e1n2e8
Sheikh Shams Morsalin, Md. Abdul Hannan
Despite the fact that the United States took an opposite stand on the question of independence of Bangladesh, the relationship started developing since the US recognition to Bangladesh in 1972. Apart from few exceptions, most of the governments of Bangladesh under different political regimes intended to remain in good terms with the US. However, the relationships have not always been an ascending one as Bangladesh used to remain secondary concern for US foreign policy preferences. It is after the calamitous event of 9/11 that brought
尽管美国在孟加拉国独立问题上采取了相反的立场,但自1972年美国承认孟加拉国以来,两国关系开始发展。除了少数例外,不同政治体制下的孟加拉国大多数政府都希望与美国保持良好关系。然而,两国关系并不总是蒸蒸日上,因为孟加拉国过去一直是美国外交政策偏好的次要关注点。是在911灾难性事件之后
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引用次数: 0
Negotiation of the SDGs and the 2030 Agenda: Role of Bangladesh 可持续发展目标和2030年议程谈判:孟加拉国的作用
IF 3.4 1区 社会学 Q1 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2022-06-20 DOI: 10.56312/dujir15e1n2e3
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引用次数: 0
Foreign Policy of Bangladesh: From Chrysalis of a State to an Emerging Middle Power 孟加拉国的外交政策:从一个国家的蛹到一个新兴的中等大国
IF 3.4 1区 社会学 Q1 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2022-06-20 DOI: 10.56312/dujir15e1n2e2i
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引用次数: 0
Refugees, Migrants and the Bangladesh State: The Conundrum of Liberal International Order 难民、移民和孟加拉国:自由国际秩序的难题
IF 3.4 1区 社会学 Q1 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2022-06-20 DOI: 10.56312/dujir15e1n2e10
Syeda Rozana Rashid
The end of the Cold War renewed optimism that states would embrace liberal principles for addressing the challenges to the survival, livelihood and dignity of people. 1 In reality, however, the 21 st century beholds protracted political crises, violent conflicts, persistent poverty and deadly pandemics disrupting the lives of millions, mostly in the non-western countries of the world. While for a large section of these people at risk, migration appears to be a viable exit strategy; states frequently perceive foreign workers, refugees and travellers as threats to their sovereignty, development
冷战的结束重新燃起了人们的乐观情绪,认为各国将接受自由主义原则,以应对人民的生存、生计和尊严所面临的挑战。1 .然而,21世纪的现实情况是,长期的政治危机、暴力冲突、持续的贫困和致命的流行病扰乱了数百万人的生活,其中大多数发生在世界非西方国家。虽然对这些面临风险的人中的很大一部分来说,移民似乎是一种可行的退出策略;各国经常将外国工人、难民和旅行者视为对其主权、发展的威胁
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引用次数: 0
Geopolitics of Bangladesh’s Liberation 孟加拉国解放的地缘政治
IF 3.4 1区 社会学 Q1 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2022-06-20 DOI: 10.56312/dujir15e1n2e1i
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引用次数: 0
International Relations Theories and the Global Order: A Review of Selective Classic and Contemporary Texts 国际关系理论与全球秩序:经典与当代文本精选综述
IF 3.4 1区 社会学 Q1 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2022-06-20 DOI: 10.56312/dujir15e1n2e12
Md. Ali Siddiquee
This article reviews four writings in International Relations (IR) each of which provides an influential theoretical perspective on the global order. The first text, authored by Hedley Bull, marked a sharp departure from the dominant realist school of thought. Bull’s concept of the society of states maintains an international order by common interests based on a set of primary or universal goals. He argues that the common interests among the states are the prerequisites for forming the order. The second book, authored by Alexander Wendt, offers a ground-breaking meta-theory of constructivism. Wendt contends that inter-ª
本文回顾了《国际关系》中的四篇文章,每一篇都为全球秩序提供了有影响力的理论视角。第一篇文章由赫德利·布尔(Hedley Bull)撰写,标志着与主流现实主义思想流派的鲜明背离。布尔的国家社会概念是通过基于一系列主要或普遍目标的共同利益来维持国际秩序。他认为,国家之间的共同利益是形成秩序的先决条件。第二本书由亚历山大·温特(Alexander Wendt)撰写,提供了一个开创性的建构主义元理论。Wendt认为,inter-ª
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引用次数: 0
Foreign Policy of Bangladesh: From Chrysalis of a State to an Emerging Middle Power 孟加拉国的外交政策:从一个国家的蛹到一个新兴的中等大国
IF 3.4 1区 社会学 Q1 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2022-06-20 DOI: 10.56312/dujir15e1n2e2
Lailufar Yasmin
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引用次数: 0
The corruption of international society? General and complete disarmament from the perspective of the practitioners 国际社会的腐败?从业人员视角下的全面彻底裁军
IF 3.4 1区 社会学 Q1 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2022-06-10 DOI: 10.1177/13540661221102930
Laust Schouenborg
This article investigates whether practitioners argued that general and complete disarmament (GCD) would corrupt international society during the two major debates of this issue in the 20th century, namely in 1927–1928 and 1959. The purpose and value of this analysis is to learn more about the workings of international society. Following Bull and other English School scholars, GCD probably represents the most radical challenge to the traditional conception of international society and its institutions. The only challenge of similar magnitude would appear to be the creation of a universal state or world government, fundamentally removing anarchy from the ‘anarchical society’. The article thus investigates whether those concerns about corruption, raised by scholars, resonate with the expressed public opinion of practitioners – diplomats and statesmen – in the actual deliberation of GCD in international fora: the Preparatory Commission for the Disarmament Conference, 1927–1928, and the United Nations, 1959. The main finding is that the corruption argument does appear in these public deliberations, and in intriguing and complex ways. The article thus offers a novel analysis of how practitioners publicly deal with a supposedly radical challenge to international society.
本文考察了在20世纪的两次主要辩论中,即1927-1928年和1959年,实践者是否认为全面彻底裁军(GCD)会腐蚀国际社会。这种分析的目的和价值在于更多地了解国际社会的运作。继布尔和其他英国学派学者之后,GCD可能代表了对国际社会及其制度的传统观念的最激进的挑战。唯一的挑战似乎是建立一个普遍的国家或世界政府,从根本上消除“无政府社会”中的无政府状态。因此,本文调查了学者们提出的对腐败的担忧是否与国际论坛(1927-1928年裁军谈判会议筹备委员会和1959年联合国)实际审议GCD时的从业人员(外交官和政治家)所表达的公众意见产生共鸣。主要的发现是,腐败的争论确实出现在这些公开讨论中,并且以有趣而复杂的方式出现。因此,这篇文章提供了一个新颖的分析,实践者如何公开处理对国际社会的激进挑战。
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引用次数: 1
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European Journal of International Relations
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