Pub Date : 2023-07-14DOI: 10.1177/07352751231186797
Barbara Kiviat
Like many modes of rationalized governance, algorithms depend on rendering people as cases: discrete entities defined by regularized, atemporal attributes. This enables the computation behind the behavioral predictions organizations increasingly use to allocate benefits and burdens. Yet it elides another foundational way of understanding people: as actors in the unfolding narratives of their lives. This has epistemic implications because each cultural form entails a distinct information infrastructure. In this article, I argue that construing people as cases carries consequences for moral reasoning as well because different moral standards require different information. While rendering people as cases affords adjudications of comparative justice, parsing noncomparative justice often necessitates narrative. This explains why people frequently reach for stories that sit beyond the representations of individuals found in records and databases. With this argument, I contribute to the sociology of categorization/classification and draw broader conclusions about modern systems of bureaucratic, computational, and quantitative governance.
{"title":"The Moral Affordances of Construing People as Cases: How Algorithms and the Data They Depend on Obscure Narrative and Noncomparative Justice","authors":"Barbara Kiviat","doi":"10.1177/07352751231186797","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/07352751231186797","url":null,"abstract":"Like many modes of rationalized governance, algorithms depend on rendering people as cases: discrete entities defined by regularized, atemporal attributes. This enables the computation behind the behavioral predictions organizations increasingly use to allocate benefits and burdens. Yet it elides another foundational way of understanding people: as actors in the unfolding narratives of their lives. This has epistemic implications because each cultural form entails a distinct information infrastructure. In this article, I argue that construing people as cases carries consequences for moral reasoning as well because different moral standards require different information. While rendering people as cases affords adjudications of comparative justice, parsing noncomparative justice often necessitates narrative. This explains why people frequently reach for stories that sit beyond the representations of individuals found in records and databases. With this argument, I contribute to the sociology of categorization/classification and draw broader conclusions about modern systems of bureaucratic, computational, and quantitative governance.","PeriodicalId":48131,"journal":{"name":"Sociological Theory","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":4.4,"publicationDate":"2023-07-14","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43425272","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-07-10DOI: 10.1177/07352751231184462
C. Rea, S. Frickel
Basic oppositions between economic growth and environmental protection are well understood by sociologists, but the state’s role in environmental protection and regulation is underspecified in sociological theory. We define the environmental state and theorize two structuring forces central to its provision of environmental welfare. First, culturally distinctive constructions of nature shape environmental politics and statecraft. State actions linked to charismatic “special” nature often win broad political support, whereas actions linked to less resonant “ordinary” nature do not. Second, historical legacies of developmentalism shape environmental coalitions. Arms of the environmental state that combine extractive pasts with newer regulatory responsibilities are better able to build broad support, whereas narrowly regulatory or developmental arms struggle to do so. We illustrate the relevance of each process for the politics of environmental regulation and of technoscientific expertise. Both processes help explain the varied efficacy of environmental states and set the stage for their comparative study.
{"title":"The Environmental State: Nature and the Politics of Environmental Protection","authors":"C. Rea, S. Frickel","doi":"10.1177/07352751231184462","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/07352751231184462","url":null,"abstract":"Basic oppositions between economic growth and environmental protection are well understood by sociologists, but the state’s role in environmental protection and regulation is underspecified in sociological theory. We define the environmental state and theorize two structuring forces central to its provision of environmental welfare. First, culturally distinctive constructions of nature shape environmental politics and statecraft. State actions linked to charismatic “special” nature often win broad political support, whereas actions linked to less resonant “ordinary” nature do not. Second, historical legacies of developmentalism shape environmental coalitions. Arms of the environmental state that combine extractive pasts with newer regulatory responsibilities are better able to build broad support, whereas narrowly regulatory or developmental arms struggle to do so. We illustrate the relevance of each process for the politics of environmental regulation and of technoscientific expertise. Both processes help explain the varied efficacy of environmental states and set the stage for their comparative study.","PeriodicalId":48131,"journal":{"name":"Sociological Theory","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":4.4,"publicationDate":"2023-07-10","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47369336","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-06-27DOI: 10.1177/07352751231183721
Xiaohong Xu, I. Reed
This article develops a new approach to the sociology of time by examining how the contentious politics of newness shapes modern revolutionary politics. It goes beyond the prevalent dualistic conception of social time and develops a tripartite model by distinguishing two kinds of unordinary time—carnival time and new time—that are conflated in the dualistic conception. We analyze the Chinese Cultural Revolution (CCR) as a crucial case for understanding the importance of new time to modern revolutionary politics. The effort to forge an ongoing, widely experienced “new time” created a series of contradictions and difficulties in the CCR regarding the power dynamics and boundaries of the experiences of radical newness. The eventual failure of the Jacobin politics of the CCR conditioned the post-CCR suspicion of mass movements and political changes. More broadly, the politics of the interpretation of time provides a different angle on the sociology of political modernity.
{"title":"Modernity and the Politics of Newness: Unraveling New Time in the Chinese Cultural Revolution, 1966 to 1968","authors":"Xiaohong Xu, I. Reed","doi":"10.1177/07352751231183721","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/07352751231183721","url":null,"abstract":"This article develops a new approach to the sociology of time by examining how the contentious politics of newness shapes modern revolutionary politics. It goes beyond the prevalent dualistic conception of social time and develops a tripartite model by distinguishing two kinds of unordinary time—carnival time and new time—that are conflated in the dualistic conception. We analyze the Chinese Cultural Revolution (CCR) as a crucial case for understanding the importance of new time to modern revolutionary politics. The effort to forge an ongoing, widely experienced “new time” created a series of contradictions and difficulties in the CCR regarding the power dynamics and boundaries of the experiences of radical newness. The eventual failure of the Jacobin politics of the CCR conditioned the post-CCR suspicion of mass movements and political changes. More broadly, the politics of the interpretation of time provides a different angle on the sociology of political modernity.","PeriodicalId":48131,"journal":{"name":"Sociological Theory","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":4.4,"publicationDate":"2023-06-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46320548","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-06-02DOI: 10.1177/07352751231174436
P. Joosse, Dominik Želinský
Moving beyond frameworks of charisma scholarship that stress antagonism between charisma and establishment society, this article discerns and theoretically accounts for more mutualistic forms of influence between charismatic leaders and elite representatives of traditional or rational-legal institutions. Specifically, we combine contemporary work in the cultural sociology of charisma with Girard’s notion of mimesis to provide a theory of charismatic mimicry; we explain situations where, rather than opposing the charismatic leader, elites align themselves with the new sources of legitimacy being proffered by the charismatic leader. At times, these institutional elites even co-opt new charismatic protocols into their own vocabularies of leadership. We demonstrate the usefulness of our model for interpreting the case of the Ukrainian president Volodymyr Zelensky and his encounters with European leaders.
{"title":"Charismatic Mimicry: Innovation and Imitation in the Case of Volodymyr Zelensky","authors":"P. Joosse, Dominik Želinský","doi":"10.1177/07352751231174436","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/07352751231174436","url":null,"abstract":"Moving beyond frameworks of charisma scholarship that stress antagonism between charisma and establishment society, this article discerns and theoretically accounts for more mutualistic forms of influence between charismatic leaders and elite representatives of traditional or rational-legal institutions. Specifically, we combine contemporary work in the cultural sociology of charisma with Girard’s notion of mimesis to provide a theory of charismatic mimicry; we explain situations where, rather than opposing the charismatic leader, elites align themselves with the new sources of legitimacy being proffered by the charismatic leader. At times, these institutional elites even co-opt new charismatic protocols into their own vocabularies of leadership. We demonstrate the usefulness of our model for interpreting the case of the Ukrainian president Volodymyr Zelensky and his encounters with European leaders.","PeriodicalId":48131,"journal":{"name":"Sociological Theory","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":4.4,"publicationDate":"2023-06-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48553887","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-05-11DOI: 10.1177/07352751231169955
Rogers Brubaker
Albert Hirschman’s exit-voice paradigm provides a useful lens for analyzing the current neo-categorical phase of gender politics in which attention has shifted from the content of the binary gender categories to the structure of the gender category system. During this phase of categorical destabilization, exit from originally assigned categories—in bureaucratically recorded, statistically reported, and informally negotiated forms—has become culturally legitimate and institutionally supported in a broadening range of milieus. Hirschman’s paradigm brings into focus the selectivity of exit and its potentially—and paradoxically—stabilizing consequences for the traditional gender order. The increased ease and pronounced selectivity of exit can channel dissatisfaction with gender arrangements into exit rather than voice or—as exit may itself be a form of voice—into individualized, psychologically driven forms of voice. And the selective exit of gender-nonconforming individuals from originally assigned categories can reinforce the stereotypical associations of these categories with gender conformity.
{"title":"Exit, Voice, and Gender","authors":"Rogers Brubaker","doi":"10.1177/07352751231169955","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/07352751231169955","url":null,"abstract":"Albert Hirschman’s exit-voice paradigm provides a useful lens for analyzing the current neo-categorical phase of gender politics in which attention has shifted from the content of the binary gender categories to the structure of the gender category system. During this phase of categorical destabilization, exit from originally assigned categories—in bureaucratically recorded, statistically reported, and informally negotiated forms—has become culturally legitimate and institutionally supported in a broadening range of milieus. Hirschman’s paradigm brings into focus the selectivity of exit and its potentially—and paradoxically—stabilizing consequences for the traditional gender order. The increased ease and pronounced selectivity of exit can channel dissatisfaction with gender arrangements into exit rather than voice or—as exit may itself be a form of voice—into individualized, psychologically driven forms of voice. And the selective exit of gender-nonconforming individuals from originally assigned categories can reinforce the stereotypical associations of these categories with gender conformity.","PeriodicalId":48131,"journal":{"name":"Sociological Theory","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":4.4,"publicationDate":"2023-05-11","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48345642","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-05-10DOI: 10.1177/07352751231169012
Greta R. Krippner
In this article, I explore how risk transformed from being understood as a property of groups to being understood as a property of individuals by examining the history of public and private insurance in the United States. Rather than locate changes in how risk is managed in our society in the “great risk shift” that occurred with the emergence of neoliberalism, I suggest the individualization of risk in recent decades is only the latest instantiation of a recurrent conflict between security and freedom that has marked the evolution of capitalism. Seen from this longer historical perspective, the “personal responsibility revolution” appears not as the handiwork of neoliberal policymakers but, rather, as the unintended result of social movements that contested discriminatory practices in insurance markets. Thus, paradoxically, my account suggests that struggles against discrimination seeded the individualization of risk that is now the hallmark of neoliberal capitalism.
{"title":"Unmasked: A History of the Individualization of Risk","authors":"Greta R. Krippner","doi":"10.1177/07352751231169012","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/07352751231169012","url":null,"abstract":"In this article, I explore how risk transformed from being understood as a property of groups to being understood as a property of individuals by examining the history of public and private insurance in the United States. Rather than locate changes in how risk is managed in our society in the “great risk shift” that occurred with the emergence of neoliberalism, I suggest the individualization of risk in recent decades is only the latest instantiation of a recurrent conflict between security and freedom that has marked the evolution of capitalism. Seen from this longer historical perspective, the “personal responsibility revolution” appears not as the handiwork of neoliberal policymakers but, rather, as the unintended result of social movements that contested discriminatory practices in insurance markets. Thus, paradoxically, my account suggests that struggles against discrimination seeded the individualization of risk that is now the hallmark of neoliberal capitalism.","PeriodicalId":48131,"journal":{"name":"Sociological Theory","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":4.4,"publicationDate":"2023-05-10","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44046475","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-04-22DOI: 10.1177/07352751231164999
Ankit Bhardwaj
Sociologists have canonized W.E.B. Du Bois as a theorist of race but have neglected his engagement with environmental themes. Not only was he concerned with ecology, such as the health of soils and water, but environmental themes also figured in his explanations of racism. Du Bois prefigured contemporary scholarship on environmental racism, detailing colonial capitalism’s uneven distribution of environmental benefits—such as natural resources—and harms—such as flooding and pollution. Moreover, Du Bois had novel insights on the role of environmental entities in shaping the adoption of racism, a process I term environmental racialization. He demonstrates how struggles over land led workers to pursue racism rather than solidarity. He argues that capitalist planters adopted racism to blame laborers for degraded soils. Du Bois is one of sociology’s earliest environmental theorists, uniquely illuminating how environment-society relations shape racism.
{"title":"The Soils of Black Folk: W.E.B. Du Bois’s Theories of Environmental Racialization","authors":"Ankit Bhardwaj","doi":"10.1177/07352751231164999","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/07352751231164999","url":null,"abstract":"Sociologists have canonized W.E.B. Du Bois as a theorist of race but have neglected his engagement with environmental themes. Not only was he concerned with ecology, such as the health of soils and water, but environmental themes also figured in his explanations of racism. Du Bois prefigured contemporary scholarship on environmental racism, detailing colonial capitalism’s uneven distribution of environmental benefits—such as natural resources—and harms—such as flooding and pollution. Moreover, Du Bois had novel insights on the role of environmental entities in shaping the adoption of racism, a process I term environmental racialization. He demonstrates how struggles over land led workers to pursue racism rather than solidarity. He argues that capitalist planters adopted racism to blame laborers for degraded soils. Du Bois is one of sociology’s earliest environmental theorists, uniquely illuminating how environment-society relations shape racism.","PeriodicalId":48131,"journal":{"name":"Sociological Theory","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":4.4,"publicationDate":"2023-04-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45325653","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-04-20DOI: 10.1177/07352751231167389
Josh Pacewicz
Debates over populism pit those who see it as dangerous for liberal democracy against those who view it as necessary for mobilizing the marginalized. This article flips the question and asks whether and how populist rhetoric supports liberal democracy. I synthesize accounts of voting behavior, poststructural Marxism, and pragmatism to develop a cognitive theory of populist resonance focused on how people use rhetoric to solve conceptual problems and illustrate it with interviews from the American Rust Belt during the Obama elections. In the main, voters use populist rhetoric to simplify political decisions when cross-pressured. Therefore, many traditional partisans, who saw party politics as rooted in blue- and white-collar identities, routinely made populist claims to sideline anti-pluralist appeals, whereas those alienated from politics were given to illiberalism. The analysis provides micro-sociological foundations for the intuition that populism is democratically functional in a stable party system, whereas illiberal populism is a symptom of enfeebled political parties.
{"title":"When Is Populism Good for Liberal Democracy?","authors":"Josh Pacewicz","doi":"10.1177/07352751231167389","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/07352751231167389","url":null,"abstract":"Debates over populism pit those who see it as dangerous for liberal democracy against those who view it as necessary for mobilizing the marginalized. This article flips the question and asks whether and how populist rhetoric supports liberal democracy. I synthesize accounts of voting behavior, poststructural Marxism, and pragmatism to develop a cognitive theory of populist resonance focused on how people use rhetoric to solve conceptual problems and illustrate it with interviews from the American Rust Belt during the Obama elections. In the main, voters use populist rhetoric to simplify political decisions when cross-pressured. Therefore, many traditional partisans, who saw party politics as rooted in blue- and white-collar identities, routinely made populist claims to sideline anti-pluralist appeals, whereas those alienated from politics were given to illiberalism. The analysis provides micro-sociological foundations for the intuition that populism is democratically functional in a stable party system, whereas illiberal populism is a symptom of enfeebled political parties.","PeriodicalId":48131,"journal":{"name":"Sociological Theory","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":4.4,"publicationDate":"2023-04-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45522549","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-02-03DOI: 10.1177/07352751231153664
Samuel L. Perry
Asymmetric social alignments are transforming American partisan rhetoric, particularly how politicians leverage identity-based appeals. For example, asymmetric religious, racial, and ideological alignments within the Republican party now make reactionary religious rhetoric increasingly strategic. Focusing on that case, I propose a novel conceptual model to understand what such rhetoric aims to accomplish. Reactionary religious rhetoric advertises, appeals, and activates on a spectrum from overt to subconscious registers, which I explain using three metaphors: mating call, dog whistle, and trigger. Within a context of asymmetrical partisan “sorting,” Christian nationalist rhetoric overtly advertises partisanship (mating call). Rhetoric deploying encoded terms like “Christian” and “socialist” appeals to ethno-culture, connecting specific political opponents to abstract ethno-religious threats (dog whistle). Lastly, research on overlapping identities increasingly suggests rhetoric involving threats to “Christianity” may unconsciously activate White racial threat (trigger). I consider applications of this conceptual model to growing political appeals to nationalist and populist identities.
{"title":"Mating Call, Dog Whistle, Trigger: Asymmetric Alignments, Race, and the Use of Reactionary Religious Rhetoric in American Politics","authors":"Samuel L. Perry","doi":"10.1177/07352751231153664","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/07352751231153664","url":null,"abstract":"Asymmetric social alignments are transforming American partisan rhetoric, particularly how politicians leverage identity-based appeals. For example, asymmetric religious, racial, and ideological alignments within the Republican party now make reactionary religious rhetoric increasingly strategic. Focusing on that case, I propose a novel conceptual model to understand what such rhetoric aims to accomplish. Reactionary religious rhetoric advertises, appeals, and activates on a spectrum from overt to subconscious registers, which I explain using three metaphors: mating call, dog whistle, and trigger. Within a context of asymmetrical partisan “sorting,” Christian nationalist rhetoric overtly advertises partisanship (mating call). Rhetoric deploying encoded terms like “Christian” and “socialist” appeals to ethno-culture, connecting specific political opponents to abstract ethno-religious threats (dog whistle). Lastly, research on overlapping identities increasingly suggests rhetoric involving threats to “Christianity” may unconsciously activate White racial threat (trigger). I consider applications of this conceptual model to growing political appeals to nationalist and populist identities.","PeriodicalId":48131,"journal":{"name":"Sociological Theory","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":4.4,"publicationDate":"2023-02-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44074624","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-02-01DOI: 10.1177/07352751231152489
M. McCarthy, M. Desan
With renewed interest in Marxism, class is back on the intellectual agenda. But so too is the familiar charge of “class reductionism.” This charge conflates two distinct claims regarding what we term the structural and political primacy of class. Structural primacy refers to the determinant role of class in social explanation, whereas political primacy refers to its centrality in radical politics. Crossing these distinct claims, we identify four possible positions on the primacy of class. Here, we focus on the two that affirm the structural primacy of class. What we call “class abstractionism,” which presumes to derive the political primacy of class from an account of its structural primacy, ultimately relies on an abstract conception of class that effectively presupposes its political primacy. In contrast, a more adequate account of structural primacy—what we call “class dynamism”—requires us to abandon the presupposition of class’s necessary political primacy.
{"title":"The Problem of Class Abstractionism","authors":"M. McCarthy, M. Desan","doi":"10.1177/07352751231152489","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/07352751231152489","url":null,"abstract":"With renewed interest in Marxism, class is back on the intellectual agenda. But so too is the familiar charge of “class reductionism.” This charge conflates two distinct claims regarding what we term the structural and political primacy of class. Structural primacy refers to the determinant role of class in social explanation, whereas political primacy refers to its centrality in radical politics. Crossing these distinct claims, we identify four possible positions on the primacy of class. Here, we focus on the two that affirm the structural primacy of class. What we call “class abstractionism,” which presumes to derive the political primacy of class from an account of its structural primacy, ultimately relies on an abstract conception of class that effectively presupposes its political primacy. In contrast, a more adequate account of structural primacy—what we call “class dynamism”—requires us to abandon the presupposition of class’s necessary political primacy.","PeriodicalId":48131,"journal":{"name":"Sociological Theory","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":4.4,"publicationDate":"2023-02-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46550912","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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