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Research on Artificial Intelligence is Reshaping Our Definition of Morality 人工智能的研究正在重塑我们对道德的定义
2区 心理学 Q1 PSYCHOLOGY, MULTIDISCIPLINARY Pub Date : 2023-04-03 DOI: 10.1080/1047840x.2023.2248857
Zoe A. Purcell, Jean-François Bonnefon
"Research on Artificial Intelligence is Reshaping Our Definition of Morality." Psychological Inquiry, 34(2), pp. 100–101 Disclosure StatementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Additional informationFundingThe authors are supported by grant ANR-19-PI3A-0004, grant ANR-17-EURE-0010, and the Research Foundation TSE-Partnership.
“人工智能研究正在重塑我们对道德的定义。”《心理探究》,34(2),pp. 100-101披露声明作者未报告潜在的利益冲突。作者由资助ANR-19-PI3A-0004,资助ANR-17-EURE-0010和研究基金会TSE-Partnership支持。
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引用次数: 0
Morality as Fish: Defining Morality as a Prototype Concept 道德如鱼:将道德定义为原型概念
2区 心理学 Q1 PSYCHOLOGY, MULTIDISCIPLINARY Pub Date : 2023-04-03 DOI: 10.1080/1047840x.2023.2248859
Emma E. Buchtel
Click to increase image sizeClick to decrease image size Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the authors.Additional informationFundingThis work described in this paper was partially supported by grants from the Research Grants Council of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region, China (HKIEd ECS 859813 and EdUHK 18605921).
点击放大图片点击缩小图片披露声明作者未报告潜在的利益冲突。其他资料经费本文所述的工作部分由中国香港特别行政区研究资助局资助(hked ECS 859813及EdUHK 18605921)。
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引用次数: 0
Defining and Describing Morality: The View from Personality Psychology 道德的定义与描述:人格心理学的视角
2区 心理学 Q1 PSYCHOLOGY, MULTIDISCIPLINARY Pub Date : 2023-04-03 DOI: 10.1080/1047840x.2023.2248852
Luke D. Smillie, Isabel Thielmann
Click to increase image sizeClick to decrease image size Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s)
点击放大图片点击缩小图片披露声明作者未发现潜在的利益冲突
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引用次数: 0
Do We Need a Definition of Morality? A Comment on the Distinctions between Definition and Theory and the Problem of Porn 我们需要道德的定义吗?论定义与理论的区别与色情问题
2区 心理学 Q1 PSYCHOLOGY, MULTIDISCIPLINARY Pub Date : 2023-04-03 DOI: 10.1080/1047840x.2023.2248863
Linda J. Skitka
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引用次数: 0
Dahl’s Definition of Morality 达尔对道德的定义
2区 心理学 Q1 PSYCHOLOGY, MULTIDISCIPLINARY Pub Date : 2023-04-03 DOI: 10.1080/1047840x.2023.2248853
Walter Sinnott-Armstrong
Click to increase image sizeClick to decrease image size Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author.
点击放大图片点击缩小图片披露声明作者未报告潜在的利益冲突。
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引用次数: 0
What is Morality? Narrow and Broad Definition 什么是道德?狭义和广义定义
2区 心理学 Q1 PSYCHOLOGY, MULTIDISCIPLINARY Pub Date : 2023-04-03 DOI: 10.1080/1047840x.2023.2248855
Mariola Paruzel-Czachura
Click to increase image sizeClick to decrease image size Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the authorAdditional informationFundingThe NAWA Bekker Program supported me with a grant “Moral thinking and unethical behavior” [number PN/BEK/2020/1/00058/DEC/1].
点击放大图片点击缩小图片披露声明作者未报告潜在的利益冲突附加信息资金NAWA Bekker项目为我提供了“道德思考和不道德行为”的资助[编号PN/BEK/2020/1/00058/DEC/1]。
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引用次数: 1
Defining Morality for Psychology: The Risk of Integrating Paradigms 为心理学定义道德:整合范式的风险
2区 心理学 Q1 PSYCHOLOGY, MULTIDISCIPLINARY Pub Date : 2023-04-03 DOI: 10.1080/1047840x.2023.2248860
Roberto Posada, Gustavo A. Peña
Click to increase image sizeClick to decrease image size Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author.
点击放大图片点击缩小图片披露声明作者未报告潜在的利益冲突。
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引用次数: 0
Ideology as a Moral-Relational Language 意识形态作为一种道德关系语言
IF 9.3 2区 心理学 Q1 PSYCHOLOGY, MULTIDISCIPLINARY Pub Date : 2023-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/1047840X.2023.2192649
J. Sheehy‐Skeffington, Lotte Thomsen
All group-living animals must coordinate securing and distributing territory, resources, rights, and care. Human society presents a ubiquitous and unsurpassed level of cooperation extending deep into our psychology, which evolved to enable and exploit the transmission of generations of accumulated cultural knowledge in part in service of securing the resources necessary for groups to survive and thrive in varied habitats (Richerson & Boyd, 2005). These processes present a series of critical questions about how reciprocal cooperation beyond immediate kin may be sustained within cultural groups so as to not be undermined by defectors (see e.g., Trivers, 1971; Van Veelen, Garc ıa, Rand, & Nowak, 2012; Sugden, 1986; Nowak & Sigmund, 2005; Panchanathan & Boyd, 2004, 2005; Boyd & Mathew, 2021; Richerson & Boyd, 2005), pointing to the importance of enforcing shared moral norms for what is a fair manner of cooperating in the production and distribution of adaptive benefits (cf. Panchanathan & Boyd, 2004; Richerson & Boyd, 2005; Boyd & Mathew, 2021; see also Rai & Fiske, 2011, Fiske & Rai, 2014). Alongside the role of history and cultural context in setting what is seen as fair, the complexity of the social world gives people considerable moral wiggle room for applying and reasoning about general justice norms in motivated, selective, opportunistic ways that best further their own particular interests (cf. Batson, 2008; Dana, Weber, & Kuang, 2007; Eftedal et al., 2022; Eftedal & Thomsen, 2021; Kahan, 2016; Kunda, 1990; Larson & Capra, 2009; Regner & Matthey, 2005; Slothuus & De Vreese, 2010), likely often without even realizing that they are doing so (cf. Eftedal & Thomsen, 2021). The result is a situation in which different parties and coalitions may be in stark ideological conflict while everybody is nevertheless convinced that universal morals and justice support their particular partisan point of view. With the goal of understanding the shared rationality and morality underlying both sides of the political spectrum, Baumeister and Bushman (this issue) connect psychological insights to those from the study of evolution, culture, history, and politics. They argue that human’s evolved readiness for culture yields two abilities and related sets of preferences concerning the generation of resources on the one hand, and their distribution, on the other. It is suggested that these opposed orientations are differentially triggered by working in jobs that are linked with resource generation versus redistribution, yielding ideological groups primarily concerned with one societal function over another, while societal flourishing in fact demands a healthy dose of both. Here, we bracket the question of the factors that lead to social and economic flourishing (whether in historical or contemporary context), one deep within the domains of history, sociology, anthropology, macroeconomics, and political science. We instead focus on efforts toward an evolutionarily att
所有群居动物必须协调保护和分配领地、资源、权利和护理。人类社会呈现出一种无处不在、无与伦比的合作水平,这种合作深入到我们的心理,它的发展使几代人积累的文化知识得以传播和利用,部分是为了确保群体在各种栖息地生存和繁荣所需的资源(Richerson&Boyd,2005)。这些过程提出了一系列关键问题,即如何在文化群体中维持直系亲属以外的互惠合作,以免被叛逃者破坏(例如,见Trivers,1971;Van Veelen、Garcıa、Rand和Nowak,2012年;Sugden,1986年;Nowak和Sigmund,2005年;Panchanathan和Boyd,2004年、2005年;Boyd和Mathew,2021年;Richerson&Boyd,2005),指出了在适应性利益的生产和分配中,执行共同的道德规范对于公平合作的重要性(参见Panchanathan&Boyd,2004;Richerson和Boyd,2005;Boyd和Mathew,2021;另见Rai&Fiske,2011,Fiske&Rai,2014)。除了历史和文化背景在设定公平方面的作用外,社会世界的复杂性给了人们相当大的道德回旋余地,让人们可以在动机、选择性、,最好地促进自己特定利益的机会主义方式(参见Batson,2008;Dana、Weber和Kuang,2007;Eftedal等人,2022;Eftedal和Thomsen,2021;Kahan,2016;Kunda,1990;Larson和Capra,2009;Regner和Matthey,2005;Slothhuus和De Vreese,2010),可能通常甚至没有意识到他们正在这样做(参见Eftedal&Thomsen,2020)。其结果是,不同的政党和联盟可能会陷入严重的意识形态冲突,而每个人都相信普遍的道德和正义支持他们特定的党派观点。鲍迈斯特和布什曼(本期)的目标是理解政治光谱双方共同的理性和道德,他们将心理学见解与进化论、文化、历史和政治研究的见解联系起来。他们认为,人类对文化的进化准备产生了两种能力和相关的偏好,一方面是关于资源的产生,另一方面是资源的分配。有人认为,这些对立的取向是由从事与资源生成和再分配相关的工作而不同地引发的,产生的意识形态团体主要关注一种社会功能而不是另一种,而社会繁荣实际上需要两者的健康结合。在这里,我们将导致社会和经济繁荣的因素(无论是在历史还是当代背景下)纳入其中,这一问题深入到历史、社会学、人类学、宏观经济学和政治学领域。相反,我们专注于对意识形态偏好中的个人和群体差异的起源进行进化协调和文化敏感的解释,对此,强有力的心理理论是相关的。这样一个账户的必要成分是什么?它会是什么样子?目标文章提出的政治党派和敌意的“文化动物”理论呼应了亚里士多德的主张,即“人本质上是一种政治动物”,社区或城邦是一个由多个部分共同发挥独特作用的机构,为更大的共同利益协同工作。在鲍迈斯特和布什曼的版本中,社会既需要生产资源的人,也需要分配资源的人。但在现代社会中,这些角色已经两极分化,政治党派的敌意随之而来。我们同意Baumeister和Bushman(以及马克思和其他许多人)的观点,即意识形态最终是建立在确保资源安全的问题上的,这些资源也是进化过程的基本货币(Sidanius和Kurzban,2013;Sidanius&Pratto,1999年)。但我们怀疑,任何一个角色或选择性战略形象都会演变为只关注资源的生产,而将资源的分配问题留给其他人。任何功能现象的进化都受到其所提供的生殖益处的限制(达尔文,1859)。因此,从本质上讲,产生和确保资源从根本上与谁将享受其生殖利益的问题有关——自己、亲属、联盟、社会。事实上,合作和文化的演变取决于进化上稳定的战略如何协调资源、权利和护理的生产和分配,从而使合作者或生产者不会被叛逃者击败或削弱(Boyd&Richerson,2009;汉密尔顿,1964年;Richerson&Boyd,20052020;Trivers,1971年)。这表明
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引用次数: 1
Economic Values, Social Values and Cultural Animal Theory 经济价值观、社会价值观与文化动物理论
IF 9.3 2区 心理学 Q1 PSYCHOLOGY, MULTIDISCIPLINARY Pub Date : 2023-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/1047840X.2023.2192652
Kevin B. Smith
Baumeister and Bushman (this issue) offer a cultural animal theory of partisan hostility (hereafter CAT) with the specific aim of explaining the root drivers of political conflict. CAT posits that competition for power revolves around oppositional worldviews reflecting preferences attached to the two primary objectives of all successful societies: amassing and distributing resources. Based on this premise CAT seeks not only to help explain the persistence of the themes motivating political conflict, but also to shed light on the underlying causes of growing levels affective polarization widely documented in the United States and other liberal democracies. CAT takes on a large and complicated slice of the social world; its stated scope is to cover nothing less than the majority of political conflict. That is an ambitious goal for any theoretical project, and the sheer variety and complexity of the analytical target means explanatory gaps and exceptions are inevitable. To their credit, Baumeister and Bushman recognize this, and explicitly acknowledge that CAT makes no claims to be a universal explanatory framework, but is a formulation aimed at being, “correct far more often than not.” Within the limits hinted at, CAT is, in my judgment, quite successful. It is certainly a framework that can be readily employed to generate testable hypotheses, and may point to de-escalation opportunities. While I find much to praise in this framework, in what follows I focus on what I see as two key, and not fully acknowledged, limitations of CAT. I argue that CAT is essentially an economic theory of political conflict which, if correct, has two important implications: (1) A broad swath of the explanatory horsepower CAT is designed to provide is readily available from existing frameworks, and, (2) like other economic theories CAT’s explanatory power decreases considerably when the focus shifts from self-interested resource distribution to the conflicts anchored in social values, and it is the latter that is core to understanding hostile partisan disagreements.
鲍迈斯特和布什曼(本期)提出了一种关于党派敌对(以下简称CAT)的文化动物理论,其具体目的是解释政治冲突的根源。CAT认为,权力竞争围绕着对立的世界观展开,反映了所有成功社会的两个主要目标:积累和分配资源。基于这一前提,CAT不仅试图帮助解释引发政治冲突的主题的持续性,而且还揭示了在美国和其他自由民主国家广泛记录的日益严重的情感两极分化的根本原因。CAT承担了社会世界中一个庞大而复杂的部分;其规定的范围是涵盖大多数政治冲突。对于任何理论项目来说,这都是一个雄心勃勃的目标,而分析目标的多样性和复杂性意味着解释上的差距和例外是不可避免的。值得赞扬的是,Baumeister和Bushman认识到了这一点,并明确承认CAT并没有声称自己是一个通用的解释框架,而是一个旨在“在大多数情况下是正确的”的表述。根据我的判断,在暗示的范围内,CAT相当成功。这当然是一个框架,可以很容易地用来产生可测试的假设,并可能指向降级的机会。虽然我在这个框架中发现了很多值得赞扬的地方,但在接下来的内容中,我将重点放在我认为CAT的两个关键而未被充分承认的局限性上。我认为CAT本质上是一种政治冲突的经济理论,如果正确的话,它有两个重要的含义:(1) CAT旨在提供的大量解释力可以从现有框架中轻易获得;(2)与其他经济理论一样,当焦点从自利资源分配转移到锚定在社会价值中的冲突时,CAT的解释力会大幅下降,而后者是理解敌对党派分歧的核心。
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引用次数: 0
Not by Bread Alone: Immoderate Politics and the Roots of Suffering 不靠面包:非现代政治与苦难的根源
IF 9.3 2区 心理学 Q1 PSYCHOLOGY, MULTIDISCIPLINARY Pub Date : 2023-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/1047840X.2023.2192643
Karl Aquino, Maja Graso, Stefan Thau
Baumeister and Bushman (this issue) present a parsimonious explanation for why the conflict between the left and right is inevitable, sometimes hostile, and prone to escalation. They propose that one way to reduce the intensity of the political polarization is for people on the political right and left to accept a turn-taking arrangement. Central to their argument for why alternations in power can be effective for reducing intergroup conflict is that both parties endorse values that are functional for society, even if their aims are not always reflected in their policies. The core assumption of their cultural animal theory is that the right prioritizes amassing resources, while the left prioritizes sharing or redistributing resources. If each side is given a chance to lead and translate their priorities into policy, the excesses of one regime can be counterbalanced by the excesses of the next, and society will improve as a result. We offer a few observations about their analysis and suggest some plausible amendments to their theory. The model Baumeister and Bushman introduce as being most advantageous for promoting group survival, flourishing, and social stability in a democracy is dialectical. In this regard, they occupy the same territory as thinkers like Hegel (1807/2019) and Marx (1867/2004), who also believed that historical progress toward a superior end-state results from conflict between competing groups. We can imagine how a political dialectic could produce healthier, more prosperous collectives. For instance, people might wish to indulge their desire for voting-based social experimentation, allowing them to learn from the positive and negative outcomes of translating one party’s values into action. We also find merit in the authors’ argument that exchanges in power between political opponents are generally preferable to a prolonged single party rule (like the authors, we acknowledge that there are historical exceptions where such a rule can produce stable and prosperous societies). That said, we suggest an alternative to the process of political turn-taking that Baumeister and Bushman did not sufficiently explore, but that could also reduce political animosity: moderation. Moderation can be defined as “the deliberate effort not to seek the greatest emotion or the fullest accomplishment” (Fukuyama, 2022, p. 154). We maintain that regardless of which party is in power, it is less disruptive to society if neither one attempts to steer it in a direction too far from what most people can reasonably endure without becoming existentially threatened, morally confused, and cynically disengaged from political life. Through political debate and other institutionally mediated processes, a workable society is one that can integrate competing views to create mutually beneficial solutions that are not at the extremes (Carrese, 2016). Importantly, an alternation in power is not essential for a course of moderation to be followed.
Baumeister和Bushman(这个问题)对为什么左翼和右翼之间的冲突是不可避免的,有时是敌对的,并且容易升级提出了一个吝啬的解释。他们提出,减少政治两极分化强度的一种方法是让政治右翼和左翼人士接受轮流安排。他们关于为什么权力交替可以有效减少群体间冲突的论点的核心是,两党都支持对社会有用的价值观,即使他们的目标并不总是反映在他们的政策中。他们的文化动物理论的核心假设是,右翼优先考虑积累资源,而左翼优先考虑分享或重新分配资源。如果每一方都有机会领导并将其优先事项转化为政策,那么一个政权的过度行为可以被下一个政府的过度行为所抵消,社会就会因此而改善。我们对他们的分析提出了一些看法,并对他们的理论提出了一些合理的修正意见。鲍迈斯特和布什曼提出的在民主国家中最有利于促进群体生存、繁荣和社会稳定的模式是辩证的。在这方面,他们与黑格尔(1807/2019)和马克思(1867/2004)等思想家占据着相同的领域,他们也认为,走向优越最终状态的历史进步是由相互竞争的群体之间的冲突造成的。我们可以想象,政治辩证法是如何产生更健康、更繁荣的集体的。例如,人们可能希望放纵他们对基于投票的社会实验的渴望,让他们从将一方的价值观转化为行动的积极和消极结果中学习。我们还从作者的论点中发现了价值,即政治对手之间的权力交流通常比长期的一党统治更可取(与作者一样,我们承认历史上也有例外,这种统治可以产生稳定和繁荣的社会)。也就是说,我们提出了一种替代鲍迈斯特和布什曼没有充分探索的政治转向过程的方法,但这也可以减少政治敌意:温和。适度可以被定义为“刻意不寻求最大的情感或最充分的成就”(Fukuyama,2022,第154页)。我们坚持认为,无论哪个政党执政,如果双方都不试图将其引向远离大多数人所能合理忍受的方向,而不会受到生存威胁、道德困惑和愤世嫉俗地脱离政治生活,那么对社会的破坏就会更小。通过政治辩论和其他制度中介过程,一个可行的社会是一个能够整合相互竞争的观点,创造不极端的互利解决方案的社会(Carrese,2016)。重要的是,权力的交替并不是遵循温和路线的必要条件。
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Psychological Inquiry
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