Tawba bin Humayyir bin Hazim or Hazin, or John or Sufyan , bin Ka’b bin Khafaja bin Amr bin Aqeel bin Ka’b bin Rabi’a bin Amir bin Sa’sa’h, Abo Harb the famous poet. His mother is Zubayda. He is well-known for his love to Layla Al-Akheeliyya to whom he proposed, but her father refused him and married her to another man after which he set out writing poetry which resulted with his fame as the lover of Layla
{"title":"Tawba Al-Khafaji : His Political Confrontations & Invasion During the Umayyad Era","authors":"Khudir Abdul Ridha Jasim","doi":"10.47604/jir.1591","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.47604/jir.1591","url":null,"abstract":"Tawba bin Humayyir bin Hazim or Hazin, or John or Sufyan , bin Ka’b bin Khafaja bin Amr bin Aqeel bin Ka’b bin Rabi’a bin Amir bin Sa’sa’h, Abo Harb the famous poet. His mother is Zubayda. He is well-known for his love to Layla Al-Akheeliyya to whom he proposed, but her father refused him and married her to another man after which he set out writing poetry which resulted with his fame as the lover of Layla \u0000 ","PeriodicalId":48069,"journal":{"name":"European Journal of International Relations","volume":"17 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":3.4,"publicationDate":"2022-07-29","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"83322652","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-07-27DOI: 10.1177/13540661221112611
Naomi Egel, S. Ward
Why and how do weak states challenge the status quo? This article builds on analyses of hierarchy in International Relations to develop a more comprehensive and inclusive understanding of the concept of revisionism. We argue that while weak actors cannot generally directly challenge their position in a stratified hierarchy, they may be able to undermine or subvert the discourses that constitute these hierarchies. This approach is likely to be attractive and feasible under two conditions: when other approaches to reform have been frustrated, and when social and political resources are available to facilitate such subversive challenges. We illustrate this argument by analyzing the Treaty on the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons as a subversive revisionist project. Small states—frustrated by their inability to negotiate meaningful reform through the status quo framework—partnered with civil society and drew upon discursive resources developed during prior subversive revisionist projects in an effort to stigmatize nuclear weapons and subvert the discourses constituting the advantaged positions of those possessing them. While the Treaty on the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons (TPNW) is unlikely to directly persuade nuclear weapon states to abandon their arsenals, it could have unpredictable consequences across a related range of hierarchic fields that constitute the status quo order.
{"title":"Hierarchy, revisionism, and subordinate actors: The TPNW and the subversion of the nuclear order","authors":"Naomi Egel, S. Ward","doi":"10.1177/13540661221112611","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/13540661221112611","url":null,"abstract":"Why and how do weak states challenge the status quo? This article builds on analyses of hierarchy in International Relations to develop a more comprehensive and inclusive understanding of the concept of revisionism. We argue that while weak actors cannot generally directly challenge their position in a stratified hierarchy, they may be able to undermine or subvert the discourses that constitute these hierarchies. This approach is likely to be attractive and feasible under two conditions: when other approaches to reform have been frustrated, and when social and political resources are available to facilitate such subversive challenges. We illustrate this argument by analyzing the Treaty on the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons as a subversive revisionist project. Small states—frustrated by their inability to negotiate meaningful reform through the status quo framework—partnered with civil society and drew upon discursive resources developed during prior subversive revisionist projects in an effort to stigmatize nuclear weapons and subvert the discourses constituting the advantaged positions of those possessing them. While the Treaty on the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons (TPNW) is unlikely to directly persuade nuclear weapon states to abandon their arsenals, it could have unpredictable consequences across a related range of hierarchic fields that constitute the status quo order.","PeriodicalId":48069,"journal":{"name":"European Journal of International Relations","volume":"28 1","pages":"751 - 776"},"PeriodicalIF":3.4,"publicationDate":"2022-07-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"65438337","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-07-10DOI: 10.1177/13540661221106911
M. Wishman, Charles Butcher
Historical states, be they sprawling empires or nominal vassal states, can make lasting impressions on the territories they once governed. We argue that more historical states located within the borders of modern states increase the chance of civil conflict because they (1) created networks useful for insurgency, (2) were symbols of past sovereignty, (3) generated modern ethnic groups that activated dynamics of ethnic inclusion and exclusion, and (4) resisted western colonialism. Using new global data on historical statehood, we find a robust positive association between more historical states inside a modern state and the rate of civil conflict onset between 1946 and 2019. This relationship is not driven by common explanations of state formation that also drive conflict such as the number of ethnic groups, population density, colonialism, levels of historical warfare, or other region-specific factors. We also find that historical states are more likely to be conflict inducing when they are located far from the capital and in poorer countries. Our study points to unexplored channels linking past statehood to modern-day conflict that are independent of ethno-nationalist conflict and open possibilities for a new research agenda linking past statehood to modern-day conflict outcomes.
{"title":"Beyond ethnicity: historical states and modern conflict","authors":"M. Wishman, Charles Butcher","doi":"10.1177/13540661221106911","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/13540661221106911","url":null,"abstract":"Historical states, be they sprawling empires or nominal vassal states, can make lasting impressions on the territories they once governed. We argue that more historical states located within the borders of modern states increase the chance of civil conflict because they (1) created networks useful for insurgency, (2) were symbols of past sovereignty, (3) generated modern ethnic groups that activated dynamics of ethnic inclusion and exclusion, and (4) resisted western colonialism. Using new global data on historical statehood, we find a robust positive association between more historical states inside a modern state and the rate of civil conflict onset between 1946 and 2019. This relationship is not driven by common explanations of state formation that also drive conflict such as the number of ethnic groups, population density, colonialism, levels of historical warfare, or other region-specific factors. We also find that historical states are more likely to be conflict inducing when they are located far from the capital and in poorer countries. Our study points to unexplored channels linking past statehood to modern-day conflict that are independent of ethno-nationalist conflict and open possibilities for a new research agenda linking past statehood to modern-day conflict outcomes.","PeriodicalId":48069,"journal":{"name":"European Journal of International Relations","volume":"28 1","pages":"777 - 807"},"PeriodicalIF":3.4,"publicationDate":"2022-07-10","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46249263","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-07-08eCollection Date: 2022-09-01DOI: 10.36519/idcm.2022.167
Ayşegül Nalça
{"title":"What We Know About Monkeypox and What We Need to Do to Protect Ourselves!","authors":"Ayşegül Nalça","doi":"10.36519/idcm.2022.167","DOIUrl":"10.36519/idcm.2022.167","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":48069,"journal":{"name":"European Journal of International Relations","volume":"8 1","pages":"218-220"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-07-08","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC11020006/pdf/","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"87508377","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-07-06DOI: 10.1177/13540661221104757
Chiara Ruffa, S. Rietjens
Peacekeeping helps to prevent conflict and to protect civilians. But how does it work to achieve those aims? Notwithstanding a growing recognition that peacekeeping mandates alone do not directly determine what actually happens in the field, we still know little about how—once deployed—military units translate an ambiguous mandate into action. In this paper, we focus on one dimension of peacekeepers’ behavior that has become increasingly important, namely, how peacekeepers relate to other military units with whom they are supposed to implement their mandate. We systematically document how mandate interpretations emerge and how they influence peacekeepers’ understanding of other troops they work with. Central to this is peacekeepers’ meaning making, a concept we borrow from the sociological literature, which refers to the common and human process through which individuals give meaning to their surrounding context. Drawing on nearly 120 interviews with peacekeepers deployed to the United Nations (UN) mission in Mali (2014–2019), we identify three different ways by which peacekeepers interpret their mandate and interact with other contingents: Voltaire’s garden; building bridges; and othering. Acknowledging peacekeepers’ agency and the social dimension of peacekeeping has important implications for both scholarly and policy debates.
{"title":"Meaning making in peacekeeping missions: mandate interpretation and multinational collaboration in the UN mission in Mali","authors":"Chiara Ruffa, S. Rietjens","doi":"10.1177/13540661221104757","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/13540661221104757","url":null,"abstract":"Peacekeeping helps to prevent conflict and to protect civilians. But how does it work to achieve those aims? Notwithstanding a growing recognition that peacekeeping mandates alone do not directly determine what actually happens in the field, we still know little about how—once deployed—military units translate an ambiguous mandate into action. In this paper, we focus on one dimension of peacekeepers’ behavior that has become increasingly important, namely, how peacekeepers relate to other military units with whom they are supposed to implement their mandate. We systematically document how mandate interpretations emerge and how they influence peacekeepers’ understanding of other troops they work with. Central to this is peacekeepers’ meaning making, a concept we borrow from the sociological literature, which refers to the common and human process through which individuals give meaning to their surrounding context. Drawing on nearly 120 interviews with peacekeepers deployed to the United Nations (UN) mission in Mali (2014–2019), we identify three different ways by which peacekeepers interpret their mandate and interact with other contingents: Voltaire’s garden; building bridges; and othering. Acknowledging peacekeepers’ agency and the social dimension of peacekeeping has important implications for both scholarly and policy debates.","PeriodicalId":48069,"journal":{"name":"European Journal of International Relations","volume":"29 1","pages":"53 - 78"},"PeriodicalIF":3.4,"publicationDate":"2022-07-06","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41741055","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-07-01DOI: 10.1177/13540661221107837
Rebecca Adler-Nissen, K. Eggeling
This article develops a new theoretical approach to digitalisation in diplomacy, resituating conventional understandings of the relationship between diplomacy and technological transformation. Challenging the conception that ‘traditional’ diplomacy is being supplemented or challenged by new forms of ‘digital diplomacy’, we show how the ubiquity of digital devices and technologies makes disentangling analogue from digital diplomatic practices practically impossible today. The argument is developed through ethnographic observations of everyday diplomatic work in the European Union (EU) multilateral setting in Brussels as well as interviews with ambassadors, attachés, seconded diplomats, spokespersons and interpreters. To understand the place of digital technologies in diplomatic work, we develop the concept of blended diplomacy by which we mean the dual process of the entanglement of technical and social doings and the contestation regarding how this entanglement impacts professional diplomatic imaginaries and relations. Drawing on insights from practice theory and the sociology of science, technology and professions, we show how diplomatic actors demarcate their professional territory and protect their positions through boundary work. They draw horizontal boundaries between what they see as ‘real’ diplomatic work and distractions and vertical boundaries between themselves and other diplomatic actors, ranking people around status and skills. Overall, digital technologies are implicated in deeper struggles regarding what it means to be a diplomat. A focus on the blended character of diplomatic practice opens new avenues for research on how digitalisation, in contradictory and uneven ways, shapes norms, identities, and social relations and how it – through reflexivity, anxieties and contestation – may shape international politics.
{"title":"Blended Diplomacy: The Entanglement and Contestation of Digital Technologies in Everyday Diplomatic Practice","authors":"Rebecca Adler-Nissen, K. Eggeling","doi":"10.1177/13540661221107837","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/13540661221107837","url":null,"abstract":"This article develops a new theoretical approach to digitalisation in diplomacy, resituating conventional understandings of the relationship between diplomacy and technological transformation. Challenging the conception that ‘traditional’ diplomacy is being supplemented or challenged by new forms of ‘digital diplomacy’, we show how the ubiquity of digital devices and technologies makes disentangling analogue from digital diplomatic practices practically impossible today. The argument is developed through ethnographic observations of everyday diplomatic work in the European Union (EU) multilateral setting in Brussels as well as interviews with ambassadors, attachés, seconded diplomats, spokespersons and interpreters. To understand the place of digital technologies in diplomatic work, we develop the concept of blended diplomacy by which we mean the dual process of the entanglement of technical and social doings and the contestation regarding how this entanglement impacts professional diplomatic imaginaries and relations. Drawing on insights from practice theory and the sociology of science, technology and professions, we show how diplomatic actors demarcate their professional territory and protect their positions through boundary work. They draw horizontal boundaries between what they see as ‘real’ diplomatic work and distractions and vertical boundaries between themselves and other diplomatic actors, ranking people around status and skills. Overall, digital technologies are implicated in deeper struggles regarding what it means to be a diplomat. A focus on the blended character of diplomatic practice opens new avenues for research on how digitalisation, in contradictory and uneven ways, shapes norms, identities, and social relations and how it – through reflexivity, anxieties and contestation – may shape international politics.","PeriodicalId":48069,"journal":{"name":"European Journal of International Relations","volume":"28 1","pages":"640 - 666"},"PeriodicalIF":3.4,"publicationDate":"2022-07-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47538637","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Japan, under the aegis of the hybrid ‘Free and Open Indo-pacific’ regional order, plans to enhance ‘connectivity’ between Asia and Africa to promote security and macroeconomic stability across these regions. The signing of $2.5 billion ODA in June 2019 indicated that Japan desired Bangladesh in this connectivity plan. Despite the size of Japanese assistance to Bangladesh, the latter suffers from a hefty trade deficit with the country. Poor investment rating due to weak administration, poor infrastructure, lack of transparency hinders the
{"title":"Japan-Bangladesh Relations in the Context of Free and Open Indo Pacific","authors":"Hossain Ahmed Taufiq, Shakira Mahzabeen","doi":"10.56312/dujir15e1n2e9","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.56312/dujir15e1n2e9","url":null,"abstract":"Japan, under the aegis of the hybrid ‘Free and Open Indo-pacific’ regional order, plans to enhance ‘connectivity’ between Asia and Africa to promote security and macroeconomic stability across these regions. The signing of $2.5 billion ODA in June 2019 indicated that Japan desired Bangladesh in this connectivity plan. Despite the size of Japanese assistance to Bangladesh, the latter suffers from a hefty trade deficit with the country. Poor investment rating due to weak administration, poor infrastructure, lack of transparency hinders the","PeriodicalId":48069,"journal":{"name":"European Journal of International Relations","volume":"15 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":3.4,"publicationDate":"2022-06-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"73352459","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The emphasis placed by Bangladesh, as the current Chair of the Indian Ocean Rim Association (IORA), on ‘Harnessing the opportunities of the Indian Ocean sustainably for inclusive development’, resonates well with the challenge of the Anthropocene, and demands attention from both scholars and practioners in the South Asian IR community. It
{"title":"Maritime Regionalism and ‘Inclusive Development’: Opportunity and Challenges before Bangladesh in Anthropocene","authors":"S. Chaturvedi","doi":"10.56312/dujir15e1n2e7","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.56312/dujir15e1n2e7","url":null,"abstract":"The emphasis placed by Bangladesh, as the current Chair of the Indian Ocean Rim Association (IORA), on ‘Harnessing the opportunities of the Indian Ocean sustainably for inclusive development’, resonates well with the challenge of the Anthropocene, and demands attention from both scholars and practioners in the South Asian IR community. It","PeriodicalId":48069,"journal":{"name":"European Journal of International Relations","volume":"32 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":3.4,"publicationDate":"2022-06-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"75741128","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The paper examines the lack of regionalism in South Asia, despite having many political, economic and ecological commonalities and being home to almost two billion human population of the world. Mutual distrust between the two of major actors of the region, i.e., Pakistan and India, were perhaps the major stumbling blocks. The SAARC process envisioned and carried forward by Bangladesh was the path-breaking in this regard. SAARC has remained dormant for quite a while and critiques are quick to write its obituary. But the relevance and the spirit of SAARC underlined by the spirit of cooperation came in life during the pandemic period when the Indian Premier proposed to address the pandemic crisis under the aegis of SAARC. This was again reiterated by Bangladeshi Prime Minister during the ten-day observance of the birth centenary of the Father of the Nation and fifty years
{"title":"SAARC and Beyond","authors":"Shamsher M. Chowdhury","doi":"10.56312/dujir15e1n2e4","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.56312/dujir15e1n2e4","url":null,"abstract":"The paper examines the lack of regionalism in South Asia, despite having many political, economic and ecological commonalities and being home to almost two billion human population of the world. Mutual distrust between the two of major actors of the region, i.e., Pakistan and India, were perhaps the major stumbling blocks. The SAARC process envisioned and carried forward by Bangladesh was the path-breaking in this regard. SAARC has remained dormant for quite a while and critiques are quick to write its obituary. But the relevance and the spirit of SAARC underlined by the spirit of cooperation came in life during the pandemic period when the Indian Premier proposed to address the pandemic crisis under the aegis of SAARC. This was again reiterated by Bangladeshi Prime Minister during the ten-day observance of the birth centenary of the Father of the Nation and fifty years","PeriodicalId":48069,"journal":{"name":"European Journal of International Relations","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":3.4,"publicationDate":"2022-06-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"83766767","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
How has the study of intelligence evolved in the global North and why has it stagnated in the global South? This paper offers a South Asian perspective by employing a mixed method strategy. It argues that the academic and professional communities in the global North have contributed to the development of Intelligence Studies by teaching a wide variety of core and elective courses and publishing their research on historical and contemporary issues in relevant journals. While the South Asian academia has a rich tradition of IR and Security Studies programmes, a
{"title":"Intelligence Studies beyond Anglosphere: A South Asian Gaze","authors":"A. Ashraf","doi":"10.56312/dujir15e1n2e11","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.56312/dujir15e1n2e11","url":null,"abstract":"How has the study of intelligence evolved in the global North and why has it stagnated in the global South? This paper offers a South Asian perspective by employing a mixed method strategy. It argues that the academic and professional communities in the global North have contributed to the development of Intelligence Studies by teaching a wide variety of core and elective courses and publishing their research on historical and contemporary issues in relevant journals. While the South Asian academia has a rich tradition of IR and Security Studies programmes, a","PeriodicalId":48069,"journal":{"name":"European Journal of International Relations","volume":"223 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":3.4,"publicationDate":"2022-06-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"73006709","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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