Isaac Weldon, Kathleen Liddell, Susan Rogers Van Katwyk, Steven J. Hoffman, Timo Minssen, Kevin Outterson, Stephanie Palmer, A. M. Viens, Jorge Viñuales
Antimicrobial resistance (AMR) causes over 1.27 million deaths annually, making it one of today's most urgent health threats. Given its urgency, there are often calls for large‐scale global initiatives to address AMR. However, theories of collective action have yet to be applied to the problem in a systematic and holistic manner. Fuller engagement with collective action theory is necessary to avoid three risks, namely: mischaracterizing the kinds of challenges that AMR presents; over‐simplifying the problem by reducing it to a single type of collective action problem while ignoring others; and overstating the ability of collective action theory to formulate effective solutions. This article relies on the work of Elinor Ostrom to develop an analytical framework for collective action problems around public and common goods. When analyzed through this framework, we find that AMR poses at least nine distinct collective action problems. This more granular framing of AMR provides, in our view, a better basis to develop policy solutions to address this multifaceted challenge. We conclude with proposals for future research.
抗菌素耐药性（AMR）每年导致超过 127 万人死亡，是当今最紧迫的健康威胁之一。鉴于其紧迫性，人们经常呼吁采取大规模的全球行动来解决 AMR 问题。然而，集体行动理论尚未以系统和全面的方式应用于这一问题。为了避免以下三种风险，有必要更充分地运用集体行动理论：错误地描述 AMR 带来的各种挑战；将问题过度简化为单一类型的集体行动问题，而忽视其他问题；夸大集体行动理论制定有效解决方案的能力。本文以埃莉诺-奥斯特罗姆（Elinor Ostrom）的著作为基础，为围绕公共产品和共同产品的集体行动问题建立了一个分析框架。通过这一框架进行分析，我们发现 AMR 带来了至少九个不同的集体行动问题。我们认为，这种更加细化的 AMR 框架为制定应对这一多方面挑战的政策解决方案提供了更好的基础。最后，我们提出了未来研究的建议。
{"title":"Analyzing antimicrobial resistance as a series of collective action problems","authors":"Isaac Weldon, Kathleen Liddell, Susan Rogers Van Katwyk, Steven J. Hoffman, Timo Minssen, Kevin Outterson, Stephanie Palmer, A. M. Viens, Jorge Viñuales","doi":"10.1111/psj.12552","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/psj.12552","url":null,"abstract":"Antimicrobial resistance (AMR) causes over 1.27 million deaths annually, making it one of today's most urgent health threats. Given its urgency, there are often calls for large‐scale global initiatives to address AMR. However, theories of collective action have yet to be applied to the problem in a systematic and holistic manner. Fuller engagement with collective action theory is necessary to avoid three risks, namely: mischaracterizing the kinds of challenges that AMR presents; over‐simplifying the problem by reducing it to a single type of collective action problem while ignoring others; and overstating the ability of collective action theory to formulate effective solutions. This article relies on the work of Elinor Ostrom to develop an analytical framework for collective action problems around public and common goods. When analyzed through this framework, we find that AMR poses at least nine distinct collective action problems. This more granular framing of AMR provides, in our view, a better basis to develop policy solutions to address this multifaceted challenge. We conclude with proposals for future research.","PeriodicalId":48154,"journal":{"name":"Policy Studies Journal","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":4.1,"publicationDate":"2024-08-09","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141922354","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"管理学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Patricia Strach, Elizabeth Pérez‐Chiqués, Katie Zuber
Although the literature on political learning has examined the effect of policy on clients and some proximate individuals (family, friends, and community members), it has not examined the effect on professionals who implement programs. What lessons do professionals learn from implementing nominally positive (care) services for negatively constructed populations, and how do they learn them? Drawing on interviews, focus groups, and participant observation in substance‐use disorder services, we demonstrate that policy implementors learn lessons at odds with their advantaged status by proxy, witnessing how government treats clients, experiencing a system designed for negatively constructed, powerless populations, and sometimes the two together. As a result, the effect of policy may be greater than previously demonstrated.
{"title":"Learning by proxy: How burdensome policies shape policy implementors' views of government","authors":"Patricia Strach, Elizabeth Pérez‐Chiqués, Katie Zuber","doi":"10.1111/psj.12554","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/psj.12554","url":null,"abstract":"Although the literature on political learning has examined the effect of policy on clients and some proximate individuals (family, friends, and community members), it has not examined the effect on professionals who implement programs. What lessons do professionals learn from implementing nominally positive (care) services for negatively constructed populations, and how do they learn them? Drawing on interviews, focus groups, and participant observation in substance‐use disorder services, we demonstrate that policy implementors learn lessons at odds with their advantaged status by proxy, witnessing how government treats clients, experiencing a system designed for negatively constructed, powerless populations, and sometimes the two together. As a result, the effect of policy may be greater than previously demonstrated.","PeriodicalId":48154,"journal":{"name":"Policy Studies Journal","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":4.1,"publicationDate":"2024-08-08","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141929242","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"管理学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Partisanship plays a central role in the policy process, but its impact on the adoption of collaborative strategy by policymakers remains unknown. To fill this gap, I conducted a conjoint experiment involving municipal officials across the United States, examining the effect of co‐partisanship on policy collaboration and its moderating impact on collaborative attributes such as resource allocation, reciprocal trust, and policy outcome. The findings reveal that a collaborating partner's co‐partisanship status increases the likelihood of local policymakers adopting a program by 12.75 percentage points. Moreover, co‐partisan program proposals generally enhance the favorability of collaborative attributes. Finally, the consistency of the co‐partisanship effect across ideologies and various subgroups demonstrates that party identity is rooted in in‐group loyalty and fundamentally affects the collaborative process.
{"title":"Partisan collaboration in policy adoption: An experimental study with local government officials","authors":"Yixin Liu","doi":"10.1111/psj.12551","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/psj.12551","url":null,"abstract":"Partisanship plays a central role in the policy process, but its impact on the adoption of collaborative strategy by policymakers remains unknown. To fill this gap, I conducted a conjoint experiment involving municipal officials across the United States, examining the effect of co‐partisanship on policy collaboration and its moderating impact on collaborative attributes such as resource allocation, reciprocal trust, and policy outcome. The findings reveal that a collaborating partner's co‐partisanship status increases the likelihood of local policymakers adopting a program by 12.75 percentage points. Moreover, co‐partisan program proposals generally enhance the favorability of collaborative attributes. Finally, the consistency of the co‐partisanship effect across ideologies and various subgroups demonstrates that party identity is rooted in in‐group loyalty and fundamentally affects the collaborative process.","PeriodicalId":48154,"journal":{"name":"Policy Studies Journal","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":4.1,"publicationDate":"2024-07-26","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141800948","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"管理学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
How are powerful interest groups with a stake in the status quo overcome? Policymakers succeed in enacting policies against the preferences of powerful vested interests when they delegate the costs associated with challenging those vested interests to advocacy groups. Advocacy groups can provide information and capacity, freeing allied policymakers from relying on vested interests. Using a 50‐state regression analysis of teacher evaluation policymaking in 2010 and 2011 and case studies of the experiences of Minnesota and Wisconsin, I find evidence that where advocacy groups assist policymaker allies, they can successfully pass and implement policy change against the preferences of powerful vested interests.
{"title":"Advocacy groups, policy subsidies, and policy change: The case of teacher evaluations","authors":"Leslie K. Finger","doi":"10.1111/psj.12538","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/psj.12538","url":null,"abstract":"How are powerful interest groups with a stake in the status quo overcome? Policymakers succeed in enacting policies against the preferences of powerful vested interests when they delegate the costs associated with challenging those vested interests to advocacy groups. Advocacy groups can provide information and capacity, freeing allied policymakers from relying on vested interests. Using a 50‐state regression analysis of teacher evaluation policymaking in 2010 and 2011 and case studies of the experiences of Minnesota and Wisconsin, I find evidence that where advocacy groups assist policymaker allies, they can successfully pass and implement policy change against the preferences of powerful vested interests.","PeriodicalId":48154,"journal":{"name":"Policy Studies Journal","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":4.1,"publicationDate":"2024-07-19","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141820847","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"管理学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Tara Pozzi, Elise Zufall, Kyra Gmoser‐Daskalakis, F. Vantaggiato
A policy subsystem is a system of relations between actors within the context of a specific, territorially bounded policy issue. Mature policy subsystems feature well‐established, easily distinguishable, confrontational coalitions. Recent literature has explored the behavior of nascent subsystems, which emerge in response to novel policy challenges and feature developing, rather than fully fledged, coalitions. However, as yet, we lack an empirical approach to identify and analyze the structural characteristics of nascent subsystems and assess their implications for theoretical and subsystem development. How do we recognize a nascent policy subsystem when we see one? What are the drivers of its nascent coalitional structure? We answer these questions using social network analysis in the empirical case of the governance network of adaptation to sea‐level rise in the San Francisco Bay Area, using original data collected in 2018. We find that the network portrays a nascent subsystem developing out of pre‐existing coalitions focused on two facets of environmental advocacy: environmental protection and environmental justice. We conclude with recommendations for future research on policy subsystem development.
{"title":"Nascent policy subsystems in polycentric governance networks: The case of sea‐level rise governance in the San Francisco Bay Area","authors":"Tara Pozzi, Elise Zufall, Kyra Gmoser‐Daskalakis, F. Vantaggiato","doi":"10.1111/psj.12549","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/psj.12549","url":null,"abstract":"A policy subsystem is a system of relations between actors within the context of a specific, territorially bounded policy issue. Mature policy subsystems feature well‐established, easily distinguishable, confrontational coalitions. Recent literature has explored the behavior of nascent subsystems, which emerge in response to novel policy challenges and feature developing, rather than fully fledged, coalitions. However, as yet, we lack an empirical approach to identify and analyze the structural characteristics of nascent subsystems and assess their implications for theoretical and subsystem development. How do we recognize a nascent policy subsystem when we see one? What are the drivers of its nascent coalitional structure? We answer these questions using social network analysis in the empirical case of the governance network of adaptation to sea‐level rise in the San Francisco Bay Area, using original data collected in 2018. We find that the network portrays a nascent subsystem developing out of pre‐existing coalitions focused on two facets of environmental advocacy: environmental protection and environmental justice. We conclude with recommendations for future research on policy subsystem development.","PeriodicalId":48154,"journal":{"name":"Policy Studies Journal","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":4.1,"publicationDate":"2024-07-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141644945","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"管理学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
E. Fagan, Alexander C. Furnas, Chris Koski, Herschel Thomas, Samuel Workman, Corinne Connor
This article examines the policy topics and theoretical debates found in Policy Studies Journal (PSJ) articles over the last three decades. PSJ is the premier journal for scholars studying policy processes, seeking to create generalizable theories across the spectrum of specific policy areas. To examine trends in PSJ over time, we collected 1314 abstracts from PSJ articles. We identified abstracts that mention major theories of the policy process and stages of the policy cycle. Next, we measured their policy content using the Comparative Agendas Project codebook, as well as their citations in academic journals and policy documents. We then explore these data, finding that changes in the content of PSJ articles over time correspond with other trends in the policy process field and PSJ's increased impact factor.
{"title":"The dynamics of issue attention in policy process scholarship","authors":"E. Fagan, Alexander C. Furnas, Chris Koski, Herschel Thomas, Samuel Workman, Corinne Connor","doi":"10.1111/psj.12548","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/psj.12548","url":null,"abstract":"This article examines the policy topics and theoretical debates found in Policy Studies Journal (PSJ) articles over the last three decades. PSJ is the premier journal for scholars studying policy processes, seeking to create generalizable theories across the spectrum of specific policy areas. To examine trends in PSJ over time, we collected 1314 abstracts from PSJ articles. We identified abstracts that mention major theories of the policy process and stages of the policy cycle. Next, we measured their policy content using the Comparative Agendas Project codebook, as well as their citations in academic journals and policy documents. We then explore these data, finding that changes in the content of PSJ articles over time correspond with other trends in the policy process field and PSJ's increased impact factor.","PeriodicalId":48154,"journal":{"name":"Policy Studies Journal","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":3.8,"publicationDate":"2024-06-14","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141340277","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"管理学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Understanding the needs of residents is vital in public administration and management, as this helps officials when making choices on policies and service distribution. Increasingly, cities rely on 311 systems to elicit information from residents on emergent needs in particular policy areas (e.g., road quality, pest control). For residents, 311 systems provide a low‐cost means of voicing concerns, whereas for public officials and researchers, they provide low‐cost data on specific, discrete needs. We argue that residents systematically differ in their engagement with 311 systems, with lower‐income, minority communities less likely to participate and, therefore, less likely to receive city services. We test this argument using census‐tract data from the city of Houston and find that 311 reports are significantly less frequent in areas with lower average socioeconomic status, more Black residents, and more Hispanic residents. Furthermore, we find that these same areas are more likely to have potholes. Taken together, our results indicate that despite greater need (more potholes), fewer services are demanded (less 311 reports) in areas with lower socioeconomic status and a higher percentage of minority residents. This suggests that public officials need to carefully consider heterogeneity in 311 participation to ensure these systems do not inadvertently exacerbate inequities in public services.
{"title":"Potholes, 311 reports, and a theory of heterogeneous resident demand for city services","authors":"Scott J. Cook, Samantha Zuhlke, Robin Saywitz","doi":"10.1111/psj.12540","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/psj.12540","url":null,"abstract":"Understanding the needs of residents is vital in public administration and management, as this helps officials when making choices on policies and service distribution. Increasingly, cities rely on 311 systems to elicit information from residents on emergent needs in particular policy areas (e.g., road quality, pest control). For residents, 311 systems provide a low‐cost means of voicing concerns, whereas for public officials and researchers, they provide low‐cost data on specific, discrete needs. We argue that residents systematically differ in their engagement with 311 systems, with lower‐income, minority communities less likely to participate and, therefore, less likely to receive city services. We test this argument using census‐tract data from the city of Houston and find that 311 reports are significantly less frequent in areas with lower average socioeconomic status, more Black residents, and more Hispanic residents. Furthermore, we find that these same areas are more likely to have potholes. Taken together, our results indicate that despite greater need (more potholes), fewer services are demanded (less 311 reports) in areas with lower socioeconomic status and a higher percentage of minority residents. This suggests that public officials need to carefully consider heterogeneity in 311 participation to ensure these systems do not inadvertently exacerbate inequities in public services.","PeriodicalId":48154,"journal":{"name":"Policy Studies Journal","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":3.8,"publicationDate":"2024-06-07","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141371608","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"管理学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Policy process theories posit that focusing events can trigger significant shifts in public attention and policy preferences, thereby reshaping public agenda setting. Prior studies, however, have not clearly defined the scope of public opinion changes induced by these focusing events, leading to inconsistent empirical findings. This study aims to reconceptualize the multiple layers of public opinion and formulate testable hypotheses to investigate the causal effects of a major focusing event—the 2016 Orlando nightclub mass shooting—on public opinion. Using original and unique survey data collected immediately pre‐ and post‐Orlando shooting, we find that this event significantly heightened public attention to terror‐related issues, particularly armed terror attacks on civilians. This increased attention translated into heightened support for augmented government counterterrorism spending. However, the event did not significantly alter public attention or support for government spending on other terror‐related acts less relevant to the Orlando shooting. Moreover, the event did not change individuals' policy preferences regarding specific policy proposals to address mass shootings. Our study enriches public policy and public opinion research and provides fresh insights into the relationship between focusing events and public agenda setting.
{"title":"How does a focusing event shape public opinion? Natural experimental evidence from the Orlando mass shooting","authors":"Youlang Zhang, Xinsheng Liu","doi":"10.1111/psj.12543","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/psj.12543","url":null,"abstract":"Policy process theories posit that focusing events can trigger significant shifts in public attention and policy preferences, thereby reshaping public agenda setting. Prior studies, however, have not clearly defined the scope of public opinion changes induced by these focusing events, leading to inconsistent empirical findings. This study aims to reconceptualize the multiple layers of public opinion and formulate testable hypotheses to investigate the causal effects of a major focusing event—the 2016 Orlando nightclub mass shooting—on public opinion. Using original and unique survey data collected immediately pre‐ and post‐Orlando shooting, we find that this event significantly heightened public attention to terror‐related issues, particularly armed terror attacks on civilians. This increased attention translated into heightened support for augmented government counterterrorism spending. However, the event did not significantly alter public attention or support for government spending on other terror‐related acts less relevant to the Orlando shooting. Moreover, the event did not change individuals' policy preferences regarding specific policy proposals to address mass shootings. Our study enriches public policy and public opinion research and provides fresh insights into the relationship between focusing events and public agenda setting.","PeriodicalId":48154,"journal":{"name":"Policy Studies Journal","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":3.8,"publicationDate":"2024-06-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141272612","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"管理学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Dynamic agenda representation assumes a linkage between the policy emphases prescribed by various democratic inputs (electoral promises and public opinion polls) and policy agendas ranging from the media to executive orders. An extrapolation of this idea would propose that, in the U.S. context, policy emphasis in major programmatic messages such as State of the Union addresses would be followed by the president's day‐to‐day communication. We investigate this congruence with a new database of presidential speeches that, for the first time, offers a deep learning‐enhanced sentence‐level policy topic coding of various forms of the speeches U.S. presidents made from Truman to Trump (for a total count of 16,523 speeches divided into nearly 2 million individual sentences). Using this database, we demonstrate that presidents' occasional, day‐to‐day remarks strongly correlate with the annual policy messages—in this sense, presidents are staying on the democratic script.
{"title":"Staying on the democratic script? A deep learning analysis of the speechmaking of U.S. presidents","authors":"Amnon Cavari, Ákos Máté, Miklós Sebők","doi":"10.1111/psj.12534","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/psj.12534","url":null,"abstract":"Dynamic agenda representation assumes a linkage between the policy emphases prescribed by various democratic inputs (electoral promises and public opinion polls) and policy agendas ranging from the media to executive orders. An extrapolation of this idea would propose that, in the U.S. context, policy emphasis in major programmatic messages such as State of the Union addresses would be followed by the president's day‐to‐day communication. We investigate this congruence with a new database of presidential speeches that, for the first time, offers a deep learning‐enhanced sentence‐level policy topic coding of various forms of the speeches U.S. presidents made from Truman to Trump (for a total count of 16,523 speeches divided into nearly 2 million individual sentences). Using this database, we demonstrate that presidents' occasional, day‐to‐day remarks strongly correlate with the annual policy messages—in this sense, presidents are staying on the democratic script.","PeriodicalId":48154,"journal":{"name":"Policy Studies Journal","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":3.8,"publicationDate":"2024-04-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140680681","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"管理学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Many theories and approaches to policy studies have recently begun to question and research how emotions interact with peoples' understanding and behaviors, especially in policy and politics. This paper builds on and contributes to studying emotions in policy and politics via the advocacy coalition framework (ACF). In applying Emotional‐Belief Analysis, this paper examines the legislative testimony on one of the US' first gender‐affirming care (GAC) bans. It shows that those testifying can be organized in competing advocacy coalitions with distinct emotion‐belief expressions in combination with deep core and policy core beliefs. Moreover, expressions of negative emotions and policy core beliefs display significant and the largest effects in explaining coalition affiliation and shared views of the bill banning GAC. The conclusion summarizes the paper's empirical themes with suggestions for incorporating emotions more into the ACF and the broader policy studies field.
{"title":"Examining emotional belief expressions of advocacy coalitions in Arkansas' gender identity politics","authors":"Allegra H. Fullerton, C. Weible","doi":"10.1111/psj.12531","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/psj.12531","url":null,"abstract":"Many theories and approaches to policy studies have recently begun to question and research how emotions interact with peoples' understanding and behaviors, especially in policy and politics. This paper builds on and contributes to studying emotions in policy and politics via the advocacy coalition framework (ACF). In applying Emotional‐Belief Analysis, this paper examines the legislative testimony on one of the US' first gender‐affirming care (GAC) bans. It shows that those testifying can be organized in competing advocacy coalitions with distinct emotion‐belief expressions in combination with deep core and policy core beliefs. Moreover, expressions of negative emotions and policy core beliefs display significant and the largest effects in explaining coalition affiliation and shared views of the bill banning GAC. The conclusion summarizes the paper's empirical themes with suggestions for incorporating emotions more into the ACF and the broader policy studies field.","PeriodicalId":48154,"journal":{"name":"Policy Studies Journal","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":3.8,"publicationDate":"2024-04-17","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140690779","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"管理学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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