Pub Date : 2023-06-08DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2023.2211009
Julian Boys, Antonio Andreoni
Abstract We introduce a multidimensional and multilevel framework for industrial policy space as the set of legally permitted, economically viable and politico-institutionally feasible policy options for industrial development, given constraints at the national, regional and global levels. This is applied to the East African Community (EAC) textiles and apparel (T&A) sector, using data from policy documents and semi-structured interviews. The EAC customs union nominally transfers trade policy sovereignty to the regional level, but we present evidence showing how the duty remission scheme allows governments to provide targeted trade policy rents to domestic T&A firms, maintaining national legal policy space. This comes at a cost, because firms benefiting from national duty remission rents may not sell their goods duty free in other EAC countries, so the expanded economic policy space offered by regional integration is curtailed. In the political-institutional sphere, the EAC allowed a new policy option to emerge at the regional level – import substitution of used clothes – but global-level policy space constraints prevented implementation when US authorities threatened to remove trade preferences underpinning thousands of jobs. Regional integration policies should take into account tensions between different dimensions and levels of industrial policy space to maximise prospects for sustainable development.
{"title":"Does regionalism increase industrial policy space? An analytical framework applied to the East African textiles and apparel sector","authors":"Julian Boys, Antonio Andreoni","doi":"10.1080/01436597.2023.2211009","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/01436597.2023.2211009","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract We introduce a multidimensional and multilevel framework for industrial policy space as the set of legally permitted, economically viable and politico-institutionally feasible policy options for industrial development, given constraints at the national, regional and global levels. This is applied to the East African Community (EAC) textiles and apparel (T&A) sector, using data from policy documents and semi-structured interviews. The EAC customs union nominally transfers trade policy sovereignty to the regional level, but we present evidence showing how the duty remission scheme allows governments to provide targeted trade policy rents to domestic T&A firms, maintaining national legal policy space. This comes at a cost, because firms benefiting from national duty remission rents may not sell their goods duty free in other EAC countries, so the expanded economic policy space offered by regional integration is curtailed. In the political-institutional sphere, the EAC allowed a new policy option to emerge at the regional level – import substitution of used clothes – but global-level policy space constraints prevented implementation when US authorities threatened to remove trade preferences underpinning thousands of jobs. Regional integration policies should take into account tensions between different dimensions and levels of industrial policy space to maximise prospects for sustainable development.","PeriodicalId":48280,"journal":{"name":"Third World Quarterly","volume":"44 1","pages":"1680 - 1698"},"PeriodicalIF":2.0,"publicationDate":"2023-06-08","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44558150","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"经济学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-06-08DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2023.2216644
Shahzeb Khan
{"title":"The iron dome of Eurocentrism: a decolonial reconnaissance of academic imperialism in Pakistan","authors":"Shahzeb Khan","doi":"10.1080/01436597.2023.2216644","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/01436597.2023.2216644","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":48280,"journal":{"name":"Third World Quarterly","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":2.0,"publicationDate":"2023-06-08","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48585430","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"经济学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-06-07DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2023.2218807
Pauline Eadie, Chester Yacub
Republic Act (RA) 11469, also known as ‘The Bayanihan to Heal as One Act', and RA 11494 the ‘Bayanihan to Recover as One Act', or Bayanihan 2, were passed into law in the Philippines as a response to the COVID-19 pandemic. RA 11469 and RA 11494 were fundamentally flawed because they relied on data from Listahanan, the National Targeting System for Poverty Reduction (NHTS-PR). These data gave only partial coverage of those affected by the pandemic and was largely reliant on data gathered in 2009. To plug the gaps data beneficiary identification was devolved to Local Government Units (LGUs) and local government officials. We examine how a lack of state capacity and the technical weaknesses of RAs 11469 and 11494 were capitalised on by an underlying culture of patron-clientelism. This undermined the distribution of relief aid, or ‘ayuda' to urban poor communities in Metro Manila and adjacent provinces. We also identify instances where strategies were devised to circumnavigate such political failings, which offer hope for future good practice. We argue that robust data and enhanced state capacity are essential for the distribution of future relief aid in the Philippines as a means of promoting social equity and limiting political discretion. [ FROM AUTHOR] Copyright of Third World Quarterly is the property of Routledge and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full . (Copyright applies to all s.)
{"title":"COVID-19 and aid distribution in the Philippines: a patron-clientelist explanation","authors":"Pauline Eadie, Chester Yacub","doi":"10.1080/01436597.2023.2218807","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/01436597.2023.2218807","url":null,"abstract":"Republic Act (RA) 11469, also known as ‘The Bayanihan to Heal as One Act', and RA 11494 the ‘Bayanihan to Recover as One Act', or Bayanihan 2, were passed into law in the Philippines as a response to the COVID-19 pandemic. RA 11469 and RA 11494 were fundamentally flawed because they relied on data from Listahanan, the National Targeting System for Poverty Reduction (NHTS-PR). These data gave only partial coverage of those affected by the pandemic and was largely reliant on data gathered in 2009. To plug the gaps data beneficiary identification was devolved to Local Government Units (LGUs) and local government officials. We examine how a lack of state capacity and the technical weaknesses of RAs 11469 and 11494 were capitalised on by an underlying culture of patron-clientelism. This undermined the distribution of relief aid, or ‘ayuda' to urban poor communities in Metro Manila and adjacent provinces. We also identify instances where strategies were devised to circumnavigate such political failings, which offer hope for future good practice. We argue that robust data and enhanced state capacity are essential for the distribution of future relief aid in the Philippines as a means of promoting social equity and limiting political discretion. [ FROM AUTHOR] Copyright of Third World Quarterly is the property of Routledge and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full . (Copyright applies to all s.)","PeriodicalId":48280,"journal":{"name":"Third World Quarterly","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":2.0,"publicationDate":"2023-06-07","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43461854","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"经济学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-06-05DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2023.2215724
Wadee Alarabeed
{"title":"Qatar’s approach across the Triple Nexus in conflict-affected contexts: the case of Darfur","authors":"Wadee Alarabeed","doi":"10.1080/01436597.2023.2215724","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/01436597.2023.2215724","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":48280,"journal":{"name":"Third World Quarterly","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":2.0,"publicationDate":"2023-06-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42894887","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"经济学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-06-05DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2023.2213636
F. Kern, K. Holzinger, D. Kromrey
{"title":"Between cooperation and conflict: tracing the variance in relations of traditional governance institutions and the state in Sub-Saharan Africa","authors":"F. Kern, K. Holzinger, D. Kromrey","doi":"10.1080/01436597.2023.2213636","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/01436597.2023.2213636","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":48280,"journal":{"name":"Third World Quarterly","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":2.0,"publicationDate":"2023-06-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44813468","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"经济学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-06-05DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2023.2213171
Luqman Muraina, Abdulkareem J. Ajímátanraẹjẹ
Abstract Gender hierarchy and inequality are attributes of Western colonialism enforced in several colonised societies. Similarly, feminism (Western), as the antithesis of European sexism, has permeated colonised societies and has been assimilated without proper reflection. This is concretely evident among the Yorùbá people of south-western Nigeria. Before European colonisation, Yorùbá culture was gender-neutral and gender-silent; women were seen as complementary and not subordinate to men. Hence, according to Oyěwùmí’s work on The Invention of Women, caution and reflections must be raised on the continual adoption of mainstream Western feminist philosophy in Yorùbá culture. In essence, the colonial imposition of the Western gender binary in Yorùbá society and women’s anti-colonial and feminist activities are discussed. Furthermore, the paper challenges some feminist approaches and ideologies in Nigeria, while advocating for a communal, transformative, and Pan-African feminism in Yorùbá and African societies. The decolonisation of Africa and the Yorùbá education system are recommended, alongside a proper history of Indigenous Yoruba people and knowledges. Contemporary feminist campaigns (including digital feminisms) and movements must also develop a ‘shared text of blackness’. The duo should align and improve the worth of women based on the indispensability and esteemed status offered to women in ‘pre-colonial’ Yorùbá society.
{"title":"Gender relations in Indigenous Yorùbá culture: questioning current feminist actions and advocacies","authors":"Luqman Muraina, Abdulkareem J. Ajímátanraẹjẹ","doi":"10.1080/01436597.2023.2213171","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/01436597.2023.2213171","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Gender hierarchy and inequality are attributes of Western colonialism enforced in several colonised societies. Similarly, feminism (Western), as the antithesis of European sexism, has permeated colonised societies and has been assimilated without proper reflection. This is concretely evident among the Yorùbá people of south-western Nigeria. Before European colonisation, Yorùbá culture was gender-neutral and gender-silent; women were seen as complementary and not subordinate to men. Hence, according to Oyěwùmí’s work on The Invention of Women, caution and reflections must be raised on the continual adoption of mainstream Western feminist philosophy in Yorùbá culture. In essence, the colonial imposition of the Western gender binary in Yorùbá society and women’s anti-colonial and feminist activities are discussed. Furthermore, the paper challenges some feminist approaches and ideologies in Nigeria, while advocating for a communal, transformative, and Pan-African feminism in Yorùbá and African societies. The decolonisation of Africa and the Yorùbá education system are recommended, alongside a proper history of Indigenous Yoruba people and knowledges. Contemporary feminist campaigns (including digital feminisms) and movements must also develop a ‘shared text of blackness’. The duo should align and improve the worth of women based on the indispensability and esteemed status offered to women in ‘pre-colonial’ Yorùbá society.","PeriodicalId":48280,"journal":{"name":"Third World Quarterly","volume":"44 1","pages":"2031 - 2045"},"PeriodicalIF":2.0,"publicationDate":"2023-06-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44313181","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"经济学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-06-02DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2023.2215705
Stephan Ortmann
Abstract This paper argues that the decision of an authoritarian regime to use repression depends both on the repressing agent and the costs as well as the threat perception. This is illustrated in the comparison between two environmental protests in Viet Nam. In 2015, the Vietnamese press reported that police had used tear gas against protesters opposing massive pollution by the Vinh Tan 2 thermal power plant but later treated the violent protesters with leniency. In contrast, the 2016 protest against the Formosa Ha-Tinh Steel Corporation was widely censored in the press and numerous peaceful protesters were arrested and harshly punished. The Vinh Tan case was not perceived as a threat and the costs of repression were judged to be high, while in the case of Formosa, the initial denials of responsibility raised the costs for the regime and the movement that emerged eventually was perceived to be a threat to the regime.
摘要本文认为，专制政权使用镇压的决定既取决于镇压主体，也取决于代价和威胁感知。越南的两次环境抗议活动之间的比较说明了这一点。2015年，越南媒体报道称，警方曾对反对Vinh Tan 2热电厂大规模污染的抗议者使用催泪瓦斯，但后来对暴力抗议者宽大处理。相比之下，2016年针对台湾河静钢铁公司的抗议活动受到了媒体的广泛审查，许多和平抗议者被逮捕并受到严厉惩罚。Vinh Tan案没有被视为威胁，镇压的成本被认为很高，而在福尔摩沙案中，最初否认责任增加了政权的成本，最终出现的运动被视为对政权的威胁。
{"title":"When protests become a threat to authoritarian rule: the case of environmental protests in Viet Nam","authors":"Stephan Ortmann","doi":"10.1080/01436597.2023.2215705","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/01436597.2023.2215705","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract This paper argues that the decision of an authoritarian regime to use repression depends both on the repressing agent and the costs as well as the threat perception. This is illustrated in the comparison between two environmental protests in Viet Nam. In 2015, the Vietnamese press reported that police had used tear gas against protesters opposing massive pollution by the Vinh Tan 2 thermal power plant but later treated the violent protesters with leniency. In contrast, the 2016 protest against the Formosa Ha-Tinh Steel Corporation was widely censored in the press and numerous peaceful protesters were arrested and harshly punished. The Vinh Tan case was not perceived as a threat and the costs of repression were judged to be high, while in the case of Formosa, the initial denials of responsibility raised the costs for the regime and the movement that emerged eventually was perceived to be a threat to the regime.","PeriodicalId":48280,"journal":{"name":"Third World Quarterly","volume":"44 1","pages":"2063 - 2079"},"PeriodicalIF":2.0,"publicationDate":"2023-06-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45387103","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"经济学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-06-01DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2023.2213642
J. Tomkinson
This article explores Africa’s shifting international relations through two important international gateways to the continent: Kotoka International Airport in Accra and Bole International Airport in Addis Ababa. Case studies drawing on archival, fieldwork and secondary data examine the history and development of both airports, and find these gates represent a fruitful but neglected vantage point for understanding Africa’s shifting connections to the wider world. Theoretically, whilst the article affirms the value of using such critical nodal points – or ‘gates’ – to understand the international dimensions of African politics, it also highlights the limits of extant concepts such as ‘gatekeeping’ and the typology of the ‘gatekeeper state’. The article instead advances an alternative approach which it calls ‘gatemaking’ to enhance our understanding of Africa’s international relations by looking at how gates such as airports help to make (and remake) Africa’s place in the world (rather than looking only at how gates shape domestic state forms, as in the gatekeeper mould). Evident to different degrees in both airports, this concept foregrounds Africa as a place that both originates and shapes key dimensions of the international, contributing to emerging debates in critical approaches to international relations.
{"title":"Origination and Africa’s international relations: gatemaking and airport politics in Ethiopia and Ghana","authors":"J. Tomkinson","doi":"10.1080/01436597.2023.2213642","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/01436597.2023.2213642","url":null,"abstract":"This article explores Africa’s shifting international relations through two important international gateways to the continent: Kotoka International Airport in Accra and Bole International Airport in Addis Ababa. Case studies drawing on archival, fieldwork and secondary data examine the history and development of both airports, and find these gates represent a fruitful but neglected vantage point for understanding Africa’s shifting connections to the wider world. Theoretically, whilst the article affirms the value of using such critical nodal points – or ‘gates’ – to understand the international dimensions of African politics, it also highlights the limits of extant concepts such as ‘gatekeeping’ and the typology of the ‘gatekeeper state’. The article instead advances an alternative approach which it calls ‘gatemaking’ to enhance our understanding of Africa’s international relations by looking at how gates such as airports help to make (and remake) Africa’s place in the world (rather than looking only at how gates shape domestic state forms, as in the gatekeeper mould). Evident to different degrees in both airports, this concept foregrounds Africa as a place that both originates and shapes key dimensions of the international, contributing to emerging debates in critical approaches to international relations.","PeriodicalId":48280,"journal":{"name":"Third World Quarterly","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":2.0,"publicationDate":"2023-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42149244","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"经济学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-05-31DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2023.2211931
Pedro M. R. Barbosa, Ligia Fabris, Lorena Abbas, Gabriela Caruso, Victor Giusti, Beatriz Coimbra
Abstract Within the care regime literature, Latin American countries have often been classified as familist or familist by default, characterised by the absence of policies to support families in the function of caring for their dependents. Drawing on novel data, this paper investigates the development of policies to support family care responsibilities for children, in Latin America, during the 2010s. Using a descriptive comparative method, it identifies an increase in the family policy effort across the region, despite favouring targeted programmes for the poor, with an emphasis in some cases on the service provisions (Chile, Colombia, and Peru) and in others on cash benefits (Argentina and Brazil). However, these efforts have been insufficient, particularly when compared to the average level of provision among Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) and European Union (EU) countries. We argue that only Uruguay has actually moved away from the pattern of familism by default, promoting an extensive state co-responsibility for the caring function.
{"title":"Moving away from familism by default? The trends of family policies in Latin America","authors":"Pedro M. R. Barbosa, Ligia Fabris, Lorena Abbas, Gabriela Caruso, Victor Giusti, Beatriz Coimbra","doi":"10.1080/01436597.2023.2211931","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/01436597.2023.2211931","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Within the care regime literature, Latin American countries have often been classified as familist or familist by default, characterised by the absence of policies to support families in the function of caring for their dependents. Drawing on novel data, this paper investigates the development of policies to support family care responsibilities for children, in Latin America, during the 2010s. Using a descriptive comparative method, it identifies an increase in the family policy effort across the region, despite favouring targeted programmes for the poor, with an emphasis in some cases on the service provisions (Chile, Colombia, and Peru) and in others on cash benefits (Argentina and Brazil). However, these efforts have been insufficient, particularly when compared to the average level of provision among Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) and European Union (EU) countries. We argue that only Uruguay has actually moved away from the pattern of familism by default, promoting an extensive state co-responsibility for the caring function.","PeriodicalId":48280,"journal":{"name":"Third World Quarterly","volume":"44 1","pages":"1865 - 1883"},"PeriodicalIF":2.0,"publicationDate":"2023-05-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48259562","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"经济学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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