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Heterogeneity and Labour Agency in Artisanal and Small-scale Gold Mining in the Democratic Republic of Congo 刚果民主共和国手工和小规模采金业中的异质性和劳工代理问题
IF 3 2区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2024-03-15 DOI: 10.1111/dech.12818
Sara Geenen, Divin-Luc Bikubanya

This article considers the broad question of how to improve the conditions of workers in artisanal and small-scale gold mining (ASGM), which relies on predominantly informal activities. While acknowledging that formalization can provide ASGM miners with tenure security and protection of labour rights, it is important to highlight that not all workers are likely to benefit from formalization in the same way, and that decent work ambitions should extend to all workers, regardless of whether or not they are formalized. It is therefore crucial to understand the heterogeneity in the ASGM workforce. This article describes working conditions for different categories of workers based on a survey carried out in the Watsa and Shabunda territories in Eastern Democratic Republic of Congo. It analyses labour agency and shows that workers are diversely integrated in the labour process and may use power resources in various ways. The discussion reflects on ways to consider the heterogeneity in ASGM labour and to push the ASGM agenda beyond formalization.

本文探讨了如何改善手工和小规模采金业(ASGM)工人条件这一广泛问题,该行业主要依靠非正规活动。在承认正规化可为个体和小规模采金业矿工提供保有权保障和劳动权利保护的同时,必须强调的是,并非所有工人都能以同样的方式从正规化中受益,体面工作的目标应扩展至所有工人,无论他们是否正规化。因此,了解个体和小规模采金业劳动力的异质性至关重要。本文根据在刚果民主共和国东部瓦察和沙本达地区开展的一项调查,描述了不同类别工人的工作条件。文章分析了劳动中介,表明工人在劳动过程中的融入方式多种多样,并可能以各种方式使用权力资源。讨论反思了如何考虑个体和小规模采金业劳动的异质性,以及如何推动个体和小规模采金业议程超越正规化。
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引用次数: 0
NGOs and Civil Society at the End of a World 世界末日的非政府组织和民间社会
IF 3 2区 社会学 Q1 DEVELOPMENT STUDIES Pub Date : 2024-03-10 DOI: 10.1111/dech.12816
Jim Igoe

Nidhi Srinivas, Against NGOs: A Critical Perspective on Civil Society, Management and Development. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2022. 343 pp. £ 42.00 hardback.

Jenna H. Hanchey, The Center Cannot Hold: Decolonial Possibility and the Collapse of a Tanzanian NGO. Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 2023. 232 pp. £ 76.00 hardback.

The invitation to write an essay1 on Srinivas's Against NGOs: A Critical Perspective on Civil Society, Management and Development reached me as I was revisiting the Tanzanian village where I had begun my own research on NGOs 30 years before. Only that village was now a district headquarters and burgeoning urban centre. The state and ruling party dominated the scene architecturally, aesthetically and economically. The modest cluster of houses and shops I remembered from 1993 had morphed into a paved main road lined with electrified supermarkets, bars, restaurants and ATMs. The ancestral wells, which had provided water for Maasai people and livestock for generations immemorial, were surrounded by urban sprawl and said to be going dry. The dusty offices of community-based NGOs had disappeared, along with the flags of opposition parties. While this modern main street certainly bustled, it no longer crackled with the nervous energy of an emergent land rights movement.

One day, during this visit, I sat talking with a Maasai elder I had not seen since the 1990s. In the friendly way of people who had known each other once but never well, we waxed nostalgic about the heyday of Tanzania's Indigenous NGOs: short courses in participatory research methodologies, land rights workshops, grassroots protests and a community-based FM radio station. He then asked my professional opinion as to what had become of those promising NGOs and their dynamic leaders. Sad to be dampening our enthusiasm, I described how donor agendas and reporting requirements had moved NGO leaders away from their communities. Moreover, the state systematically harassed the most influential leaders, and competing donor agendas turned NGOs against each other. Many donors were quick to lose interest, making it difficult for Indigenous NGOs to sustain their own agendas and activities on behalf of their constituent communities. Under these pressures, some leaders burnt out, fell ill and even died. Others left for more secure opportunities in the development sector, academia and officialdom. Others faded into obscurity. Considering this, my old acquaintance asked if I thought such days could ever come again. Since they happened before, I reasoned, they could happen again. ‘Let us pray that they do’, he said. ‘Yes’, I agreed, ‘let us pray that they do’.

On my flight home, I recalled this conversation, noticed that it coincided with my agreement to review a book about NGOs that I had yet to read, a

Nidhi Srinivas,《反对非政府组织》:公民社会、管理与发展的批判视角》。剑桥:剑桥大学出版社,2022 年。 343 pp.Jenna H. Hanchey, The Center Cannot Hold: Decolonial Possibility and the Collapse of a Tanzanian NGO.北卡罗来纳州达勒姆:杜克大学出版社,2023 年。 232 pp.英镑 76.00 精装本。应邀为斯利尼瓦斯的《反对非政府组织》撰写论文1:邀请我就斯里尼瓦斯的《反对非政府组织:对公民社会、管理和发展的批判性视角》一书撰写论文1 时,我正在重访 30 年前我开始研究非政府组织的坦桑尼亚村庄。只不过,那个村庄现在是一个地区总部和新兴的城市中心。国家和执政党在建筑、美学和经济方面都占据了主导地位。我记忆中 1993 年的那片简陋的房屋和商店群已经变成了一条铺设好的主干道,两旁是电气化超市、酒吧、餐馆和自动取款机。祖祖辈辈为马赛人和牲畜提供水源的水井被城市的扩张所包围,据说即将干涸。社区非政府组织尘土飞扬的办公室不见了,反对党的旗帜也不见了。虽然这条现代化的主干道确实熙熙攘攘,但已不再迸发出新兴土地权利运动的紧张活力。我们以曾经相识但从未熟识的友好方式,怀念坦桑尼亚土著非政府组织的鼎盛时期:参与式研究方法短期课程、土地权利研讨会、基层抗议活动和社区调频广播电台。然后,他问我对这些充满希望的非政府组织及其充满活力的领导人的专业看法。我很遗憾我们的热情被浇灭了,我描述了捐助方的议程和报告要求是如何让非政府组织领导人远离他们的社区的。此外,国家有计划地骚扰最有影响力的领导人,相互竞争的捐助者议程使非政府组织相互对立。许多捐助者很快就失去了兴趣,使土著非政府组织难以维持自己的议程和代表其成员社区开展的活动。在这些压力下,一些领导人焦头烂额、病倒甚至去世。另一些人则离开,到发展部门、学术界和官场寻求更有保障的机会。还有一些则默默无闻。考虑到这一点,我的老熟人问我是否认为这样的日子还会再来。我的理由是,既然曾经发生过,就有可能再次发生。他说:"让我们祈祷这种情况再次发生吧。在回家的飞机上,我回忆起这段对话,注意到它与我同意评论一本我还没有读过的关于非政府组织的书不谋而合,我想知道它们之间是否有联系以及如何联系。回到夏洛茨维尔弗吉尼亚大学(UVA)我所在的系后,我在教师信箱里发现了《反对非政府组织》一书。整个秋季学期,我在担任系主任的繁忙工作间隙,一气读完了这本长达 300 页、内容广泛但条理清晰的论著。现在回想起来,这段紧张的阅读经历是我撰写这篇文章的基础。不过,首先我需要重读这本书。在书的开篇,斯里尼瓦斯提出要摒弃以非政府组织为中心的规范性分析,转而 "关注资本主义的历史变迁及其对当代发展和管理的影响"(第 17 页)。虽然这一主张给我的印象足够直截了当,但他在全书核心部分追踪资本主义、管理和发展之间相互联系的非凡细节却给我带来了挑战。在我第二次阅读这本书时,我集中精力通过每一章的详细细节来追随斯里尼瓦斯的论点,并通过随书附带的表格,通过殖民主义、国家资本主义和金融化(第 292 页至第 93 页)来追踪发展理论中的常识要素(详见下文)。除其他外,这种重点突出的方法有助于我定位和重新考虑自己的经历以及对非政府组织的分析。20 世纪 80 年代,我作为一名有抱负的发展人类学家,正值斯里尼瓦斯提出的金融化时期,非政府组织被誉为解决新自由主义市场改革失败的 "灵丹妙药"(Edwards and Hulme, 1996: 5)。在研究生院的第一个学期,我的导师是著名的发展人类学家艾伦-霍本(Allan Hoben)。他告诉我,美国国际开发署(USAID)和世界银行都设立了 "非政府组织办公室",并告诉我应该把非政府组织作为我论文研究的主题。事实证明,这是一个极好的建议。
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引用次数: 0
Changing Trees, Enduring Forests: Institutional Bricolage, Gradual Change and Community Forestry among Yucatec Mayans in Mexico 变化的树木,持久的森林:墨西哥尤卡泰克玛雅人的制度架构、渐变和社区林业
IF 3 2区 社会学 Q1 DEVELOPMENT STUDIES Pub Date : 2024-02-29 DOI: 10.1111/dech.12815
Noé Manuel Mendoza Fuente, Andrei Marin

This article seeks to understand why community forestry enterprises in the Mayan rainforest of Mexico are losing ground, while middlemen and manufacturers are regaining control over forestry resources. It focuses on the case of the Ejido San Felipe Oriente where an NGO codesigned a commercialization platform with the objective of bringing together local cooperatives to negotiate in the market from a position of strength. The project was hampered by an internal rupture in the ejido; in investigating this rupture, the authors use the concept of institutional bricolage to understand local power struggles, and the theory of gradual change to search for historical causal mechanisms. They find that the proximate causes of the rupture were family rivalries, suspicions of embezzlement, unfair exclusions, and the disruption of customary practices regarding the distribution of monetary benefits. However, historical continuities lay beneath the power struggle: ejidos in the Yucatan Peninsula have used their function as intermediaries to subordinate local interests rather than promote endogenous development. The authors advocate for an institutional design process that takes account of the unconscious and taken-for-granted meanings that influence institutional adaptation; they encourage development practitioners promoting community forestry enterprises in the Mayan rainforest of Mexico to address historical continuities in local institutions as a focal target of development interventions.

本文试图了解为什么墨西哥玛雅雨林中的社区林业企业正在失去地位,而中间商和制造商却在重新控制林业资源。文章以东方圣费利佩庄园(Ejido San Felipe Oriente)为例,在该庄园中,一个非政府组织设计了一个商业化平台,目的是将当地的合作社联合起来,以优势地位参与市场谈判。该项目因 Ejido 的内部断裂而受阻;在调查这一断裂时,作者使用了 "制度混杂 "的概念来理解当地的权力斗争,并使用渐变理论来寻找历史因果机制。他们发现,断裂的近因是家族争斗、对贪污的怀疑、不公平的排斥以及货币利益分配习俗的破坏。然而,在权力斗争的背后却隐藏着历史的延续性:尤卡坦半岛的埃吉多斯利用其中介职能,使当地利益处于从属地位,而不是促进内生发展。作者主张在制度设计过程中考虑到影响制度适应的无意识和理所当然的含义;他们鼓励在墨西哥玛雅雨林推广社区林业企业的发展实践者将当地制度的历史延续性作为发展干预的重点目标。
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引用次数: 0
Indigenes, Settlers and Citizens: Multiple and Conflicting Subjectivities in Nation State Making 原住民、定居者和公民:民族国家建设中多重和冲突的主体性
IF 3 2区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2024-02-26 DOI: 10.1111/dech.12814
Ibrahim Abdullah
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引用次数: 0
The Geopolitical Economy of International Inequality 国际不平等的地缘政治经济学
IF 3 2区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2024-02-23 DOI: 10.1111/dech.12812
Alan Freeman

This article shows that economic inequality between nations has systematically worsened in monetary terms since 1950, and that the principal explanator is inequality between blocs of nations, notably the persistent gap between the Global North and Global South. By 2022, the GDP per capita of the North was 12 times greater than that of the South, this ratio being twice as great as in 1950. This general trend has two consistent exceptions, China and Vietnam. There was also a brief reversal of the trend from 2000 to 2012. However, except for China and Vietnam, it has resumed since then. The article shows that both the Global South and North are coherent entities: they are historically stable and converge internally while diverging from each other. It assesses the implications for international inequality and convergence research and draws out some consequences for world geopolitical relations. Finally, the article sets out the case for an international classification standard that facilitates systematic research into inter-bloc inequality.

这篇文章表明,自 1950 年以来,国家间的经济不平等在货币方面系统性地恶化,而主要的解释因素是国家集团之间的不平等,特别是全球北方和全球南方之间持续存在的差距。到 2022 年,北方的人均国内生产总值是南方的 12 倍,这一比例是 1950 年的两倍。这一总体趋势有两个例外,即中国和越南。从 2000 年到 2012 年,这一趋势也出现了短暂的逆转。然而,除中国和越南外,这一趋势从那时起又恢复了。文章表明,全球南方和北方都是一致的实体:它们在历史上是稳定的,在内部趋同的同时又相互背离。文章评估了国际不平等和趋同研究的影响,并总结了对世界地缘政治关系的一些影响。最后,文章提出了制定国际分类标准的理由,以促进对集团间不平等的系统研究。
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引用次数: 0
Intimate Extractions: Demand Dowry and Neoliberal Development in Dhaka, Bangladesh 亲密提取:孟加拉国达卡的嫁妆需求与新自由主义发展
IF 3 2区 社会学 Q1 DEVELOPMENT STUDIES Pub Date : 2024-02-14 DOI: 10.1111/dech.12813
Katy Gardner

Based on qualitative research on marital problems in Dhaka, this article uses the term ‘intimate extractions’ as a lens to explain the relationship between escalating levels of demand dowry and neoliberal development in Bangladesh. Evidence from across Bangladesh shows that demands for cash made by husbands, accompanied by threats of violence or divorce, are on the rise. Building on gendered theories of contemporary capitalist development and feminist analysis of microcredit, the article argues that demand dowry should be understood within the current context of rapid economic development in Bangladesh. High levels of precarity, lack of state welfare and the need for cash for businesses, labour migration, education and healthcare mean that people from all social classes are in perpetual need of money. Marriage problems and the practice of demand dowry present opportunities for husbands to extract money from wives and their families. Embedded in the intimate relationship of marriage, demand dowry can therefore be understood as a ‘conversion’, a process in which intimate relationships are converted into projects of capital accumulation, thus becoming an ‘intimate extraction’.

基于对达卡婚姻问题的定性研究,本文以 "亲密提取 "为视角来解释孟加拉国不断升级的嫁妆需求与新自由主义发展之间的关系。来自孟加拉国各地的证据表明,丈夫索要现金,并以暴力或离婚相威胁的现象正在增加。文章以当代资本主义发展的性别理论和女性主义对小额信贷的分析为基础,认为应在孟加拉国当前经济快速发展的背景下理解索要嫁妆问题。高度的不稳定性、国家福利的缺乏以及企业、劳动力迁移、教育和医疗对现金的需求,意味着各个社会阶层的人都长期需要钱。婚姻问题和索要嫁妆的习俗为丈夫提供了从妻子及其家庭榨取钱财的机会。因此,嫁妆索要可以被理解为一种 "转换",一种将亲密关系转换为资本积累项目的过程,从而成为一种 "亲密榨取"。
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引用次数: 0
Intimate Extractions: Demand Dowry and Neoliberal Development in Dhaka, Bangladesh 亲密提取:孟加拉国达卡的嫁妆需求与新自由主义发展
IF 3 2区 社会学 Q1 DEVELOPMENT STUDIES Pub Date : 2024-02-14 DOI: 10.1111/dech.12813
Katy Gardner
Based on qualitative research on marital problems in Dhaka, this article uses the term ‘intimate extractions’ as a lens to explain the relationship between escalating levels of demand dowry and neoliberal development in Bangladesh. Evidence from across Bangladesh shows that demands for cash made by husbands, accompanied by threats of violence or divorce, are on the rise. Building on gendered theories of contemporary capitalist development and feminist analysis of microcredit, the article argues that demand dowry should be understood within the current context of rapid economic development in Bangladesh. High levels of precarity, lack of state welfare and the need for cash for businesses, labour migration, education and healthcare mean that people from all social classes are in perpetual need of money. Marriage problems and the practice of demand dowry present opportunities for husbands to extract money from wives and their families. Embedded in the intimate relationship of marriage, demand dowry can therefore be understood as a ‘conversion’, a process in which intimate relationships are converted into projects of capital accumulation, thus becoming an ‘intimate extraction’.
基于对达卡婚姻问题的定性研究,本文以 "亲密提取 "为视角来解释孟加拉国不断升级的嫁妆需求与新自由主义发展之间的关系。来自孟加拉国各地的证据表明,丈夫索要现金,并以暴力或离婚相威胁的现象正在增加。文章以当代资本主义发展的性别理论和女性主义对小额信贷的分析为基础,认为应在孟加拉国当前经济快速发展的背景下理解索要嫁妆问题。高度的不稳定性、国家福利的缺乏以及企业、劳动力迁移、教育和医疗对现金的需求,意味着各个社会阶层的人都长期需要钱。婚姻问题和索要嫁妆的习俗为丈夫提供了从妻子及其家庭榨取钱财的机会。因此,嫁妆索要可以被理解为一种 "转换",一种将亲密关系转换为资本积累项目的过程,从而成为一种 "亲密榨取"。
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引用次数: 0
Post-pandemic Transformations and the Recasting of Development: A Comment and Further Reflections 大流行后的变革与发展的重塑:评论与进一步思考
IF 3 2区 社会学 Q1 DEVELOPMENT STUDIES Pub Date : 2024-01-10 DOI: 10.1111/dech.12811
Melissa Leach, Hayley MacGregor, Ian Scoones, Peter Taylor

This Comment is both a response to critique and a wider contribution to renewed debate on the politics of development and development studies amidst multiple, intersecting challenges. In an article published in World Development in 2021, Leach et al. proposed that COVID-19 and earlier epidemics provided fundamental lessons for post-pandemic transformations and for rethinking development more broadly. In an article published in this journal in 2023, Wiegratz et al. critiqued Leach et al., arguing that their universalist framing effaces structural inequalities between the global North and the global South, and that the analysis underplays the importance of historically embedded political-economic inequalities. This Comment shows how elements of the article by Wiegratz and colleagues point to ways to extend and elaborate Leach et al.’s overall argument — not to refute it — but that it is also based on a highly selective reading of the latter's work and its implications. Focusing first on the core question of universality, and then more briefly on the themes of inequalities and of uncertainty, it resurfaces parts of the authors’ work that Wiegratz et al. selectively ignore, and reflects on further recent evidence of pandemic impacts and inequalities amidst structural violence and contemporary capitalist dynamics. These are relevant across all geographies and polities, although in different ways, as shaped by particular contexts and histories that include, but also cross-cut and complicate, dichotomies between the so-called global North and global South. This Comment thus clarifies and extends the argument for a recasting of development around a radically transformative, egalitarian and inclusive knowledge and politics, relevant to all settings across the world.

本评论既是对批评的回应,也是对在多重、交叉挑战中重新讨论发展政治和发展研究的更广泛贡献。利奇等人在 2021 年发表于《世界发展》的一篇文章中提出,COVID-19 和更早的流行病为流行病后的转型以及更广泛地重新思考发展问题提供了基本经验。Wiegratz 等人在 2023 年本刊发表的一篇文章中对 Leach 等人进行了批评,认为他们的普遍主义框架抹杀了全球北方和全球南方之间的结构性不平等,而且分析低估了历史上政治经济不平等的重要性。本评论说明了 Wiegratz 及其同事文章中的一些内容是如何扩展和阐述利奇等人的总体论点的,而不是反驳利奇等人的论点。本报告首先关注了普遍性这一核心问题,然后更简短地讨论了不平等和不确定性等主题,重新提出了维格拉茨等人选择性忽视的作者工作的部分内容,并对结构性暴力和当代资本主义动态中流行病影响和不平等的最新证据进行了反思。这些问题与所有地域和政体都息息相关,尽管方式不同,因为它们是由特定的背景和历史形成的,这些背景和历史包括所谓的全球北方和全球南方之间的二分法,但也相互交叉并使之复杂化。因此,本评论澄清并扩展了围绕彻底变革、平等和包容的知识与政治重塑发展的论点,这种知识与政治适用于世界各地的所有环境。
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引用次数: 0
Implementing Health Policy in Nigeria: The Basic Health Care Provision Fund as a Catalyst for Achieving Universal Health Coverage? 在尼日利亚实施卫生政策:基本医疗保健基金是实现全民医保的催化剂?
IF 3 2区 社会学 Q1 DEVELOPMENT STUDIES Pub Date : 2024-01-09 DOI: 10.1111/dech.12808
Julia Ngozi Chukwuma

In 2014, Nigeria adopted a new law for its healthcare system, which mandated the establishment of a novel health-financing mechanism, the Basic Health Care Provision Fund (BHCPF). The BHCPF was created to provide sustainable funding with a view to fast-tracking Universal Health Coverage (UHC) and improving health outcomes in Nigeria. This article places Nigeria's UHC reform process in the broader context of social policy implementation in Africa to illustrate the extent to which interactions between different agents, contextual factors such as Nigeria's federal character, as well as changing conceptualizations of social policy at a global level, shape views on how best to implement UHC. The article is based on the careful examination of three different versions of implementation guidelines for the BHCPF combined with qualitative data collected during fieldwork. It argues that there is a discrepancy between the Nigerian government rhetoric of putting into place a system that improves access to healthcare and the actual practice of implementing UHC via the BHCPF. In reality, a range of controversies surround the ongoing operationalization of the BHCPF, contributing to the perpetuation of a social policy environment that allows poor health outcomes and significant health inequities in Nigeria to persist.

2014 年,尼日利亚通过了一项新的医疗保健系统法律,授权建立一个新的医疗筹资机制--基本医疗保健提供基金(BHCPF)。该基金旨在提供可持续的资金,以快速推进尼日利亚的全民医保(UHC)和改善医疗成果。本文将尼日利亚的全民医保改革进程置于非洲社会政策实施的大背景下,以说明不同行为主体之间的相互作用、尼日利亚的联邦制等背景因素以及全球层面不断变化的社会政策概念在多大程度上影响了人们对如何最好地实施全民医保的看法。这篇文章是在仔细研究了三个不同版本的尼日利亚健康和人口政策框架实施指南的基础上,结合实地考察期间收集的定性数据撰写而成的。文章认为,尼日利亚政府关于建立一个能改善医疗服务的系统的言论与通过 BHCPF 实施全民医保的实际做法之间存在差异。在现实中,围绕着 BHCPF 的持续运作存在着一系列争议,这导致了社会政策环境的长期存在,使尼日利亚的医疗成果不佳和严重的医疗不平等现象持续存在。
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引用次数: 0
The Distinct Dispossessions of Indian Settler Colonialism in Kashmir: Land, Narrative and Indigeneity 克什米尔印度殖民定居者的独特剥夺:土地、叙事和土著性
IF 3 2区 社会学 Q1 DEVELOPMENT STUDIES Pub Date : 2024-01-04 DOI: 10.1111/dech.12809
Haris Zargar, Goldie Osuri

India's annexation of Indian-administered Jammu and Kashmir in August 2019 has generated debates within Critical Kashmir Studies regarding the kind of settler colonialism that is operating in this disputed Himalayan region. To illuminate the current relationship between land dispossession and narratives that legitimize land grab (for the settlement of Hindu Indian settlers), this article traces the logics and genesis of this ongoing settler project in Kashmir, going back to the historic Dogra feudal rule. The authors argue that the Hindu Dogra dispensation installed a revenue surveillance system that enabled it to engage in institutionalized land grab, and show how that extractive land administrative structure has been repurposed by the Indian state for its settler project. The article demonstrates how the Indian state engages in the (epistemic/discursive) erasure of local voices to ensure that the Kashmiri (Muslim) native is stripped of the position of indigeneity both over land and over the narrative of an expropriatory land grab. It further illustrates how the state strives to create facts on the ground to (re)define the ‘native’ and (re)claim the land for Indian Hindu settlers.

印度于 2019 年 8 月吞并了印控查谟和克什米尔地区,这在 "批判克什米尔研究 "中引发了关于在这一有争议的喜马拉雅地区运作的定居者殖民主义类型的辩论。为了阐明当前土地剥夺与(为印度教印度定居者定居的)土地掠夺合法化叙事之间的关系,本文追溯了克什米尔正在进行的定居者项目的逻辑和起源,追溯到历史上的多格拉封建统治。作者认为,印度教多格拉王朝建立的税收监控系统使其能够进行制度化的土地掠夺,并说明印度国家是如何将这种榨取性的土地管理结构重新用于其定居者项目的。文章展示了印度国家如何(在认识论/辨证法上)抹杀当地人的声音,以确保克什米尔(穆斯林)本地人在土地和征用土地叙事中被剥夺土著地位。它进一步说明了国家如何努力在当地制造事实,以(重新)定义 "本地人",并(重新)为印度印度教定居者要求土地。
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引用次数: 0
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Development and Change
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