Pub Date : 2022-10-29DOI: 10.1177/13540661221127700
Iosif Kovras
Despite growing scholarly attention to normative and institutional influences promoting international accountability, limited attention has been paid to the transformative role of forensic technologies in reshaping how societies deal with their violent past. The paper contributes to transitional justice debates by revealing the revolutionary, yet undertheorized, role of forensic technologies of justice in advancing victims’ struggle for truth, accountability, and human rights. On one hand, the application of forensic tools has enabled the identification of human remains for humanitarian purposes, while, on the other hand, incriminatory evidence from exhumations is deemed critical to secure the conviction of perpetrators of gross human rights violations. Drawing on interviews with judges, prosecutors, forensic experts, and policymakers, the paper traces the specific pathways through which these tools affect accountability in post-conflict settings. It sheds light on the relationship between the availability of forensic tools to investigate human rights violations and the evolution of transitional justice.
{"title":"Technologies of justice: forensics and the evolution of transitional justice","authors":"Iosif Kovras","doi":"10.1177/13540661221127700","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/13540661221127700","url":null,"abstract":"Despite growing scholarly attention to normative and institutional influences promoting international accountability, limited attention has been paid to the transformative role of forensic technologies in reshaping how societies deal with their violent past. The paper contributes to transitional justice debates by revealing the revolutionary, yet undertheorized, role of forensic technologies of justice in advancing victims’ struggle for truth, accountability, and human rights. On one hand, the application of forensic tools has enabled the identification of human remains for humanitarian purposes, while, on the other hand, incriminatory evidence from exhumations is deemed critical to secure the conviction of perpetrators of gross human rights violations. Drawing on interviews with judges, prosecutors, forensic experts, and policymakers, the paper traces the specific pathways through which these tools affect accountability in post-conflict settings. It sheds light on the relationship between the availability of forensic tools to investigate human rights violations and the evolution of transitional justice.","PeriodicalId":48069,"journal":{"name":"European Journal of International Relations","volume":"29 1","pages":"29 - 52"},"PeriodicalIF":3.4,"publicationDate":"2022-10-29","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43190636","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-10-29DOI: 10.1177/13540661221133194
Stéphanie Martel, Aarie Glas
The supposedly fixed set of norms within the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), commonly referred to as the “ASEAN way,” is both celebrated and maligned as a key element of Southeast Asian diplomacy. In this article, we contest this orthodoxy through a practitioner-near account of ASEAN diplomatic norms in practice. We find that the “ASEAN way” is best understood as a rhetorical commonplace, a well-established topological resource that social agents use to advance and contest claims of competent diplomatic practice in the ASEAN community of practice. We build on and bridge insights from norm contestation, practice theory, and discourse literatures to develop an original framework for the study of contestation in communities of practice. Drawing from documentary evidence and 61 interviews with practitioners of ASEAN diplomacy, we illustrate our argument by examining contestation in practice in the context of the organization’s response to the Rohingya crisis and the South China Sea disputes.
{"title":"The contested meaning-making of diplomatic norms: competence in practice in Southeast Asian multilateralism","authors":"Stéphanie Martel, Aarie Glas","doi":"10.1177/13540661221133194","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/13540661221133194","url":null,"abstract":"The supposedly fixed set of norms within the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), commonly referred to as the “ASEAN way,” is both celebrated and maligned as a key element of Southeast Asian diplomacy. In this article, we contest this orthodoxy through a practitioner-near account of ASEAN diplomatic norms in practice. We find that the “ASEAN way” is best understood as a rhetorical commonplace, a well-established topological resource that social agents use to advance and contest claims of competent diplomatic practice in the ASEAN community of practice. We build on and bridge insights from norm contestation, practice theory, and discourse literatures to develop an original framework for the study of contestation in communities of practice. Drawing from documentary evidence and 61 interviews with practitioners of ASEAN diplomacy, we illustrate our argument by examining contestation in practice in the context of the organization’s response to the Rohingya crisis and the South China Sea disputes.","PeriodicalId":48069,"journal":{"name":"European Journal of International Relations","volume":"29 1","pages":"227 - 252"},"PeriodicalIF":3.4,"publicationDate":"2022-10-29","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48638723","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-10-20DOI: 10.1177/13540661221131432
Tuncer Beyribey
In critical terrorism analysis, (counter-)terrorism is thought to be a discursive formation of power/knowledge comprised of some security experts from governments, the media, and academics. However, this one-sided articulation ignores the struggles in the concept of terrorism between historical narratives and counter-narratives, and it may be understood as a conceptual site where different political actors interpret it universally to strengthen or resist preexisting power relations. This article proposes that the problematization of terrorism can be studied by evaluating opposing narratives produced by political actors aiming to assert their power positions, drawing on Foucault’s analysis of problematization. From this theoretical perspective, this article examines how terrorism was problematized in relation to political violence in Turkey between 1971 and 1977, and how political actors used the concept of terrorism as a site for power struggle to gain dominant positions or weaken others, insofar as discrete ideological attitudes (communism and neo-fascism/racism, respectively) were abnormalized by universalizing them as a part of “international” terrorism. In this sense, the article contends that examining terrorism as a “universalized” site of power struggle can improve the analytical framework of critical terrorism studies by integrating the possibility of counter-narratives and, as a result, contradictions in the terrorism discourse.
{"title":"Terrorism as a conceptual site for power struggles: problematization of terrorism in Turkey in the 1970s","authors":"Tuncer Beyribey","doi":"10.1177/13540661221131432","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/13540661221131432","url":null,"abstract":"In critical terrorism analysis, (counter-)terrorism is thought to be a discursive formation of power/knowledge comprised of some security experts from governments, the media, and academics. However, this one-sided articulation ignores the struggles in the concept of terrorism between historical narratives and counter-narratives, and it may be understood as a conceptual site where different political actors interpret it universally to strengthen or resist preexisting power relations. This article proposes that the problematization of terrorism can be studied by evaluating opposing narratives produced by political actors aiming to assert their power positions, drawing on Foucault’s analysis of problematization. From this theoretical perspective, this article examines how terrorism was problematized in relation to political violence in Turkey between 1971 and 1977, and how political actors used the concept of terrorism as a site for power struggle to gain dominant positions or weaken others, insofar as discrete ideological attitudes (communism and neo-fascism/racism, respectively) were abnormalized by universalizing them as a part of “international” terrorism. In this sense, the article contends that examining terrorism as a “universalized” site of power struggle can improve the analytical framework of critical terrorism studies by integrating the possibility of counter-narratives and, as a result, contradictions in the terrorism discourse.","PeriodicalId":48069,"journal":{"name":"European Journal of International Relations","volume":"29 1","pages":"179 - 201"},"PeriodicalIF":3.4,"publicationDate":"2022-10-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41850150","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-10-18DOI: 10.1177/13540661221130958
Amir Lupovici
How do interactions in the cyber domain affect states’ ontological security and how do states respond to these challenges? These are pertinent questions given the increasing influence of cyber technologies on daily life, politics, and International Relations. Over the years, state actors have faced challenges in various spheres, including security, politics, economics, and culture. However, nowadays, cyber technologies enable the emergence of effective, efficient, and powerful alternatives to the current state-system practices. This creates fundamental challenges to states’ sense of self, identity, and home, calling into question states’ dominant and ingrained narratives regarding their roles in the international arena. I suggest that the scholarship of ontological security, although rarely used in this context, provides intriguing analytical tools to explore these questions. This scholarship focuses on the actors’ ability to maintain their sense of self, allowing researchers to explore how interactions in the cyber domain challenge states’ routines, narratives, and sense of home. Furthermore, using the scholarship of ontological security to study cyber technologies can also account for states’ responses, illuminating puzzling behavior that cannot be explained fully through other perspectives.
{"title":"Ontological security, cyber technology, and states’ responses","authors":"Amir Lupovici","doi":"10.1177/13540661221130958","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/13540661221130958","url":null,"abstract":"How do interactions in the cyber domain affect states’ ontological security and how do states respond to these challenges? These are pertinent questions given the increasing influence of cyber technologies on daily life, politics, and International Relations. Over the years, state actors have faced challenges in various spheres, including security, politics, economics, and culture. However, nowadays, cyber technologies enable the emergence of effective, efficient, and powerful alternatives to the current state-system practices. This creates fundamental challenges to states’ sense of self, identity, and home, calling into question states’ dominant and ingrained narratives regarding their roles in the international arena. I suggest that the scholarship of ontological security, although rarely used in this context, provides intriguing analytical tools to explore these questions. This scholarship focuses on the actors’ ability to maintain their sense of self, allowing researchers to explore how interactions in the cyber domain challenge states’ routines, narratives, and sense of home. Furthermore, using the scholarship of ontological security to study cyber technologies can also account for states’ responses, illuminating puzzling behavior that cannot be explained fully through other perspectives.","PeriodicalId":48069,"journal":{"name":"European Journal of International Relations","volume":"29 1","pages":"153 - 178"},"PeriodicalIF":3.4,"publicationDate":"2022-10-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43553275","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-10-08DOI: 10.1177/13540661221126615
Johannes Petry
Scholars have focused on how the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) facilitates Chinese economic statecraft and its likely impact on the global order. A common thread thereby is how connectivity through China’s construction of physical infrastructures (e.g. ports, roads, railways) represents a source of power. However, such a focus on physical infrastructures obscures the importance of BRI-related financial infrastructures. Addressing this gap, this article analyses the construction of Chinese financial infrastructures along the BRI as an exercise of economic statecraft within the context of the liberal, US-dominated global financial order. The article traces the activities of China’s state-owned exchanges as crucial actors that facilitate financial connectivity by enabling investment into BRI projects (investment opportunities), bringing Chinese investors into BRI markets (investors structure) and gradually shaping how these markets work (investment rules). First, I analyse three individual countries (Pakistan, Kazakhstan and Bangladesh) as examples of ‘bilateral’ and ‘offensive’ statecraft. Second, I analyse an emerging China-centred global network of financial infrastructures as exercise of ‘systemic’ and ‘defensive’ statecraft that shields China’s foreign policy objectives (i.e. BRI) from global pressures, potentially creating a parallel system of capital markets with Chinese characteristics. Beyond BRI, I therefore argue for including financial infrastructures more thoroughly into International Relations (IR)/International Political Economy (IPE) scholarship as important object of analysis.
{"title":"Beyond ports, roads and railways: Chinese economic statecraft, the Belt and Road Initiative and the politics of financial infrastructures","authors":"Johannes Petry","doi":"10.1177/13540661221126615","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/13540661221126615","url":null,"abstract":"Scholars have focused on how the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) facilitates Chinese economic statecraft and its likely impact on the global order. A common thread thereby is how connectivity through China’s construction of physical infrastructures (e.g. ports, roads, railways) represents a source of power. However, such a focus on physical infrastructures obscures the importance of BRI-related financial infrastructures. Addressing this gap, this article analyses the construction of Chinese financial infrastructures along the BRI as an exercise of economic statecraft within the context of the liberal, US-dominated global financial order. The article traces the activities of China’s state-owned exchanges as crucial actors that facilitate financial connectivity by enabling investment into BRI projects (investment opportunities), bringing Chinese investors into BRI markets (investors structure) and gradually shaping how these markets work (investment rules). First, I analyse three individual countries (Pakistan, Kazakhstan and Bangladesh) as examples of ‘bilateral’ and ‘offensive’ statecraft. Second, I analyse an emerging China-centred global network of financial infrastructures as exercise of ‘systemic’ and ‘defensive’ statecraft that shields China’s foreign policy objectives (i.e. BRI) from global pressures, potentially creating a parallel system of capital markets with Chinese characteristics. Beyond BRI, I therefore argue for including financial infrastructures more thoroughly into International Relations (IR)/International Political Economy (IPE) scholarship as important object of analysis.","PeriodicalId":48069,"journal":{"name":"European Journal of International Relations","volume":"29 1","pages":"319 - 351"},"PeriodicalIF":3.4,"publicationDate":"2022-10-08","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42886487","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-09-21DOI: 10.1177/13540661221126018
Sarah Percy, Wayne Sandholtz
Significant challenges to core international norms have prompted debate over whether or not norms decay, decline, or die. We argue that claims of norm death are empirically incorrect and theoretically misleading. Norms rarely die, and the processes that happen instead are far more complex. The idea of norm death embodies two misconceptions borne out of methodological incentives in empirical constructivism; that norms are single entities that exist separately from larger structures, and that compliance is the most effective way to measure if a norm is under challenge. We argue that the literature on “norm death” epitomizes the pitfalls of this approach, and as a result neither empirically or theoretically captures what happens when norms are under challenge. Norms are fundamentally resilient and can withstand even high levels of non-compliance. We examine four cases of alleged norm death—the norms against mercenary use, unrestricted submarine warfare, and torture, and the norm requiring declarations of war—and demonstrate that in these cases norms are not disappearing, but are rather subject to processes of obsolescence, replacement, and modification. We further argue that once we recognize that norms are embedded in wider structures, and move away from the notion that compliance indicates norm strength, it is possible to see why norms are generally resilient.
{"title":"Why norms rarely die","authors":"Sarah Percy, Wayne Sandholtz","doi":"10.1177/13540661221126018","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/13540661221126018","url":null,"abstract":"Significant challenges to core international norms have prompted debate over whether or not norms decay, decline, or die. We argue that claims of norm death are empirically incorrect and theoretically misleading. Norms rarely die, and the processes that happen instead are far more complex. The idea of norm death embodies two misconceptions borne out of methodological incentives in empirical constructivism; that norms are single entities that exist separately from larger structures, and that compliance is the most effective way to measure if a norm is under challenge. We argue that the literature on “norm death” epitomizes the pitfalls of this approach, and as a result neither empirically or theoretically captures what happens when norms are under challenge. Norms are fundamentally resilient and can withstand even high levels of non-compliance. We examine four cases of alleged norm death—the norms against mercenary use, unrestricted submarine warfare, and torture, and the norm requiring declarations of war—and demonstrate that in these cases norms are not disappearing, but are rather subject to processes of obsolescence, replacement, and modification. We further argue that once we recognize that norms are embedded in wider structures, and move away from the notion that compliance indicates norm strength, it is possible to see why norms are generally resilient.","PeriodicalId":48069,"journal":{"name":"European Journal of International Relations","volume":"28 1","pages":"934 - 954"},"PeriodicalIF":3.4,"publicationDate":"2022-09-21","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45705286","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-09-18DOI: 10.1177/13540661221123026
Mathias Koenig-Archibugi, L. Bareis
International parliamentary institutions (IPIs), which give parliamentarians regular opportunities to communicate with their foreign counterparts, have become a common feature in global governance. Recent research has shed light on why IPIs are created, on the similarities and differences in their institutional design, and on the reasons that lead members of national parliaments to engage with them. By contrast, there is little systematic empirical research on whether and how IPIs affect global politics. This article addresses this question by assessing their ability to influence states in relation to the position they take on issues of global concern and to how they treat their own citizens. The study identifies several mechanisms of IPI influence, leading to the hypothesis that more frequent opportunities for parliamentarians to interact with their foreign counterparts within IPIs leads in time to greater similarity in the foreign policy positions expressed by their governments and affects how those governments protect the civil rights of their citizens. A statistical analysis spanning multiple international organizations, member states, and decades indicates that IPIs offer a distinct contribution to convergence in foreign policy. By contrast, participation in IPIs is not robustly associated with civil rights protections. The finding that IPIs can be consequential on which policies governments promote internationally even though such institutions typically lack substantial authority may be encouraging for advocates of further international parliamentarization and specifically the creation of a United Nations parliamentary assembly.
{"title":"Do international parliaments matter? An empirical analysis of influences on foreign policy and civil rights","authors":"Mathias Koenig-Archibugi, L. Bareis","doi":"10.1177/13540661221123026","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/13540661221123026","url":null,"abstract":"International parliamentary institutions (IPIs), which give parliamentarians regular opportunities to communicate with their foreign counterparts, have become a common feature in global governance. Recent research has shed light on why IPIs are created, on the similarities and differences in their institutional design, and on the reasons that lead members of national parliaments to engage with them. By contrast, there is little systematic empirical research on whether and how IPIs affect global politics. This article addresses this question by assessing their ability to influence states in relation to the position they take on issues of global concern and to how they treat their own citizens. The study identifies several mechanisms of IPI influence, leading to the hypothesis that more frequent opportunities for parliamentarians to interact with their foreign counterparts within IPIs leads in time to greater similarity in the foreign policy positions expressed by their governments and affects how those governments protect the civil rights of their citizens. A statistical analysis spanning multiple international organizations, member states, and decades indicates that IPIs offer a distinct contribution to convergence in foreign policy. By contrast, participation in IPIs is not robustly associated with civil rights protections. The finding that IPIs can be consequential on which policies governments promote internationally even though such institutions typically lack substantial authority may be encouraging for advocates of further international parliamentarization and specifically the creation of a United Nations parliamentary assembly.","PeriodicalId":48069,"journal":{"name":"European Journal of International Relations","volume":"28 1","pages":"983 - 1008"},"PeriodicalIF":3.4,"publicationDate":"2022-09-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41993412","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Purpose: The objective of this study was to examine the impact of foreign aid on economic growth in Kenya. Methodology: The study used a descriptive research technique and a time series approach to track economic growth in Kenya for 41 years, from the year 1980 to 2020. The study also adopted a census survey to collect secondary data by use of a secondary time series data template from the World Bank and KNBS databases in Kenya for the period 1980 to 2020. The collected data was edited, coded and analyzed using statistical package for social sciences (SPSS). Findings: The results of the study revealed that ODA, emergency & food aid, debt forgiveness and technical cooperation had a positive and significant relationship with economic growth(GDP). In addition, ODA, emergency & food aid and debt forgiveness have a positive and significant impact on economic growth. However, technical cooperation had a negative and no significant impact on economic growth in Kenya Unique Contribution to Theory, Practice and Policy: The study recommended that financial policymakers should come up with better strategies on the management of the foreign aid funds so as to ensure they are efficiently utilized. Financial policy makers should also consider foreign donors who can offer debt forgiveness aid since it will help Kenya in managing and reducing its debts.
{"title":"IMPACT OF FOREIGN AID ON ECONOMIC GROWTH IN KENYA 2006-2020","authors":"Mureithi Kabura, S. Handa","doi":"10.47604/jir.1649","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.47604/jir.1649","url":null,"abstract":"Purpose: The objective of this study was to examine the impact of foreign aid on economic growth in Kenya. \u0000Methodology: The study used a descriptive research technique and a time series approach to track economic growth in Kenya for 41 years, from the year 1980 to 2020. The study also adopted a census survey to collect secondary data by use of a secondary time series data template from the World Bank and KNBS databases in Kenya for the period 1980 to 2020. The collected data was edited, coded and analyzed using statistical package for social sciences (SPSS). \u0000Findings: The results of the study revealed that ODA, emergency & food aid, debt forgiveness and technical cooperation had a positive and significant relationship with economic growth(GDP). In addition, ODA, emergency & food aid and debt forgiveness have a positive and significant impact on economic growth. However, technical cooperation had a negative and no significant impact on economic growth in Kenya \u0000Unique Contribution to Theory, Practice and Policy: The study recommended that financial policymakers should come up with better strategies on the management of the foreign aid funds so as to ensure they are efficiently utilized. Financial policy makers should also consider foreign donors who can offer debt forgiveness aid since it will help Kenya in managing and reducing its debts.","PeriodicalId":48069,"journal":{"name":"European Journal of International Relations","volume":"41 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":3.4,"publicationDate":"2022-09-17","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"80061369","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-09-12DOI: 10.1177/13540661221123504
Peg Murray-Evans, P. O’Reilly
This article offers a critical contribution to debates around access to medicines and the global politics of pharmaceutical production in Africa. Specifically, we seek to account for a normative shift within these debates whereby the promotion of local pharmaceutical production in Africa has once again come to be viewed as a central modality for achieving access to health across the continent. While the onset of this normative shift has been highlighted by the global Covid-19 pandemic, in this article we argue that its antecedents can be traced to a more incremental process of global and regional normative change that has been in motion since the late 1990s. To illustrate this, we narrow our empirical focus onto the East African Community (EAC) and the regional initiatives its members have pursued to promote local pharmaceutical production capacities since 2012. We draw and build upon the literature on norm localization to emphasize how the emergence and distinctiveness of this policy reflected the complex way in which policy actors within the EAC sought to localize and combine separate (and somewhat competing) changing global norms around access to health and industrial policy. The article also points to the tensions and unintended consequences which emerged from this complex process of norm localization and the challenges of implementing this strategy within the institutional landscape of the EAC.
{"title":"Complex norm localization: from price competitiveness to local production in East African Community pharmaceutical policy","authors":"Peg Murray-Evans, P. O’Reilly","doi":"10.1177/13540661221123504","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/13540661221123504","url":null,"abstract":"This article offers a critical contribution to debates around access to medicines and the global politics of pharmaceutical production in Africa. Specifically, we seek to account for a normative shift within these debates whereby the promotion of local pharmaceutical production in Africa has once again come to be viewed as a central modality for achieving access to health across the continent. While the onset of this normative shift has been highlighted by the global Covid-19 pandemic, in this article we argue that its antecedents can be traced to a more incremental process of global and regional normative change that has been in motion since the late 1990s. To illustrate this, we narrow our empirical focus onto the East African Community (EAC) and the regional initiatives its members have pursued to promote local pharmaceutical production capacities since 2012. We draw and build upon the literature on norm localization to emphasize how the emergence and distinctiveness of this policy reflected the complex way in which policy actors within the EAC sought to localize and combine separate (and somewhat competing) changing global norms around access to health and industrial policy. The article also points to the tensions and unintended consequences which emerged from this complex process of norm localization and the challenges of implementing this strategy within the institutional landscape of the EAC.","PeriodicalId":48069,"journal":{"name":"European Journal of International Relations","volume":"28 1","pages":"885 - 909"},"PeriodicalIF":3.4,"publicationDate":"2022-09-12","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48501695","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-09-08DOI: 10.1177/13540661221120980
L. E. Gissel
This article argues that transitional justice (TJ) has recently been standardised: There is now a two-tiered global standard of TJ which structures policy responses and academic thinking. TJ comprises criminal justice, truth-telling, reparation and institutional reform – four core elements in a ‘comprehensive’ approach. The standard involves specifications for design, procedure and performance and draws on a selection of seemingly unambiguous international legal norms. Paradoxically, it claims to eschew a one-size-fits-all formula, while promoting uniformity in diverse contexts. It is moreover unclear whether its implementation generates beneficial effects in society. Building on existing research on international standardisation as an international political and sociological phenomenon, the article analyses the recently developed TJ standard and presents the first account of the process of TJ standardisation. It demonstrates how processes of ‘generification’ and ‘localisation’ make practices transferable and establish the means to facilitate their replication in and across different contexts and settings. These processes are illustrated drawing on existing scholarship from around the world that highlights the acceptance and contestation of and resistance to the standard. After analysing these processes, the article discusses the implications of TJ standardisation for societies, scholarship and global governance.
{"title":"The standardisation of transitional justice","authors":"L. E. Gissel","doi":"10.1177/13540661221120980","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/13540661221120980","url":null,"abstract":"This article argues that transitional justice (TJ) has recently been standardised: There is now a two-tiered global standard of TJ which structures policy responses and academic thinking. TJ comprises criminal justice, truth-telling, reparation and institutional reform – four core elements in a ‘comprehensive’ approach. The standard involves specifications for design, procedure and performance and draws on a selection of seemingly unambiguous international legal norms. Paradoxically, it claims to eschew a one-size-fits-all formula, while promoting uniformity in diverse contexts. It is moreover unclear whether its implementation generates beneficial effects in society. Building on existing research on international standardisation as an international political and sociological phenomenon, the article analyses the recently developed TJ standard and presents the first account of the process of TJ standardisation. It demonstrates how processes of ‘generification’ and ‘localisation’ make practices transferable and establish the means to facilitate their replication in and across different contexts and settings. These processes are illustrated drawing on existing scholarship from around the world that highlights the acceptance and contestation of and resistance to the standard. After analysing these processes, the article discusses the implications of TJ standardisation for societies, scholarship and global governance.","PeriodicalId":48069,"journal":{"name":"European Journal of International Relations","volume":"28 1","pages":"859 - 884"},"PeriodicalIF":3.4,"publicationDate":"2022-09-08","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49298102","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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