Purpose: As of May 2023, there is a chance that every day, about 50 Nigerians are convinced to get ready to move into the British healthcare system to fill the gap created by the demanding and expensive labour force of other European countries during the Brexit referendum of 2016. It is evidential that the exodus of this group of persons leaves a big gap in the healthcare sector of Nigeria and other countries with similar impact. To make things visible, this article will be elaborating on the neo-colonial approach taken by the British state to overcome the deficit in the labour force created after Brexit and how this hugely affects the countries providing the labour force, with our focus on Nigeria. The key terms to explored in this article are Neo-colonialism, Brexit and labour force. The article explains how the involvement of the British state in the Brexit referendum created a lacune in the job market and British state through neo-colonialism is using the workforce of the less developed countries to fill the gaps and rendering these countries vulnerable.
Methodology: In order to ascertain the role of the British state in the collapse of the Nigerian healthcare system, a mixed method of both qualitative and quantitative information is collected from primary and secondary sources via current events, government policies, and existing academic publications as well as a visible and existing facts in the society. This is possible from the fact that the author is African from Cameroon, a neighbouring country to Nigeria where similar impacts of a destroyed healthcare system is felt. This is also facilitated by the fact that the author who is a foreign registered solicitor and a healthcare worker (healthcare assistant) in the UK is able to gather data through phone from some desirous Nigerians aiming towards migrating to the UK and also from those who have migrated through the shortage of occupation scheme from Nigeria and analysing same for the purpose of coming out with the outcome of this research.
Findings: The article came out with its' findings that the neo-colonial control of the British state on less developed countries especially in the health sector, weakens and impoverishes these countries and give room for the countries to continue in a state of underdevelopment. That this is done through brain drain, brainwashing and other forms of exploitation.
Unique Contribution to Theory, Practice and Policy: Using Marxism to explain the concept of neo-colonialism in this publication further explores the concept and related concepts and would serve as an enhancement to the career of a legal practitioners and activists who practice in this fields. It would serve as an eye opener to the society which may not have seen this approach of Neo-colonialism as harmful. The research will also serve as a tool to Immigration Organizations, healthcare providers, Human Rights campaigners, and policy makers of Nigeria in the fight and restructuring
{"title":"The UK's ''Shortage of Occupation Scheme'': Advanced Stage of Neo-Colonialism on the Health System of Less Developed Countries: The Case of Nigeria","authors":"Ernest Acha","doi":"10.47604/jir.2109","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.47604/jir.2109","url":null,"abstract":"Purpose: As of May 2023, there is a chance that every day, about 50 Nigerians are convinced to get ready to move into the British healthcare system to fill the gap created by the demanding and expensive labour force of other European countries during the Brexit referendum of 2016. It is evidential that the exodus of this group of persons leaves a big gap in the healthcare sector of Nigeria and other countries with similar impact. To make things visible, this article will be elaborating on the neo-colonial approach taken by the British state to overcome the deficit in the labour force created after Brexit and how this hugely affects the countries providing the labour force, with our focus on Nigeria. The key terms to explored in this article are Neo-colonialism, Brexit and labour force. The article explains how the involvement of the British state in the Brexit referendum created a lacune in the job market and British state through neo-colonialism is using the workforce of the less developed countries to fill the gaps and rendering these countries vulnerable.
 Methodology: In order to ascertain the role of the British state in the collapse of the Nigerian healthcare system, a mixed method of both qualitative and quantitative information is collected from primary and secondary sources via current events, government policies, and existing academic publications as well as a visible and existing facts in the society. This is possible from the fact that the author is African from Cameroon, a neighbouring country to Nigeria where similar impacts of a destroyed healthcare system is felt. This is also facilitated by the fact that the author who is a foreign registered solicitor and a healthcare worker (healthcare assistant) in the UK is able to gather data through phone from some desirous Nigerians aiming towards migrating to the UK and also from those who have migrated through the shortage of occupation scheme from Nigeria and analysing same for the purpose of coming out with the outcome of this research.
 Findings: The article came out with its' findings that the neo-colonial control of the British state on less developed countries especially in the health sector, weakens and impoverishes these countries and give room for the countries to continue in a state of underdevelopment. That this is done through brain drain, brainwashing and other forms of exploitation.
 Unique Contribution to Theory, Practice and Policy: Using Marxism to explain the concept of neo-colonialism in this publication further explores the concept and related concepts and would serve as an enhancement to the career of a legal practitioners and activists who practice in this fields. It would serve as an eye opener to the society which may not have seen this approach of Neo-colonialism as harmful. The research will also serve as a tool to Immigration Organizations, healthcare providers, Human Rights campaigners, and policy makers of Nigeria in the fight and restructuring","PeriodicalId":48069,"journal":{"name":"European Journal of International Relations","volume":"18 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-09-16","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135308498","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
In 1955 Indonesia hosted the Asia-Africa Conference in Bandung whose outcome was the Bandung Spirit whence many countries attained their independence and came together to walk hand-in-glove. Indonesia and Tanzania established diplomatic relations in 1964. The friendship between the two countries is built on a very solid foundation laid down by the founding fathers, the late Soekarno and the late Mwalimu Julius Kambarage Nyerere respectively. The fathers are credited for the promotion of the use of national languages as unifying factors for the otherwise linguistic plural nations. While Nyerere advocated for Kiswahili, Soekarno advocated for Bahasa Indonesia. Purpose: The study aims to investigate whether the Arabic language element in the two languages can be exploited to facilitate the two countries’ zest to reach out to each other and in so doing give a credit due to what the respective founding fathers fought for. Methodology: To achieve this goal, the researcher controlled for language as a cultural element in diplomatic relations. Kiswahili and Indonesian standard speakers assisted in formulating the compatibility. Dictionaries (English-Indonesian, Indonesian-Arabic, and Kiswahili-Arabic) in their hard and online forms were a source for true and false cognates. Findings: The results show that most of the Arabic loan words in the two languages have retained the same meanings as their Arabic origin. There is a strong Arabic language element in the two languages. To that effect, it may not be difficult for an Indonesian to learn Kiswahili as it may also not be difficult for a Tanzanian to learn Indonesian. There are words which are spelt similarly with similar meanings (true cognates), there are words which are spelt similarly with differing meanings (false cognates)-action can be taken to avoid the situation similar to the case of the Tower of Babel depicted in the Bible and there are very true cognates which can be easily recognized through the intonations. Unique Contribution to Theory, Practice and Policy: The results of the study are expected to be beneficial for semantic studies in terms of adaptation of loan words, to encourage researchers on Bahasa Indonesia and Kiswahili in lieu of the fact that the latter has gained very much international acclaim and that the two countries have of late expressed strong zest to reach out to each other. Reciprocity in the knowledge of each other’s language shall add impetus to the zeal to reach out.
{"title":"Language Interconnectedness for Strategic Relations: The Case of Indonesian and Kiswahili","authors":"Luangisa Francis","doi":"10.47604/jir.2081","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.47604/jir.2081","url":null,"abstract":"In 1955 Indonesia hosted the Asia-Africa Conference in Bandung whose outcome was the Bandung Spirit whence many countries attained their independence and came together to walk hand-in-glove. Indonesia and Tanzania established diplomatic relations in 1964. The friendship between the two countries is built on a very solid foundation laid down by the founding fathers, the late Soekarno and the late Mwalimu Julius Kambarage Nyerere respectively. The fathers are credited for the promotion of the use of national languages as unifying factors for the otherwise linguistic plural nations. While Nyerere advocated for Kiswahili, Soekarno advocated for Bahasa Indonesia. \u0000Purpose: The study aims to investigate whether the Arabic language element in the two languages can be exploited to facilitate the two countries’ zest to reach out to each other and in so doing give a credit due to what the respective founding fathers fought for. \u0000Methodology: To achieve this goal, the researcher controlled for language as a cultural element in diplomatic relations. Kiswahili and Indonesian standard speakers assisted in formulating the compatibility. Dictionaries (English-Indonesian, Indonesian-Arabic, and Kiswahili-Arabic) in their hard and online forms were a source for true and false cognates. \u0000Findings: The results show that most of the Arabic loan words in the two languages have retained the same meanings as their Arabic origin. There is a strong Arabic language element in the two languages. To that effect, it may not be difficult for an Indonesian to learn Kiswahili as it may also not be difficult for a Tanzanian to learn Indonesian. There are words which are spelt similarly with similar meanings (true cognates), there are words which are spelt similarly with differing meanings (false cognates)-action can be taken to avoid the situation similar to the case of the Tower of Babel depicted in the Bible and there are very true cognates which can be easily recognized through the intonations. \u0000Unique Contribution to Theory, Practice and Policy: The results of the study are expected to be beneficial for semantic studies in terms of adaptation of loan words, to encourage researchers on Bahasa Indonesia and Kiswahili in lieu of the fact that the latter has gained very much international acclaim and that the two countries have of late expressed strong zest to reach out to each other. Reciprocity in the knowledge of each other’s language shall add impetus to the zeal to reach out.","PeriodicalId":48069,"journal":{"name":"European Journal of International Relations","volume":"7 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":3.4,"publicationDate":"2023-08-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"83163976","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-08-14DOI: 10.1177/13540661231190238
Liane Hartnett
Love plays an important role in the normative production and sustenance of order. Historically implicated in imaginaries of order, it has been evoked to constitute community, legitimate coercion and (dis)empower. Put differently, love provides the affective glue that binds groups, frames feelings to enable and constrain action and is integral to the workings of power. Love can be evoked and governed for various political ends. Complicating accounts of love as a positive emotion, this article uncovers love’s neglected history in disciplinary International Relations (IR) as an ideological mask that conceals its implication in violent worldmaking projects of empire, war and domination. To illustrate this, it identifies three ideal-typical – or Hegelian, Augustinian and Nietzschean – logics that exemplify love’s ordering work and examines how they find expression in the work of three leading figures of disciplinary IR, namely Alfred Zimmern (1859–1957), Reinhold Niebuhr (1892–1971) and Hans Morgenthau (1904–1980).
{"title":"How love orders: an engagement with disciplinary International Relations","authors":"Liane Hartnett","doi":"10.1177/13540661231190238","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/13540661231190238","url":null,"abstract":"Love plays an important role in the normative production and sustenance of order. Historically implicated in imaginaries of order, it has been evoked to constitute community, legitimate coercion and (dis)empower. Put differently, love provides the affective glue that binds groups, frames feelings to enable and constrain action and is integral to the workings of power. Love can be evoked and governed for various political ends. Complicating accounts of love as a positive emotion, this article uncovers love’s neglected history in disciplinary International Relations (IR) as an ideological mask that conceals its implication in violent worldmaking projects of empire, war and domination. To illustrate this, it identifies three ideal-typical – or Hegelian, Augustinian and Nietzschean – logics that exemplify love’s ordering work and examines how they find expression in the work of three leading figures of disciplinary IR, namely Alfred Zimmern (1859–1957), Reinhold Niebuhr (1892–1971) and Hans Morgenthau (1904–1980).","PeriodicalId":48069,"journal":{"name":"European Journal of International Relations","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":3.4,"publicationDate":"2023-08-14","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46936973","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-07-24DOI: 10.1177/13540661231186740
Andreas Nishikawa-Pacher
Almost every polity uses state awards as diplomatic tools. Their global spread, however, cannot be explained by dominant theories of International Relations (which focus on military or economic rationales) or of diplomatic practices (which lack criteria for what constitutes a functionally suitable practice). The success of such seemingly non-instrumental tools may be better explained with a combination of Modern Systems Theory with the evolutionary scheme of variation/selection/re-stabilization: the diplomatic system generates a variation of practices, enacts selection through the structural medium of peace, and stabilises the selected variant through legal formalization and global diffusion. Using this framework, this paper finds that state awards found worldwide ubiquity for two reasons: First, they satisfy the diplomatic system’s societal function related to peace and power, that is, the foregrounding of peace-and-amity while invisibilizing power-and-enmity. Second, state awards exhibit a high degree of generalizability, meaning that they are so flexible that any state can use them towards any other states for any reasons at any time. This paper carries implications for understanding seemingly trivial, noninstrumental features of diplomacy, and, more generally, for the value of Modern Systems Theory and evolutionary perspectives in International Relations.
{"title":"How diplomacy evolves: the global spread of honorific state awards","authors":"Andreas Nishikawa-Pacher","doi":"10.1177/13540661231186740","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/13540661231186740","url":null,"abstract":"Almost every polity uses state awards as diplomatic tools. Their global spread, however, cannot be explained by dominant theories of International Relations (which focus on military or economic rationales) or of diplomatic practices (which lack criteria for what constitutes a functionally suitable practice). The success of such seemingly non-instrumental tools may be better explained with a combination of Modern Systems Theory with the evolutionary scheme of variation/selection/re-stabilization: the diplomatic system generates a variation of practices, enacts selection through the structural medium of peace, and stabilises the selected variant through legal formalization and global diffusion. Using this framework, this paper finds that state awards found worldwide ubiquity for two reasons: First, they satisfy the diplomatic system’s societal function related to peace and power, that is, the foregrounding of peace-and-amity while invisibilizing power-and-enmity. Second, state awards exhibit a high degree of generalizability, meaning that they are so flexible that any state can use them towards any other states for any reasons at any time. This paper carries implications for understanding seemingly trivial, noninstrumental features of diplomacy, and, more generally, for the value of Modern Systems Theory and evolutionary perspectives in International Relations.","PeriodicalId":48069,"journal":{"name":"European Journal of International Relations","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":3.4,"publicationDate":"2023-07-24","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45823952","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-07-22DOI: 10.1177/13540661231186502
Alexander Cooley, John Heathershaw, Ricardo Soares de Oliveira
What is the global social context for the insertion of kleptocratic elites into the putatively liberal international order? Drawing on cases from our work on Eurasia and Africa, we sketch a concept of ‘transnational uncivil society’, which we contrast to ‘transnational activist networks’. While the latter denotes the liberalizing practices of global civil society, the former suggests a specific series of clientelistic relations across borders, which open space for uncivil elites. This distinction animates a growing line of conflict in global politics. These kleptocrats eject liberal activists from their own territories and create new spaces to whitewash their own reputations and build their own transnational networks. To do so, they hire political consultants and reputation managers, engage in public philanthropy and forge new relationships with major global institutions. We show how these strategies of reputation-laundering are neither illicit nor marginal, but very much a product of the actors, institutions and markets generated by the liberal international order. We compare and contrast the scope and purpose of civil and uncivil society networks, we explore the increasing globalization of Eurasian and African elites as a concerted strategy to distance themselves from associations with their political oppression and kleptocracy in their home countries, and recast themselves as productive and respected cosmopolitans.
{"title":"Transnational uncivil society networks: kleptocracy’s global fightback against liberal activism","authors":"Alexander Cooley, John Heathershaw, Ricardo Soares de Oliveira","doi":"10.1177/13540661231186502","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/13540661231186502","url":null,"abstract":"What is the global social context for the insertion of kleptocratic elites into the putatively liberal international order? Drawing on cases from our work on Eurasia and Africa, we sketch a concept of ‘transnational uncivil society’, which we contrast to ‘transnational activist networks’. While the latter denotes the liberalizing practices of global civil society, the former suggests a specific series of clientelistic relations across borders, which open space for uncivil elites. This distinction animates a growing line of conflict in global politics. These kleptocrats eject liberal activists from their own territories and create new spaces to whitewash their own reputations and build their own transnational networks. To do so, they hire political consultants and reputation managers, engage in public philanthropy and forge new relationships with major global institutions. We show how these strategies of reputation-laundering are neither illicit nor marginal, but very much a product of the actors, institutions and markets generated by the liberal international order. We compare and contrast the scope and purpose of civil and uncivil society networks, we explore the increasing globalization of Eurasian and African elites as a concerted strategy to distance themselves from associations with their political oppression and kleptocracy in their home countries, and recast themselves as productive and respected cosmopolitans.","PeriodicalId":48069,"journal":{"name":"European Journal of International Relations","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":3.4,"publicationDate":"2023-07-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47707312","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-07-21DOI: 10.1177/13540661231186382
D. Raess
I examine whether union membership affects individual foreign direct investment (FDI) preferences in ways that vary across investors’ country of origin. I argue that the country of FDI origin will bear upon how union members assess FDI, because it provides cues about what the economic prospects of (unionized) workers will look like under different foreign investors. I argue that the salient attribute of foreign investors is whether they originate from a country that is an important form of patient or impatient capital. Compared with non-members, members will be more supportive of FDI from countries embodying patient than impatient capital. Specifically, I expect the (positive) gap in support between FDI from patient and FDI from impatient capital countries to increase with union membership. Conversely, I expect the (positive) gap in support between FDI from impatient versus patient capital countries to decrease with membership. Evidence from original Swiss survey data corroborates my argument. Respondents were asked to evaluate FDI from China and Europe (entities embodying patient capital) and from the United States (a country embodying impatient capital). The results show that the gap in enthusiasm for European FDI versus American FDI increases with union membership, while the gap in enthusiasm for American FDI versus Chinese FDI decreases with membership. Complementary qualitative analysis of reports, documents, and testimonies by trade unions in continental Europe show that their views are in sync with those of their members, suggesting that unions shape their members’ FDI preferences. The findings have important implications for the politics of backlash against economic globalization.
{"title":"Disentangling public opposition to Chinese FDI: trade unions, patient capital, and members’ preferences over FDI inflows","authors":"D. Raess","doi":"10.1177/13540661231186382","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/13540661231186382","url":null,"abstract":"I examine whether union membership affects individual foreign direct investment (FDI) preferences in ways that vary across investors’ country of origin. I argue that the country of FDI origin will bear upon how union members assess FDI, because it provides cues about what the economic prospects of (unionized) workers will look like under different foreign investors. I argue that the salient attribute of foreign investors is whether they originate from a country that is an important form of patient or impatient capital. Compared with non-members, members will be more supportive of FDI from countries embodying patient than impatient capital. Specifically, I expect the (positive) gap in support between FDI from patient and FDI from impatient capital countries to increase with union membership. Conversely, I expect the (positive) gap in support between FDI from impatient versus patient capital countries to decrease with membership. Evidence from original Swiss survey data corroborates my argument. Respondents were asked to evaluate FDI from China and Europe (entities embodying patient capital) and from the United States (a country embodying impatient capital). The results show that the gap in enthusiasm for European FDI versus American FDI increases with union membership, while the gap in enthusiasm for American FDI versus Chinese FDI decreases with membership. Complementary qualitative analysis of reports, documents, and testimonies by trade unions in continental Europe show that their views are in sync with those of their members, suggesting that unions shape their members’ FDI preferences. The findings have important implications for the politics of backlash against economic globalization.","PeriodicalId":48069,"journal":{"name":"European Journal of International Relations","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":3.4,"publicationDate":"2023-07-21","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41541240","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-07-16DOI: 10.1177/13540661231185569
J. Huysmans, Joao P Nogueira
‘Resistance’ and related concepts like ‘counter-conduct’, ‘counter-politics’ and ‘revolution’ continue to gain an intense interest and use. At the same time, however, we observe an intensified questioning of the concept of resistance and in particular the logic of negativity that it inscribes into our understanding of difference and its politics. Engaging with contributions that have pushed the concept of resistance and its dialectic logic of negativity to its limits in order to explore what it yields for analysing different political practices, we look for new interventions into modes of thinking about critical politics. To that purpose, we introduce the concepts of ‘folds’ and ‘folding’. They allow for understanding how differences work not through opposition to something but through enveloping in dynamic structures of multiple connections that generate a specific social field. We speak loosely of ‘against resistance?’ not as a claim that the concept of resistance has or should be moved to the dustbin of history but rather to argue for experimenting in International Political Sociology with conceptions of non-dialectic critical politics that work in a perspective of co-existence in heterogeneity and multiplicity and the conditions for openness and social possibility that it creates.
{"title":"Against ‘resistance’? Towards a conception of differential politics in international political sociology","authors":"J. Huysmans, Joao P Nogueira","doi":"10.1177/13540661231185569","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/13540661231185569","url":null,"abstract":"‘Resistance’ and related concepts like ‘counter-conduct’, ‘counter-politics’ and ‘revolution’ continue to gain an intense interest and use. At the same time, however, we observe an intensified questioning of the concept of resistance and in particular the logic of negativity that it inscribes into our understanding of difference and its politics. Engaging with contributions that have pushed the concept of resistance and its dialectic logic of negativity to its limits in order to explore what it yields for analysing different political practices, we look for new interventions into modes of thinking about critical politics. To that purpose, we introduce the concepts of ‘folds’ and ‘folding’. They allow for understanding how differences work not through opposition to something but through enveloping in dynamic structures of multiple connections that generate a specific social field. We speak loosely of ‘against resistance?’ not as a claim that the concept of resistance has or should be moved to the dustbin of history but rather to argue for experimenting in International Political Sociology with conceptions of non-dialectic critical politics that work in a perspective of co-existence in heterogeneity and multiplicity and the conditions for openness and social possibility that it creates.","PeriodicalId":48069,"journal":{"name":"European Journal of International Relations","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":3.4,"publicationDate":"2023-07-16","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43528415","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-07-13DOI: 10.1177/13540661231183352
M. Papa, Zhen Han, Frank Anon
Informal institutions are important platforms for renegotiating global governance, but there is disagreement on how they operate and challenge the United States (US). Realists view some informal institutions like Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa (BRICS) as counter-hegemonic entities, while rational institutionalists focus on their structure and performance in specific areas. However, neither approach explains the internal dynamics that make these institutions robust and potentially counter-hegemonic. To fill this gap, we first develop a new convergence approach for analysing informal institutional dynamics, and then we apply this approach to examine BRICS robustness and BRICS–US relations. Our BRICS Convergence Index measures policy convergence of the BRICS states using a novel data set of BRICS cooperation on 47 policy issues between 2009 and 2021. Using data on US policy preferences on the same issues, we also identify the key sites of BRICS–US contestation. We find an overall increase in BRICS policy convergence and limited divergence from US preferences across a wide range of policy issues. However, since BRICS has engaged with more security issues after 2015 and substantively deepened its cooperation, its capability to counter US influence has grown. Our convergence-focused analysis of informal institutions embraces members’ agency and pathways for institution building, while identifying the issues that bind rival countries. As such, it helps explain how informal institutions gain robustness and provides empirical insights into the rise of new powers and global governance reform efforts.
{"title":"The dynamics of informal institutions and counter-hegemony: introducing a BRICS Convergence Index","authors":"M. Papa, Zhen Han, Frank Anon","doi":"10.1177/13540661231183352","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/13540661231183352","url":null,"abstract":"Informal institutions are important platforms for renegotiating global governance, but there is disagreement on how they operate and challenge the United States (US). Realists view some informal institutions like Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa (BRICS) as counter-hegemonic entities, while rational institutionalists focus on their structure and performance in specific areas. However, neither approach explains the internal dynamics that make these institutions robust and potentially counter-hegemonic. To fill this gap, we first develop a new convergence approach for analysing informal institutional dynamics, and then we apply this approach to examine BRICS robustness and BRICS–US relations. Our BRICS Convergence Index measures policy convergence of the BRICS states using a novel data set of BRICS cooperation on 47 policy issues between 2009 and 2021. Using data on US policy preferences on the same issues, we also identify the key sites of BRICS–US contestation. We find an overall increase in BRICS policy convergence and limited divergence from US preferences across a wide range of policy issues. However, since BRICS has engaged with more security issues after 2015 and substantively deepened its cooperation, its capability to counter US influence has grown. Our convergence-focused analysis of informal institutions embraces members’ agency and pathways for institution building, while identifying the issues that bind rival countries. As such, it helps explain how informal institutions gain robustness and provides empirical insights into the rise of new powers and global governance reform efforts.","PeriodicalId":48069,"journal":{"name":"European Journal of International Relations","volume":"81 1","pages":"960 - 989"},"PeriodicalIF":3.4,"publicationDate":"2023-07-13","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139359609","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-06-23DOI: 10.1177/13540661231183357
Nicolas Gäckle
The Covid-19 pandemic has made evident that living through a protracted global biopolitical emergency requires new theoretical reflections to make sense of what it means to govern life in a global context. As a central reference in the study of global health in International Relations (IR), biopolitical approaches have privileged a molecular-informational understanding of life as their object of governance. However, the phenomenon of global pandemic fatigue calls for a new problematisation. Experiential biopolitics is proposed here as an approach from which to recognise a limitation of biopolitical emergency governance that has resulted in a generalised feeling of exhaustion among populations subject to prolonged emergency measures. This reformulated biopolitical gaze understands human life, not only as a biological substance, but through its reflexive capacity to nurture lived experience, highlighting the entanglement of pandemic experiences and infection dynamics. The article explores experiential biopolitics through the WHO’s problematisation of pandemic fatigue. It analyses how assessing pandemic experience through behavioural insights studies enables a reflexive visibility of the pandemic event by drawing together biological and experiential variables. Subsequently, it interrogates theories of risk perception as a cornerstone in imagining the pandemic subject as a fundamentally experiential being.
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Pub Date : 2023-06-19DOI: 10.1177/13540661231180369
Hyeran Jo, Joowon Yi
International actors engage rebel groups in conflict zones for better humanitarian outcomes. What are the political conditions under which such external engagement occurs in internal conflict zones? We argue that “insecure governments” and politically “modulated rebels” are the key factors that explain the international humanitarian engagement with rebels in civil conflicts. With the history of instability marred by coups and frequently changing hands of governments, insecure governments resort to international help and allow international actors to interact with their internal enemies. In contrast, with strong political control and military capacity, secure governments play a gatekeeper role, dealing with internal enemies autonomously. On the rebel side, politically “modulated rebels” are the prime candidates for international humanitarian engagement. Such modulation is likely to occur after civilian-connecting experiences over time by holding territory or after peace talks. We test these arguments using the case of the United Nations (UN) action plans between 2000 and 2015, in which some rebel groups committed to reducing the practice of child soldiering. We find that the combination of “insecure governments” and “modulated rebels” can systematically account for the UN action plans occurrence. Our analysis has implications for the role of external actors in internal conflict zones around the world.
{"title":"When do rebels sign agreements with the United Nations? An investigation into the politics of international humanitarian engagement","authors":"Hyeran Jo, Joowon Yi","doi":"10.1177/13540661231180369","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/13540661231180369","url":null,"abstract":"International actors engage rebel groups in conflict zones for better humanitarian outcomes. What are the political conditions under which such external engagement occurs in internal conflict zones? We argue that “insecure governments” and politically “modulated rebels” are the key factors that explain the international humanitarian engagement with rebels in civil conflicts. With the history of instability marred by coups and frequently changing hands of governments, insecure governments resort to international help and allow international actors to interact with their internal enemies. In contrast, with strong political control and military capacity, secure governments play a gatekeeper role, dealing with internal enemies autonomously. On the rebel side, politically “modulated rebels” are the prime candidates for international humanitarian engagement. Such modulation is likely to occur after civilian-connecting experiences over time by holding territory or after peace talks. We test these arguments using the case of the United Nations (UN) action plans between 2000 and 2015, in which some rebel groups committed to reducing the practice of child soldiering. We find that the combination of “insecure governments” and “modulated rebels” can systematically account for the UN action plans occurrence. Our analysis has implications for the role of external actors in internal conflict zones around the world.","PeriodicalId":48069,"journal":{"name":"European Journal of International Relations","volume":"29 1","pages":"602 - 627"},"PeriodicalIF":3.4,"publicationDate":"2023-06-19","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47053932","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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