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Political Economy of Renewables Capitalism: Moving beyond ‘Climate Change’ vs ‘System Change’ 可再生能源资本主义的政治经济学:超越“气候变化”与“制度变化”
IF 3.2 2区 社会学 Q1 DEVELOPMENT STUDIES Pub Date : 2025-11-21 DOI: 10.1111/dech.70033
Murat Arsel, Alfredo Saad-Filho

There is a growing tendency to argue that the capitalist mode of production is fundamentally incompatible with climate stability and that ‘system change’ is needed to prevent apocalyptic ‘climate change’. This position overstates capitalism's dependence on fossil fuels. Rather than fossil fuels per se, capitalism requires abundant, secure and predictable energy sources. Furthermore, capitalism cannot postpone the stabilization of the earth's climate indefinitely, as doing so threatens core systemic imperatives: the generation and accumulation of profits and reproduction of capitalism across space and time. The growth in renewable energy generation could bring about a transition from ‘fossil capitalism’ to ‘renewables capitalism’. While this could potentially eliminate the ecological risks of climate change, it would most likely exacerbate existing socio-economic inequalities and environmental injustices associated with increased extraction and consumption of natural resources. The role of counter-hegemonic movements remains crucial for the creation of a democratic and equitable system of production and distribution.

越来越多的人认为,资本主义生产方式从根本上与气候稳定不相容,需要“制度变革”来防止世界末日的“气候变化”。这一立场夸大了资本主义对化石燃料的依赖。资本主义需要的不是化石燃料本身,而是丰富、安全和可预测的能源。此外,资本主义不能无限期地推迟地球气候的稳定,因为这样做会威胁到核心的系统要求:利润的产生和积累以及资本主义在时空上的再生产。可再生能源发电的增长可能带来从“化石资本主义”到“可再生资本主义”的转变。虽然这有可能消除气候变化的生态风险,但它极有可能加剧与自然资源开采和消耗增加有关的现有社会经济不平等和环境不公正。反霸权运动的作用对于建立民主和公平的生产和分配制度仍然至关重要。
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引用次数: 0
Decarbonizing Agriculture and Beyond: What Is at Stake? 脱碳农业及其他领域:利害攸关的是什么?
IF 3.2 2区 社会学 Q1 DEVELOPMENT STUDIES Pub Date : 2025-11-18 DOI: 10.1111/dech.70029
Arindam Banerjee, Anirban Dasgupta

This article argues that an effective rethinking of agriculture in the light of the climate emergency should aim to achieve more than decarbonization in agricultural production. The multidimensional ecological crisis precipitated by industrial agriculture can only be addressed through an integrated approach that seeks to restore the ecological balance through sustainable production practices. However, such a programme of reversing the ecological footprint generates its own tensions. Agriculture will continue to be a critical source of food and livelihoods which will necessitate trade-offs regarding the sector's role in restoring and maintaining ecological balance. Fundamental institutional change will be needed to reconcile the ecological regeneration process (in agriculture) with the goals of food production and livelihood provision. The existing political economy of corporate agrifood systems, the neoliberal state and contemporary agrarian social structures could create obstacles to such change. A concerted programme of public action will therefore be required to move forward.

本文认为,在气候紧急情况下对农业进行有效的反思,其目标不应仅仅是实现农业生产中的脱碳。工业化农业引发的多重生态危机只能通过一种综合方法来解决,这种方法寻求通过可持续的生产实践来恢复生态平衡。然而,这样一个扭转生态足迹的计划产生了自己的紧张局势。农业将继续是粮食和生计的重要来源,这将需要权衡该部门在恢复和维持生态平衡方面的作用。将需要进行根本的体制改革,以协调(农业方面)生态再生过程与粮食生产和提供生计的目标。现有的企业农业食品系统的政治经济,新自由主义国家和当代农业社会结构可能会对这种变化造成障碍。因此,需要一项协调一致的公共行动方案来向前推进。
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引用次数: 0
Socially Necessary Green Development in India 印度社会必要的绿色发展
IF 3.2 2区 社会学 Q1 DEVELOPMENT STUDIES Pub Date : 2025-11-10 DOI: 10.1111/dech.70023
Rohit Azad, Shouvik Chakraborty

Inequality and climate change are intricately linked, both in terms of the cause and the effect of climate change. The insight that inequality in emissions goes hand in hand with rising socio-economic inequality gives the impression that this is a straightforward, positive relationship, giving rise to the assumption that a mere redistribution of income in favour of the poor and disadvantaged will reverse the climate crisis. Focusing on the Indian context, this article shows that this may be an erroneous assumption. A redistribution of income in favour of those at the lower end of the population may actually lead to higher emissions per capita — the carbon inequality paradox. However, this does not mean that a choice has to be made between emissions and equality. While energy may be required for an egalitarian development, the source of that energy need not be dirty. The authors argue that a green energy transition is vital for any progressive fight against the twin problems of rising emissions and inequality. They propose a green development programme which, as well as promoting this energy transition, encourages socially necessary consumption through state-led expenditure programmes while socially unnecessary expenses of the elite are reined in through aggressive direct and indirect taxes.

无论从气候变化的原因还是结果来看,不平等都与气候变化有着错综复杂的联系。排放不平等与日益加剧的社会经济不平等密切相关,这一观点给人的印象是,这是一种直接的、积极的关系,由此产生了一种假设,即仅仅通过有利于穷人和弱势群体的收入再分配,就能扭转气候危机。着眼于印度的背景,本文表明这可能是一个错误的假设。有利于低收入人群的收入再分配实际上可能导致更高的人均排放量——碳不平等悖论。然而,这并不意味着必须在排放和平等之间做出选择。虽然平等的发展可能需要能源,但这种能源的来源不一定是肮脏的。两位作者认为,绿色能源转型对于任何对抗排放上升和不平等这两个双重问题的进步斗争都至关重要。他们提出了一项绿色发展计划,在推动能源转型的同时,通过国家主导的支出计划鼓励社会必要的消费,同时通过积极的直接税和间接税来控制精英阶层的社会不必要支出。
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引用次数: 0
Development Rethought or Forgotten? A Review of the UNCTAD Trade and Development Report 2024 发展反思还是被遗忘?对贸发会议《2024年贸易和发展报告》的审查
IF 3.2 2区 社会学 Q1 DEVELOPMENT STUDIES Pub Date : 2025-11-09 DOI: 10.1111/dech.70030
Baptiste Albertone, Tin Hinane El Kadi, Amir Lebdioui
<p><b>UNCTAD, <i>Trade and Development Report 2024: Rethinking Development in the Age of Discontent</i>. Geneva: United Nations Conference on Trade and Development, 2024. xiv + 190 pp</b>. https://unctad.org/publication/trade-and-development-report-2024</p><p>Fifty years later, we are living in a new crisis in global development. Only 15 per cent of the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) are currently on track, with some indicators even having dipped below their 2015 baselines (UN, <span>2023</span>). As UN Secretary-General Antonio Guterres remarked, ‘Instead of leaving no one behind, we risk leaving the SDGs behind’ (Guterres, <span>2023</span>). Since 2015, the annual financing gap of the SDGs has increased by 60 per cent, from US$ 2.5 trillion to US$ 4 trillion in 2024 (OECD, <span>2025</span>; UNCTAD, <span>2023</span>). The COVID-19 pandemic proved to be a critical stress test for a system already struggling to manage multiple and overlapping structural trends that had been building since the 2008 global financial crisis. These include rising debt burdens, widening inequalities within and across countries, a slowdown in international trade and a weak investment climate.</p><p>These challenges lie at the core of UNCTAD's historic mandate, which is why, before engaging with our critique of its <i>Trade and Development Report 2024: Rethinking Development in the Age of Discontent</i> (henceforth TDR 2024 or the Report), it is important to first understand and situate the unique and politically significant role that the institution as the principal body advocating for the economic interests of developing nations plays within the UN system. Established in 1964 amid intense debates over the inequities of the post-war international economic order, UNCTAD was created largely at the initiative of countries from the Global South to provide them with a stronger, more unified voice in global economic governance. Unlike more technocratic bodies, UNCTAD was explicitly designed as a platform for multilateral negotiations among countries at different stages of development. It aimed to problematize questions of trade, finance, investment and technology from a development perspective — areas frequently sidelined by established institutions dominated by advanced economies.</p><p>As a result, UNCTAD has been instrumental in advancing analytical work on a range of issues central to development, including the structural disadvantages facing commodity-dependent economies, barriers to technology access, the need for fairer trade rules, the dangers of capital account liberalization, pressures on sovereign borrowers and the importance of industrial policy and policy space for developing countries. In doing so, UNCTAD has consistently served as a counterpoint to more orthodox, market-led approaches favoured and advanced by institutions such as the IMF and World Bank.</p><p>UNCTAD's analysis and policy recommendations have traditionally been grounded in a structurali
贸发会议,《2024年贸易和发展报告:重新思考不满时代的发展》。日内瓦:联合国贸易和发展会议,2024年。xiv + 190 pp. https://unctad.org/publication/trade-and-development-report-2024Fifty多年后,我们正生活在一场新的全球发展危机中。目前,只有15%的可持续发展目标(sdg)正在步入正轨,一些指标甚至低于2015年的基线(UN, 2023)。正如联合国秘书长安东尼奥·古特雷斯所说,“我们冒着把可持续发展目标抛在后面的风险,而不是不让任何人掉队”(古特雷斯,2023年)。自2015年以来,可持续发展目标的年度融资缺口增加了60%,从2.5万亿美元增加到2024年的4万亿美元(OECD, 2025年;UNCTAD, 2023年)。事实证明,2019冠状病毒病大流行是对一个已经在努力应对自2008年全球金融危机以来形成的多重重叠结构性趋势的体系的一次关键压力测试。这些挑战包括债务负担上升、国家内部和国家之间的不平等加剧、国际贸易放缓和投资环境疲软。这些挑战是贸发会议历史使命的核心,这就是为什么在我们对其《2024年贸易和发展报告:不满时代的重新思考发展》(以下简称《2024年贸易和发展报告》或《报告》)进行批评之前,重要的是首先理解和定位该机构作为倡导发展中国家经济利益的主要机构在联合国系统内发挥的独特和政治意义重大的作用。联合国贸易和发展会议成立于1964年,当时围绕战后国际经济秩序的不公平展开了激烈辩论。它主要是在全球南方国家的倡议下成立的,目的是为它们在全球经济治理中提供更强大、更统一的声音。贸发会议不同于更多的技术官僚机构,它明确地设计为处于不同发展阶段的国家之间多边谈判的平台。它的目的是从发展的角度把贸易、金融、投资和技术问题问题化,这些领域经常被发达经济体主导的既定机构边缘化。因此,贸发会议在推动对一系列发展核心问题的分析工作方面发挥了重要作用,这些问题包括依赖商品的经济体所面临的结构性不利条件、获取技术的障碍、更公平的贸易规则的必要性、资本帐户自由化的危险、主权借款人的压力以及工业政策和发展中国家政策空间的重要性。在这样做的过程中,贸发会议一直是货币基金组织和世界银行等机构所支持和推动的更为正统的、以市场为主导的办法的对应物。贸发会议的分析和政策建议传统上以结构主义观点为基础,这是其创始秘书长Raúl Prebisch的遗产。尽管在他的任期内取得了一些早期的成功,例如贸发会议对特别提款权的支持,但普雷维什越来越对该机构无法推进其任务感到失望,理由是来自工业化国家的根深蒂固的反对,“市场力量”思想的持续存在以及发展中国家之间日益增长的分歧(Dosman, 2006)。普雷维什最终于1969年辞职,他对多边合作通过此类论坛实现有意义的系统性变革的能力表示担忧。他认为,现实政治和体制惰性破坏了团结的承诺(同上)。具有讽刺意味的是,直到他离开后,贸发会议才在支持77国集团推进新千年发展目标的努力方面发挥了关键作用。这些谈判在将国际讨论从东西方轴心转向南北轴心的同时,再次遭到发达经济体的抵制和发展中国家之间的分歧。最终,美联储(fed)通过所谓的沃尔克冲击(Volker Shock)打击了本国的劳动人口,结束了NIEO的讨论,并使许多南半球国家陷入了灾难性的债务危机。从20世纪80年代起,由于内部分歧的趋同,新自由主义经济正统在全球的兴起,以及世界银行、国际货币基金组织和世界贸易组织等其他多边经济机构日益占主导地位,贸发会议的政治影响力减弱。在随后的几十年里,由于持续的资金限制和精简或使贸发会议的分析和政策作用处于从属地位的压力,这种边缘化进一步加剧。其结果是,其在联合国系统内和国际政策圈内发挥作用的能力日益受到限制。此外,该机构必须调整其方法,以适应不断变化的全球经济现实。 不满情绪不仅在发展中国家上升,在发达经济体内部也是如此,反映出严重的结构性失衡。为此,报告呼吁从根本上重新思考全球发展模式。它将自己描述为“一项行动呼吁,表明尽管我们面临许多挑战,但发展中世界仍有明显的机会实现持续的人均增长”(第11页)。这一雄心勃勃的项目分为五章,每章涉及报告所诊断的总体发展僵局的一个关键方面——低增长、不断变化的贸易结构、商品市场金融化、发展融资——及其对确定和寻求新的发展途径的影响。报告第一章概述了全球宏观经济前景。它表明,利率上升、劳动收入占比下降和财政紧缩如何在全球范围内加剧了社会不满和根深蒂固的不平等。报告认为,这种低增长和高波动的“新常态”(第4页)严重制约了全球南方国家实施变革性发展战略的能力。为了解决这些问题,报告呼吁通过累进税制,特别是针对高净值个人和公司,通过特别提款权和多边银行资本重组扩大优惠融资(第5页)和具有发展意识的中央银行(第21-22页)来恢复多边主义。第2章和第3章旨在通过审查全球贸易结构的变化及其对发展战略的直接影响来补充这一分析。报告与贸发会议历来倡导的制造业主导的结构转型明显不同,建议结束以制造业和出口导向型增长为基础的发展战略。根据详细的数据,它将商品贸易的结构性放缓(第47页)与服务业的增长势头和商品市场的持续波动进行了对比。它通过新熊彼特的视角解释了这些转变,认为“全球化正处于一个拐点”(第83页),由技术破坏、去全球化和地缘政治分裂所塑造。报告警告说,这些动态使传统的发展战略,特别是那些以工业化和制造业出口为中心的战略越来越站不住脚(第53、83页)。因此,报告赞同Rodrik和Stiglitz(2024)以及Rodrik和Sandhu(2025)提出的将发展战略重新定位为“劳动力吸收服务”的建议。然而,中国在阐述自己的建议和发展前景方面非常谨慎。此外,虽然第二章广泛讨论了以可贸易服务为主导的发展战略的局限性,作为其支持以不可贸易服务为基础的发展的理由,但第三章似乎对可贸易服务的前景更为乐观。“只有在不设置新的政策壁垒和保障市场和技术准入的情况下,服务出口导向型增长作为发展之路才仍然可行”(第123页)的主张提出了一个问题,即以非贸易服务为基础的发展战略是否只是次优选择。关于以可贸易服务为基础的发展战略本身是否缺乏创造就业和提高生产力的潜力,报告的立场最终难以捉摸。第四章转向商品贸易和金融化,并强调了资源依赖型经济体面临的风险,因为金融市场日益影响商品价格和获得资本的途径。在这方面,报告呼吁加强对跨国公司的监督,制定促进经济多样化的政策,并建立限制投机性资金流动的监管框架。它还敦促高收入国家履行其气候资金承诺,特别是在支持发展中国家通过能源转型方面(第160页)。最后,在第五章中,作者强调了在税收和金融方面进行全球合作的紧迫性。报告赞同拟议的《联合国国际税收合作框架公约》,认为这是加强财政能力、打击避税和处理非法资金流动的途径(第187页)。此外,它重申债务减免、优惠融资和新的流动资金工具对于恢复宏观经济稳定和使投资于可持续发展的重要性。在报告提出的转向以非贸易服务为主导的增长模式方面,出现了两个关键问题。第一个是方法上的,源于它缺乏对制造业和服务业之间日益模糊的界限的认识,特别是考虑到生产的持续“服务化”(见Hauge, 2023; Miroudot和Cadestin
{"title":"Development Rethought or Forgotten? A Review of the UNCTAD Trade and Development Report 2024","authors":"Baptiste Albertone,&nbsp;Tin Hinane El Kadi,&nbsp;Amir Lebdioui","doi":"10.1111/dech.70030","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/dech.70030","url":null,"abstract":"&lt;p&gt;&lt;b&gt;UNCTAD, &lt;i&gt;Trade and Development Report 2024: Rethinking Development in the Age of Discontent&lt;/i&gt;. Geneva: United Nations Conference on Trade and Development, 2024. xiv + 190 pp&lt;/b&gt;. https://unctad.org/publication/trade-and-development-report-2024&lt;/p&gt;&lt;p&gt;Fifty years later, we are living in a new crisis in global development. Only 15 per cent of the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) are currently on track, with some indicators even having dipped below their 2015 baselines (UN, &lt;span&gt;2023&lt;/span&gt;). As UN Secretary-General Antonio Guterres remarked, ‘Instead of leaving no one behind, we risk leaving the SDGs behind’ (Guterres, &lt;span&gt;2023&lt;/span&gt;). Since 2015, the annual financing gap of the SDGs has increased by 60 per cent, from US$ 2.5 trillion to US$ 4 trillion in 2024 (OECD, &lt;span&gt;2025&lt;/span&gt;; UNCTAD, &lt;span&gt;2023&lt;/span&gt;). The COVID-19 pandemic proved to be a critical stress test for a system already struggling to manage multiple and overlapping structural trends that had been building since the 2008 global financial crisis. These include rising debt burdens, widening inequalities within and across countries, a slowdown in international trade and a weak investment climate.&lt;/p&gt;&lt;p&gt;These challenges lie at the core of UNCTAD's historic mandate, which is why, before engaging with our critique of its &lt;i&gt;Trade and Development Report 2024: Rethinking Development in the Age of Discontent&lt;/i&gt; (henceforth TDR 2024 or the Report), it is important to first understand and situate the unique and politically significant role that the institution as the principal body advocating for the economic interests of developing nations plays within the UN system. Established in 1964 amid intense debates over the inequities of the post-war international economic order, UNCTAD was created largely at the initiative of countries from the Global South to provide them with a stronger, more unified voice in global economic governance. Unlike more technocratic bodies, UNCTAD was explicitly designed as a platform for multilateral negotiations among countries at different stages of development. It aimed to problematize questions of trade, finance, investment and technology from a development perspective — areas frequently sidelined by established institutions dominated by advanced economies.&lt;/p&gt;&lt;p&gt;As a result, UNCTAD has been instrumental in advancing analytical work on a range of issues central to development, including the structural disadvantages facing commodity-dependent economies, barriers to technology access, the need for fairer trade rules, the dangers of capital account liberalization, pressures on sovereign borrowers and the importance of industrial policy and policy space for developing countries. In doing so, UNCTAD has consistently served as a counterpoint to more orthodox, market-led approaches favoured and advanced by institutions such as the IMF and World Bank.&lt;/p&gt;&lt;p&gt;UNCTAD's analysis and policy recommendations have traditionally been grounded in a structurali","PeriodicalId":48194,"journal":{"name":"Development and Change","volume":"56 4-5","pages":"1084-1110"},"PeriodicalIF":3.2,"publicationDate":"2025-11-09","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/epdf/10.1111/dech.70030","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"145719575","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 0
Financialization of and by International Organizations: The United Nations and the Global Climate Finance Architecture 国际组织的金融化和由国际组织金融化:联合国和全球气候融资架构
IF 3.2 2区 社会学 Q1 DEVELOPMENT STUDIES Pub Date : 2025-11-03 DOI: 10.1111/dech.70022
Ewa Karwowski

This contribution uses a discussion of the global climate finance architecture to put forward and illustrate a conceptualization of the financialization of and by international organizations. It highlights four channels through which the phenomenon operates: (1) the adoption of financial logics; (2) the advancement of financial innovation; (3) the embracing of financial accumulation; and (4) the direct financialization of member states’ policies and citizens’ lives. As consequence, four main types of financialization can be identified that are promoted within and by international organizations: within intergovernmental fora, these are the financialization of policy narratives, meaning the redefinition of policy challenges as questions of financial investment, and of standards; while international organizations, in their function as governing and administrative bodies, can drive financialization by turning public goods into the basis for financial assets, and through the direct representation of financial interests.

本文通过对全球气候融资架构的讨论,提出并说明了国际组织的金融化和由国际组织金融化的概念化。它强调了这种现象运行的四个渠道:(1)金融逻辑的采用;(2)金融创新的推进;(3)拥抱金融积累;(4)成员国政策和公民生活的直接金融化。因此,可以确定国际组织内部和由国际组织推动的四种主要金融化类型:在政府间论坛内,这些是政策叙述的金融化,意味着将政策挑战重新定义为金融投资和标准问题;而国际组织作为理事和行政机构,可以通过将公共产品转化为金融资产的基础,并通过直接代表金融利益,推动金融化。
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引用次数: 0
A Conversation with Marc Wuyts Marc Wuyts的对话
IF 3.2 2区 社会学 Q1 DEVELOPMENT STUDIES Pub Date : 2025-10-15 DOI: 10.1111/dech.70021
Hazel Gray
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引用次数: 0
The Monster ‘Within’: Capitalist Urbanization as Geometabolic Escalation 怪物“内在”:资本主义城市化作为地理代谢的升级
IF 3.2 2区 社会学 Q1 DEVELOPMENT STUDIES Pub Date : 2025-10-07 DOI: 10.1111/dech.70015
Neil Brenner, Swarnabh Ghosh

This article challenges prevailing approaches to urban sustainability by reconceptualizing capitalist urbanization as a planetary process of geometabolic escalation. Hegemonic visions of sustainable cities render invisible the non-city sociometabolic preconditions and consequences of urban life under capitalism. Our dissident theorization brings to the foreground such ‘hidden abodes’ of capitalist urbanization and their role in the enclosure, operationalization and degradation of the planetary biosphere. The fossil-based metabolic regime of capital, consolidated in the 1870s and planetarized during what this article terms the ‘Long Intensification’, has transformed cities into strategic nodes within a fossil-powered formation of the capitalist urban fabric. This unevenly extended infrastructural matrix escalates the throughput of matter/energy while discharging toxic waste into the biosphere and generating planetary waves of social dispossession. The analysis reveals the dialectical relationship between throughput ecologies (of metabolic intensification) and exhaustion ecologies (of socioenvironmental destruction) that underpins this process. As carbon-intensive patterns of fixed capital are locked in and extended, cities become ‘blazing bonfires’ that metabolize colossal quantities of energy while projecting their destructive socioenvironmental impacts onto operational landscapes of appropriation and sacrifice zones of ruination. Meanwhile, rather than facilitating transitions away from fossil fuels, renewable energy has primarily supplemented expanding relays of fossil energy production and consumption, further ratcheting up capital's spatial metabolism of plunder, productivity and pollution. Urban sustainability programmes frequently serve to legitimize new forms of eco-apartheid, creating protected enclaves for privileged populations while preserving imperial circuits of extraction and waste. Drawing inspiration from Mike Davis, the article navigates between analytic despair and utopian possibility to envision alter-metabolisms that might interrupt capital's destructive planetary trajectory without succumbing to the false hopes associated with ‘renewables capitalism’. This article proposes a radically relational, anti-capitalist reconfiguration of sustainability politics, grounded in degrowth strategies, anti-imperialist sociometabolic relations, democratic control of infrastructures and programmes of ecological repair.

本文通过将资本主义城市化重新定义为地理代谢升级的全球过程,挑战了城市可持续性的主流方法。可持续城市的霸权愿景使资本主义下城市生活的非城市社会代谢先决条件和后果变得不可见。我们持不同意见的理论将这种资本主义城市化的“隐藏住所”及其在行星生物圈的圈闭、运作和退化中的作用带到了前景。以化石为基础的资本代谢机制,在19世纪70年代得到巩固,并在本文所称的“长期强化”期间全球化,已经将城市转变为资本主义城市结构中化石动力形成的战略节点。这种不均匀扩展的基础设施矩阵增加了物质/能量的吞吐量,同时向生物圈排放有毒废物,并在全球范围内产生社会剥夺浪潮。分析揭示了支撑这一过程的吞吐量生态(代谢强化)和耗竭生态(社会环境破坏)之间的辩证关系。随着固定资本的碳密集型模式被锁定和扩展,城市成为“燃烧的篝火”,代谢大量的能源,同时将其破坏性的社会环境影响投射到占用和牺牲区域的运营景观中。与此同时,可再生能源并没有促进从化石燃料的转型,而是主要补充了化石能源生产和消费的不断扩大的继电器,进一步加剧了资本的掠夺、生产力和污染的空间代谢。城市可持续发展方案往往使新形式的生态种族隔离合法化,为特权人口创造受保护的飞地,同时保留采掘和废物的帝国循环。从迈克·戴维斯(Mike Davis)那里获得灵感,这篇文章在分析绝望和乌托邦可能性之间进行了导航,设想了一种可能中断资本破坏性地球轨迹的替代代谢,而不会屈服于与“可再生资本主义”相关的虚假希望。本文提出了一种基于去增长战略、反帝国主义的社会代谢关系、基础设施的民主控制和生态修复计划的可持续性政治的根本关系、反资本主义的重新配置。
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引用次数: 0
A Conversation with Carlota Perez: A Life of Revolutions 《与卡洛塔·佩雷斯的对话:革命的一生
IF 3.2 2区 社会学 Q1 DEVELOPMENT STUDIES Pub Date : 2025-10-06 DOI: 10.1111/dech.70007
Amir Lebdioui
<p>Carlota Perez, now in her mid-80s, is one of the world's leading thinkers on innovation and technological revolutions. Her intellectual journey, which has been anything but conventional, unfolded through a series of revolutions: from aspiring to become a missionary to studying architecture, from leaving behind a Marxist revolutionary movement to joining the civil service, from advising corporations and governments to ultimately entering academia. In the process, Carlota has developed a unique view of the global economy: where it is headed and where it could potentially go instead.</p><p>Her career in researching technology began in the 1970s with an investigation into the structural causes of the energy crisis in her home country, Venezuela. After working on international technology transfer at the Institute of Foreign Trade in the 1970s, she became the founding Director of Technological Development at the Ministry of Industry (1980‒83). There, alongside other policy instruments to promote innovation, she created the country's first venture capital fund. After holding the position of visiting researcher at Cambridge University and Centennial Professor at London School of Economics, she currently is an Honorary Professor at the Institute for Innovation and Public Purpose (IIPP) at University College London (UCL) and at the Science Policy Research Unit at the University of Sussex. She is also Adjunct Professor of Technology and Socio-Economic Development at the Ragnar Nurkse School of Innovation and Governance at TalTech, Estonia. She sits on the advisory boards of IIPP, at UCL, the Development Leadership Dialogue at School of Oriental and African Studies, University of London, and the Technology and Industrialisation for Development Centre, at the University of Oxford. Over the past few decades, her pioneering work has shaped our collective understanding of technological transformations and their interactions with broader economic, financial, social and political changes. Her book <i>Technological Revolutions and Financial Capital: The Dynamics of Bubbles and Golden Ages</i> (Perez, 2002), has become a classic and was chosen as one of the ‘books of the century’ in economic history by the journal <i>Foreign Affairs</i>. That book is where she first advanced her theory on the emergence and diffusion of technological revolutions, and the role of finance in the process. She is currently working on a sequel, <i>The Social Shaping of Technological Revolutions</i>, which will analyse the roles that government, business and civil society play in bringing about the golden ages of each revolution.</p><p>Why is it so important to have this conversation today? The world is undergoing considerable changes. We are living through a turning point in history, one defined by technological disruption, climate emergency and growing inequality — yet also by unprecedented opportunities for transformation. In many ways, the historical transition we are witnessing now
现年80多岁的卡洛塔·佩雷斯(Carlota Perez)是世界领先的创新和技术革命思想家之一。她的思想之旅绝非传统,而是通过一系列革命展开:从立志成为传教士到学习建筑,从离开马克思主义革命运动到加入公务员队伍,从为企业和政府提供咨询到最终进入学术界。在这个过程中,卡洛塔对全球经济形成了一种独特的看法:它将走向何方,又可能走向何方。她的技术研究生涯始于20世纪70年代,当时她调查了她的祖国委内瑞拉能源危机的结构性原因。20世纪70年代在对外贸易研究所从事国际技术转移工作后,她成为工业部技术发展部创始主任(1980-83)。在那里,除了其他促进创新的政策工具外,她还创建了该国第一个风险投资基金。在担任剑桥大学客座研究员和伦敦经济学院百年教授之后,她目前是伦敦大学学院创新与公共目的研究所(IIPP)和苏塞克斯大学科学政策研究部门的荣誉教授。她也是爱沙尼亚TalTech的Ragnar Nurkse创新与治理学院的技术和社会经济发展兼职教授。她是伦敦大学学院IIPP、伦敦大学亚非研究学院发展领导力对话以及牛津大学技术与工业化促进发展中心的顾问委员会成员。在过去的几十年里,她的开创性工作塑造了我们对技术变革及其与更广泛的经济、金融、社会和政治变革的相互作用的集体理解。她的著作《技术革命和金融资本:泡沫和黄金时代的动力》(佩雷斯,2002)已成为经典,并被《外交事务》杂志选为经济史上的“世纪之书”之一。在这本书中,她首次提出了关于技术革命的出现和扩散以及金融在这一过程中所起作用的理论。她目前正在撰写续集《技术革命的社会塑造》,这本书将分析政府、企业和民间社会在每一次革命的黄金时代所扮演的角色。为什么今天有这么重要的话题?世界正在发生重大变化。我们正在经历一个历史转折点,一个由技术颠覆、气候紧急情况和日益严重的不平等所定义的转折点,但也有前所未有的转型机遇。在许多方面,我们现在目睹的历史转变也可能需要理论范式的根本转变。当我们试图解释当代动态时,我们既需要理解过去的轨迹,也需要开发新的概念工具。正是在这个意义上,卡洛塔·佩雷斯为当今前所未有的挑战和生态危机提供了独特的视角。社会如何协调环境可持续性的迫切需要与经济和社会进步的必要性?在引导创新和工业发展走向更绿色、更公平的未来方面,国家应该发挥什么作用?这些紧迫的问题构成了这次采访的背景,在采访中,卡洛塔·佩雷斯讨论了追求可持续发展的矛盾和可能性,去增长范式的优点和局限性,民粹主义的原因以及绿色产业政策在确保共享繁荣的同时避免生态崩溃的作用。这次对话不仅提供了对当代关于国家干预和金融作用的辩论的批判性参与,还深入探讨了她的个人生活和经历,为下一代学者提供了反思和建议,以更好地装备自己来应对我们时代的挑战。卡洛塔,作为世界上在技术革命和社会经济发展方面领先的思想家之一,是什么首先激发了你对技术革命的兴趣?是否有一个特定的时刻或经历塑造了你的想法?上世纪70年代中期,我在委内瑞拉中央大学(Central University of Venezuela)参加了一门关于石油经济学的研究生课程。我和Juan Pablo Perez Alfonzo(石油输出国组织(OPEC)的发起人)一起参与了一个研究小组。我们知道,每桶约2美元至7.5美元的价格上涨完全是前所未有的(通常的变化是上下几美分)。这种巨大的飞跃通常是强大的石油卡特尔无法接受的,但我们知道这是石油公司“建议”的。 随着自由市场经济的发展,大多数学术界变成了一个“以数据为基础”的内部讨论俱乐部,与现实的接触很少。事实上,数据被视为现实,而事实上,它隐藏的往往比它揭示的要多。对商界或政界人士的采访不再流行;也不是前瞻性研究。跨学科还没有成为规范,然而在现实世界中,它显然是需要的。年轻人被束缚在由期刊主导的“要么发表要么灭亡”的世界里,而这些期刊中的大多数并不致力于改善世界,而是致力于在“知识地图”上添加微小的内容。这是非常痛苦的,因为我们正处于转型的关键时刻,学术界除了极少数例外,没有加入斗争。在大规模技术变革的背景下,过去的数据推断作为对未来的预测是无效的。进步力量必须走出去,获取知识,分享知识。社会影响应该得到比现在更高的重视,良好的教学也是如此。有时候,研究可以自我隔离而不会造成太大伤害,但今天它几乎是犯罪。我们必须了解这个世界,以便让它变得更好,并将其视为我们的责任,作为一个不公平世界中的特权精英成员。最后,今天的许多年轻人对经济和环境危机感到不知所措。关于如何塑造未来,而不是感到无能为力,你会给他们什么建议?我会先说:‘你可以改变世界!不”。我会马上补充一句:“但你需要理解它是如何工作的。”年轻人被他们所看到的不公正和危险所压倒。金融和垄断的力量;难以忍受的贫困;赢者通吃社会的自私和那些为正义而战的人的无能都是压倒性的,导致愤怒、绝望和激进变革的梦想。我亲身经历过。但没有人告诉我,为了从体制中获得最好的东西而奋斗是值得的,因为这是可能的。我花了几十年的时间才明白,取得重大进展并非不可能,尽管这显然也不容易。它不会是完美和理想的进步,但它可以是一个真正的进步,一旦实现,将使数百万人受益。所以,我的基本信息是制度创新。在企业与社会、发达国家与发展中国家、人类与地球之间建立一种正和博弈的条件已经具备。它不会是乌托邦,但它是可行的,而且是紧迫的。这是这一代人面临的主要挑战。 他们需要它来在北海和阿拉斯加生产利润,他们已经在那里进行了重大投资。但我们怀疑也可能有结构性原因,我被赋予了找出原因的任务。所以,我研究了自汽车取代火车、马匹和有轨电车以来发展起来的主要技术,以及自从电力成为家庭生活的基本要素以来。我的发现令我震惊:所有的东西,绝对是所有的东西,要么使用石油,要么使用电力,要么使用一些石化合成材料。甚至农业也依赖于它!而且,由于油价长期以来一直很便宜,价格上涨可能会对制造业和生活方式造成严重打击。难怪“石油危机”如此令人震惊!所以,我的问题是,“现在石油很贵,会发生什么?”技术会改变吗?就在那时,我发现了微电子技术的潜力和不断降低的成本。这是我的顿悟时刻:廉价的微电子将取代廉价的石油,成为创新的驱动力!这让我把技术革命的概念作为我早期工作的重点,从那时起,我就在关于技术变革及其对社会影响的问题和发现的海洋中不停地航行。有趣的是,尽管我去读研究生是为了发展这种新的理解(Perez, 1983),但我并没有想到要成为一名学者。当时我的目标是在政府工作,不是作为一名政治家,而是作为一名公务员,处理新形势下的发展问题。值得庆幸的是,你并没有就此止步,而是真正成为了一名公共知识分子和学者。但在分析了几十年的技术革命之后,您的思维和理论模型是如何演变的呢?在你的研究中,什么变化最大?直到20世纪90年代中期,我的重点一直是创新,熊彼特(1939/1982)的“长波”,范式转变以及对公司在产品、生产方法、组织和机会变化方面的影响。我也对这些变化将如何为发展中国家打开可能性非常感兴趣(Perez, 1985)。你可能知道,在拉丁美洲,自从Prebisch(1950)写了一篇关于昂贵的进口制造品和廉价的原材料出口之间的价格剪刀的文章以来,我们采取了进口替代工业化。普雷维什本人以联合国拉丁美洲经济委员会(CEPAL)主
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引用次数: 0
Renewables Capitalism and the Contradictions of Green Industrialization: The Case of China 可再生能源资本主义与绿色工业化的矛盾:以中国为例
IF 3.2 2区 社会学 Q1 DEVELOPMENT STUDIES Pub Date : 2025-09-23 DOI: 10.1111/dech.70018
Ying Chen

China's renewable energy development is often seen as a success story in the global green transition effort. This article examines how that success has been shaped by the interplay between the state's development rationale and the logic of capital followed by enterprises — factors that have enabled rapid capacity expansion and falling costs of production. Yet running alongside these achievements are deep structural tensions. Drawing on evidence from China's solar power, wind power and electric vehicle sectors, the article argues that the logic of capital — expressed in price wars, overcapacity and international trade conflict — has repeatedly challenged the state's strategic development goals. China's experience offers a particularly revealing case of the limits of technocratic green industrialization under capitalism. Rather than a model to emulate, China illustrates both the possibilities and the constraints of building renewables capitalism from the Global South.

中国的可再生能源发展通常被视为全球绿色转型努力的成功案例。这篇文章考察了国家的发展理论和企业追随的资本逻辑之间的相互作用如何塑造了这种成功——这些因素使产能快速扩张和生产成本下降成为可能。然而,与这些成就并存的是深层次的结构性紧张。文章以中国的太阳能、风能和电动汽车行业为例,认为资本的逻辑——表现为价格战、产能过剩和国际贸易冲突——一再挑战国家的战略发展目标。中国的经验尤其揭示了资本主义制度下技术官僚绿色工业化的局限性。中国并不是一个可以效仿的榜样,而是展示了发展中国家建设可再生能源资本主义的可能性和局限性。
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引用次数: 0
China and Renewables Capitalism in the Green Transition 绿色转型中的中国与可再生能源资本主义
IF 3.2 2区 社会学 Q1 DEVELOPMENT STUDIES Pub Date : 2025-09-23 DOI: 10.1111/dech.70019
Dic Lo, Niangjijia Nyangchak, Fanqi Lin

China stands as both the world's largest emitter of greenhouse gases and the leading producer and user of clean energy technologies. While the country has rapidly expanded its green technology sector, this growth has largely added to, rather than replaced, fossil fuel consumption. This duality presents a complex challenge in assessing China's impact on the global green transition — a challenge which is compounded by ongoing debates about the essence of China's political economy and the relatively early stage of theorizing the broader political and economic implications of the green transition. Rather than debating whether China's system is capitalist or otherwise, this analysis focuses on understanding China through the logic of the pursuit of profits, as well as the country's approach to environmental policy. The transition is often framed in terms of ‘renewables capitalism’, emphasizing either state or market drivers, but this may overlook deeper tensions between the capitalist profit logic and the green transition. By examining these dynamics in a global context, and interrogating the motives behind China's actions, this article aims to shed light both on China's future performance and the extent to which a meaningful green transition is achievable, either within or outside renewables capitalism.

中国是世界上最大的温室气体排放国,也是清洁能源技术的主要生产国和使用者。尽管中国迅速扩大了绿色科技行业,但这种增长在很大程度上增加了而不是取代了化石燃料消费。在评估中国对全球绿色转型的影响时,这种二元性提出了一个复杂的挑战——关于中国政治经济本质的持续争论,以及对绿色转型的更广泛的政治和经济影响进行理论化的相对早期阶段,使这一挑战更加复杂。本文并没有讨论中国的制度是否属于资本主义,而是侧重于通过追求利润的逻辑以及中国的环境政策来理解中国。这种转型通常以“可再生能源资本主义”为框架,强调国家或市场驱动因素,但这可能忽视了资本主义利润逻辑和绿色转型之间更深层次的紧张关系。通过在全球背景下考察这些动态,并询问中国行动背后的动机,本文旨在揭示中国未来的表现,以及在可再生能源资本主义内部或外部实现有意义的绿色转型的程度。
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引用次数: 0
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Development and Change
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