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How Local Context Affects Populist Radical Right Support: A Cross-National Investigation Into Mediated and Moderated Relationships 地方背景如何影响民粹主义激进右翼支持:关于中介和调节关系的跨国调查
IF 5 1区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2024-04-17 DOI: 10.1017/s0007123424000085
Kai Arzheimer, Carl Berning, Sarah de Lange, Jérôme Dutozia, Jocelyn Evans, Myles Gould, E. Harteveld, Nicholas Hood, G. Ivaldi, Paul D. Norman, Wouter van der Brug, T.W.G. Tom van der Meer
Populist radical right (PRR) parties are often more successful in some regions of their countries than in others. However, previous research shows that the relationship between context and PRR support is not straightforward. We develop and test an expanded framework linking local conditions to PRR support through two causal mechanisms. First, we argue economic and cultural contextual factors can influence citizens by fostering a sense of perceived local decline, which in turn predicts both populist and nativist attitudes and, hence, PRR support (mediation). Second, we expect that citizens with fewer resources and stronger local embeddedness are more strongly influenced by the context in which they live (moderation). Combining geocoded survey data with contextual data from four countries (DE, FR, GB and NL), we show that the link between local context and PRR support is indeed mediated and moderated, providing a better understanding of the spatial distribution behind recent PRR success.
民粹激进右翼政党(PRR)往往在其国家的某些地区比其他地区更成功。然而,以往的研究表明,环境与激进党支持率之间的关系并不简单。我们通过两个因果机制,建立并检验了一个将当地条件与激进右翼政党支持率联系起来的扩展框架。首先,我们认为经济和文化背景因素会影响公民对当地衰落的感知,进而预测民粹主义和本土主义态度,进而预测 PRR 支持率(中介)。其次,我们预计资源较少、本地嵌入性较强的公民受其生活环境的影响更大(调节)。通过将地理编码调查数据与四个国家(德国、法国、英国和荷兰)的环境数据相结合,我们证明了当地环境与 PRR 支持之间的联系确实存在中介和调节作用,从而更好地理解了近期 PRR 成功背后的空间分布。
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引用次数: 0
Unequal and Unsupportive: Exposure to Poor People Weakens Support for Redistribution among the Rich 不平等和不支持:接触穷人会削弱对富人再分配的支持
IF 5 1区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2024-04-15 DOI: 10.1017/s0007123424000061
Matias Engdal Christensen, P. T. Dinesen, K. M. Sønderskov
Do the rich become more or less supportive of redistribution when exposed to poor people in their local surroundings? Most existing observational studies find that exposure to poor individuals is positively associated with support for redistribution among the well-off, but one prominent field experiment found a negative link. We seek to resolve these divergent findings by employing a design closer to the studies that have found a positive link, but with more causal leverage than these; specifically, a three-wave panel survey linked with fine-grained registry data on local income composition in Denmark. In within-individual models, increased exposure to poor individuals is associated with lower support for redistribution among wealthy individuals. By contrast, between-individual models yield a positive relationship, thus indicating that self-selection based on stable individual characteristics likely explains the predominant finding in previous work.
当富人接触到周围的穷人时,他们对再分配的支持程度是增加了还是减少了?现有的大多数观察性研究发现,接触穷人与富人支持再分配呈正相关,但一项著名的实地实验却发现两者呈负相关。我们采用了一种更接近于发现正相关的研究,但比这些研究更具因果杠杆作用的设计来解决这些不同的研究结果;具体来说,我们采用了一项三波面板调查,并将其与丹麦当地收入构成的精细登记数据相联系。在个体内部模型中,与贫困个体接触的增加与富裕个体中较低的再分配支持率相关。与此相反,个人之间的模型产生了正相关关系,从而表明基于稳定的个人特征的自我选择很可能解释了之前工作中的主要发现。
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引用次数: 0
Which Information Do Politicians Pay Attention To? Evidence from a Field Experiment and Interviews 政治家关注哪些信息?来自现场实验和访谈的证据
IF 5 1区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2024-04-04 DOI: 10.1017/s000712342400005x
Roman Senninger, H. Seeberg
Politicians are exposed to a constant flow of information about societal problems. However, they have limited resources and need to prioritize. So, which information should they pay attention to? Previous research identifies four types of information that may matter: public concern about a problem, problem attention by rival parties, news stories about problems, and statistical problem indicators. We are the first to contrast the four types of information through a field experiment with more than 6,000 candidates and multiple elite interviews in Denmark. The candidates received an email invitation to access a specially tailored report that randomly highlighted one of the four types of information. Statistical indicators and public opinion were accessed the most (26.9 per cent and 26.5 per cent of candidates in the two conditions). Our results provide new and important evidence about the types of information politicians consider when addressing societal problems.
政治家不断接触到有关社会问题的信息流。然而,他们的资源有限,需要分清轻重缓急。那么,他们应该关注哪些信息呢?以往的研究指出了四种可能重要的信息:公众对问题的关注、竞争对手对问题的关注、有关问题的新闻报道以及问题的统计指标。我们首次通过在丹麦对 6000 多名候选人进行实地实验和多次精英访谈来对比这四类信息。候选人收到电子邮件邀请,访问一份特别定制的报告,随机强调四类信息中的一类。统计指标和公众舆论的访问量最大(在两种条件下分别占候选人的 26.9% 和 26.5%)。我们的研究结果为政治家在解决社会问题时考虑的信息类型提供了新的重要证据。
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引用次数: 0
In the Shadows of Great Men: Retired Leaders and Informal Power Constraints in Autocracies 在伟人的阴影下:专制政体中的退休领导人与非正式权力制约
IF 5 1区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2024-04-02 DOI: 10.1017/s0007123424000012
Junyan Jiang, Tianyang Xi, Haojun Xie
Autocratic leaders differ considerably in how they consolidate power, but what gives rise to these variations remains under-theorized. This article studies how informal political constraints associated with retired leaders shape intra-elite power dynamics. We argue that ageing leaders' efforts to manage the succession problem create an important yet impermanent check on the power of subsequent leaders. To test this argument, we use the massive text corpus of Google Ngram to develop a new measure of power for a global sample of autocratic leaders and elites and employ a research design that leverages within-incumbent variations in former leaders' influence for identification. We show that incumbent leaders' ability to consolidate power becomes more limited when operating in an environment where influential former leaders are present. Further analyses suggest that the presence of former leaders is most effective in reducing incumbents' ability to appoint or remove high-level military and civilian personnel unilaterally. These findings have implications for our understanding of the dynamics of power-sharing and institutional change in autocracies.
专制领导人在巩固权力的方式上存在很大差异,但造成这些差异的原因仍然缺乏理论依据。本文研究了与退休领导人相关的非正式政治约束是如何形成精英内部权力动态的。我们认为,高龄领导人管理接班人问题的努力对后任领导人的权力形成了重要但不稳定的制约。为了验证这一论点,我们利用谷歌 Ngram 的海量文本语料库,为全球专制领导人和精英样本开发了一种新的权力衡量标准,并采用了一种研究设计,利用前任领导人影响力的在位者内部差异进行识别。我们的研究表明,当现任领导人在有影响力的前任领导人存在的环境中运作时,其巩固权力的能力会变得更加有限。进一步的分析表明,前任领导人的存在最有效地削弱了现任领导人单方面任免高级军事和文职人员的能力。这些发现对我们理解专制政体中权力分享和制度变革的动态具有重要意义。
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引用次数: 1
Pre-Modern Institutions and Later Support for Autocrats in Democratic Elections 民主选举中的前现代制度与后来对专制者的支持
IF 5 1区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2024-03-20 DOI: 10.1017/s0007123424000036
Jonathan Stavnskær Doucette
A history of local inclusive institutions is correlated with higher levels of democracy today. However, it is unclear whether this reflects the effect of historical institutions on democracy or a prior common cause. Using a geographic natural experiment, this letter demonstrates that historical experience with inclusive institutions is related to less support for autocratic parties in nineteenth- and twentieth-century Germany. This suggests that electoral support for political parties that seek to subvert democracy can be influenced by pre-modern institutions even when they were destroyed prior to the introduction of democracy.
地方包容性机构的历史与当今较高的民主水平相关。然而,目前还不清楚这究竟是反映了历史制度对民主的影响,还是之前的共同原因。这封信通过一个地理自然实验证明,在十九世纪和二十世纪的德国,包容性制度的历史经验与专制政党获得较少支持有关。这表明,对那些试图颠覆民主的政党的选举支持可能会受到前现代体制的影响,即使这些体制在引入民主之前就已被摧毁。
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引用次数: 0
JPS volume 54 issue 2 Cover and Front matter JPS 第 54 卷第 2 期封面和封底
IF 5 1区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2024-03-18 DOI: 10.1017/s0007123424000103
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引用次数: 0
JPS volume 54 issue 2 Cover and Back matter 新闻简报》第 54 卷第 2 期封面和封底
IF 5 1区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2024-03-18 DOI: 10.1017/s0007123424000097
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引用次数: 0
Compensation and Tax Fairness: Evidence From Four Countries 补偿与税收公平:来自四个国家的证据
IF 5 1区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2024-03-01 DOI: 10.1017/s0007123423000698
Mariana Alvarado
This paper uses a conjoint survey experiment fielded in the US, Australia, Chile, and Argentina to develop and test the compensatory theory of tax fairness, which states that higher taxes on the rich can be used to compensate for other benefits unequally granted by the state. Drawing on social psychology, this paper argues that evidence of preferential treatment by the state violates well-established fairness principles and shows, experimentally, that it leads to taxation to restore equality in crisis times, irrespective of wealth and across a variety of settings. The paper makes two important contributions: it provides the first direct, causal evidence of the importance of compensatory arguments for tax preferences and presents unconfounded estimates of the effect of more established fairness considerations as benchmarks against which to compare the importance of compensatory arguments.
本文利用在美国、澳大利亚、智利和阿根廷进行的联合调查实验,提出并检验了税收公平的补偿理论,即对富人征收更高的税可以用来补偿国家给予的其他不平等待遇。本文以社会心理学为基础,论证了国家优惠待遇的证据违反了既定的公平原则,并通过实验表明,在危机时期,无论财富多少,在不同的环境下,国家都会通过征税来恢复平等。本文有两个重要贡献:它首次提供了补偿性论据对税收优惠重要性的直接因果证据,并提出了对更多既定公平考虑因素影响的无根据估计,作为比较补偿性论据重要性的基准。
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引用次数: 0
The Populist Backlash Against Globalization: A Meta-Analysis of the Causal Evidence 民粹主义对全球化的反弹:对因果证据的元分析
IF 5 1区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2024-02-22 DOI: 10.1017/s0007123424000024
G. Scheiring, Manuel Serrano-Alarcón, Alexandru D. Moise, Courtney McNamara, D. Stuckler
The literature on populism is divided on whether economic factors are significant and robust causes of populism. To clarify this, we performed the first systematic review and meta-analysis of the evidence of a causal association between economic insecurity and populism. We combined database searches with searching the citations of eligible studies and recently published reviews. We identified and reviewed thirty-six studies and presented a concise narrative summary and numerical synthesis of the key findings. Although we found significant heterogeneity in several dimensions, all studies reported a significant causal association. A recurrent magnitude was that economic insecurity explained around one-third of recent surges in populism. We tested for publication bias by conducting a funnel-plot asymmetry test and a density discontinuity test of the distribution of t-statistics. We found significant evidence of publication bias; however, the causal association between economic insecurity and populism remains significant after controlling for it.
关于民粹主义的文献在经济因素是否是导致民粹主义的重要且有力的原因这一问题上存在分歧。为了澄清这一问题,我们首次对经济不安全与民粹主义之间因果关系的证据进行了系统回顾和荟萃分析。我们将数据库检索与检索合格研究的引文和近期发表的综述相结合。我们确定并审查了 36 项研究,并对主要研究结果进行了简明扼要的叙述性总结和数字综合。尽管我们在多个方面发现了明显的异质性,但所有研究都报告了显著的因果关系。一个经常出现的现象是,经济不安全解释了近期民粹主义激增的三分之一原因。我们对 t 统计量的分布进行了漏斗图不对称检验和密度不连续检验,以检测是否存在发表偏差。我们发现了发表偏差的重要证据;然而,在控制了发表偏差后,经济不安全与民粹主义之间的因果关系仍然显著。
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引用次数: 0
Evaluating the Minority Candidate Penalty with a Regression Discontinuity Approach 用回归不连续法评估少数候选人惩罚
IF 5 1区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2024-01-08 DOI: 10.1017/s0007123423000583
Ariel White, Paru Shah, E. Juenke, Bernard L. Fraga
Do parties face an electoral penalty when they nominate candidates of colour? We employ a regression discontinuity design using state legislative election data from 2018, 2019, and 2020 to isolate the effect of nominating a candidate of colour on a party's general election performance. Utilising this approach with real-world data heightens external validity relative to existing racial penalty studies, largely supported by surveys and experiments. We find no evidence that candidates of colour are disadvantaged in state legislative general elections relative to narrowly nominated white candidates from the same party. These findings challenge the leading explanations for the underrepresentation of racial/ethnic minority groups, with implications for candidate selection across the United States.
政党在提名有色人种候选人时是否会面临选举惩罚?我们利用 2018 年、2019 年和 2020 年的州立法选举数据,采用回归不连续设计,分离出提名有色人种候选人对政党大选表现的影响。与现有的种族惩罚研究相比,利用真实世界数据的这一方法提高了外部有效性,这些研究在很大程度上得到了调查和实验的支持。我们没有发现任何证据表明,在州议会大选中,有色人种候选人相对于同一党派中提名较少的白人候选人处于劣势。这些发现对少数种族/族裔群体代表性不足的主要解释提出了质疑,并对美国的候选人选择产生了影响。
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引用次数: 0
期刊
British Journal of Political Science
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