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Moving Beyond a W.E.I.R.D Psychology: A Multicultural Perspective on the Evolution of Ideology 超越W.E.I.R.D心理学:意识形态演变的多元文化视角
IF 9.3 2区 心理学 Q1 Psychology Pub Date : 2023-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/1047840X.2023.2192647
Christine Reyna, Miguel Ángel Vázquez, Kaelan J. Vazquez, Kara Harris
left and right leaning Americans agree on a wide variety of specific policy details (e.g., aspects of the ACA, gun laws, police reform: see Bartekian & Reyna, 2022). In countries around the globe with parliamentary systems, rival parties often form coalitions to further common goals. Coalition building was a more widely used strategy than conflict (Mizrahi & Rosenthal, 2001), so finding ways to promote cooperative coalitions of ideological groups is a more lasting and time-tested solution. Bipartisanship produces stable policies that are less likely to change when COMMENTARIES 31
左倾和右倾的美国人在各种具体的政策细节上达成了一致(例如,ACA的各个方面、枪支法、警察改革:见Bartekian&Reyna,2022)。在全球实行议会制的国家,敌对政党经常结成联盟,以实现共同目标。建立联盟是一种比冲突更广泛使用的战略(Mizrahi&Rosenthal,2001),因此找到促进意识形态团体合作联盟的方法是一种更持久、更经得起时间考验的解决方案。两党合作产生的稳定政策在评论31时不太可能改变
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引用次数: 0
Cultural Animal Theory of Political Partisan Conflict and Hostility 政党冲突与敌对的文化动物理论
IF 9.3 2区 心理学 Q1 Psychology Pub Date : 2023-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/1047840X.2023.2192642
R. Baumeister, B. Bushman
Abstract Seeking to understand and reduce partisan hostility, we propose that humans evolved to benefit from cultural societies. Societies perform two crucial tasks, which have grown apart and are now championed by political opponents: (1) amassing resources, and (2) distributing resources. The political right focuses on amassing resources, whereas the political left focuses on redistributing resources. Both tasks are needed for society to flourish, but they foster contrary policies. This explains how left and right disagree on moral emphases, attitudes about time, rights versus responsibilities, manipulative strategies, and societal enemies—and why sharing or alternation in power benefits society. Market economies use incentives to create wealth, but these increase inequality. We hope our theory will help foster mutual respect among those on the left and right as both sides come to appreciate what the other side does to benefit society.
摘要为了理解和减少党派间的敌意,我们提出人类进化是为了从文化社会中受益。社会执行着两项关键任务,这两项任务已经分开,现在得到了政治对手的支持:(1)积累资源,(2)分配资源。政治右翼侧重于积累资源,而政治左翼侧重于重新分配资源。这两项任务都是社会繁荣所必需的,但它们助长了相反的政策。这解释了左派和右派在道德重点、对时间的态度、权利与责任、操纵策略和社会敌人方面的分歧,以及为什么权力的分享或交替有利于社会。市场经济利用激励措施来创造财富,但这些措施加剧了不平等。我们希望我们的理论将有助于促进左翼和右翼之间的相互尊重,因为双方都开始意识到对方为社会所做的一切。
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引用次数: 0
Baumeister and Bushman’s Conflicted Theory of Political Conflict 鲍迈斯特和布什曼的政治冲突理论
IF 9.3 2区 心理学 Q1 Psychology Pub Date : 2023-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/1047840X.2023.2192645
Jarret T. Crawford
In their target article, Baumeister and Bushman (BB; this issue) describe a “cultural animal” theory of political partisan conflict and hostility. There is little positive I can say about this article. My critique focuses on six primary problems: (1) ignoring relevant scientific evidence that challenges their thesis; (2) shoe-horning contradictory psychological evidence to fit their thesis; (3) lack of specificity in their predictive model; (4) ignoring or ignorance of political realities that challenge their thesis; (5) logical incoherence in examples provided to bolster their thesis; and (6) statements or claims that are politically tone deaf at best, and offensive at worst.
在他们的目标文章中,Baumeister和Bushman(BB;本期)描述了政治党派冲突和敌意的“文化动物”理论。关于这篇文章,我几乎没有什么正面的评价。我的批评集中在六个主要问题上:(1)忽视了挑战他们论文的相关科学证据;(2) 寻找矛盾的心理证据以符合他们的论点;(3) 他们的预测模型缺乏特异性;(4) 忽视或忽视挑战其论点的政治现实;(5) 为支持他们的论点而提供的例子中的逻辑不连贯;以及(6)往好里说是政治上充耳不闻,往坏里说是冒犯性的言论或主张。
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引用次数: 0
Resources and Partisanship: Response to Commentaries 资源与党派:对评论的回应
IF 9.3 2区 心理学 Q1 Psychology Pub Date : 2023-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/1047840X.2023.2192654
R. Baumeister, B. Bushman
We thank all the commentators for their diligent and thoughtful efforts on our article. The detailed and scholarly work by several of them went far beyond the call of duty, which was most gratifying. In this brief response, we seek to articulate what can be learned from them and to resolve some misunderstandings. Our article was motivated by the recognition that partisan hostility has increased in recent years, particularly in the United States of America (USA). We thought social psychologists might be well positioned to seek ways of reducing the conflict, given the field’s accumulated expertise regarding human interactions and group processes. Judging by these commentaries, we were perhaps overly optimistic about social psychology’s potential for promoting social harmony in this fashion. Indeed, only the Aquino et al. (this issue) commentary took up the theme of how to reduce partisan conflict.
我们感谢所有评论者为我们的文章所做的勤奋和周到的努力。他们中有几个人的详细和学术工作远远超出了职责的要求,这是最令人满意的。在这个简短的回应中,我们试图阐明可以从他们身上学到什么,并解决一些误解。我们写这篇文章的动机是认识到近年来党派间的敌意有所增加,特别是在美利坚合众国。我们认为,鉴于社会心理学在人际交往和群体过程方面积累的专业知识,社会心理学家可能会很好地寻找减少冲突的方法。从这些评论来看,我们可能对社会心理学以这种方式促进社会和谐的潜力过于乐观了。事实上,只有阿基诺等人(本期)的评论谈到了如何减少党派冲突的主题。
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引用次数: 0
Transparency and Inclusion in Psychological Inquiry: Reflecting on the Past, Embracing the Present, and Building an Inclusive Future 心理探究的透明与包容:反思过去,拥抱现在,构建包容的未来
IF 9.3 2区 心理学 Q1 Psychology Pub Date : 2022-10-02 DOI: 10.1080/1047840X.2023.2172277
I. Grossmann
s of the target articles, first determining common topics and subsequently calculating relative weight of twelve most frequently mentioned topics over time. Figure 1 shows themes which have dominated the discourse so far. Constant features are the topics of motivation (incl. needs and goals) and self-control, cognitive processes and their metacognitive regulation, mental health and well-being, individual differences and social cognition, as well as theoretical issues concerning research methods in psychology. Dominance of some themes reflects the Zeitgeist. The topic of meta-science—present in the journal since the first issue—become especially prominent in the last decade of Open Science movement. On the other hand, the topic of mental health and well-being was pronounced around the time of the discussions about well-being and the subsequent emergence of the Positive Psychology field in late 1990searly 2000s. In the new millennium, cultural diversity and related societal issues became salient, with the trend continuing to this day. Further, judgment and decision-making made a big entry in the last 15 years, possibly due the Nobel Prize in economics to Kahneman in 2002, and greater focus on behavioral economics thereafter. Toward Greater Equity and Diversity of Submissions The original idea behind Psychological Inquiry—a dialogue through open peer exchange about contentious ideas and theories—remains as important today as it was over three decades ago. Interdisciplinary research is on the rise (Van Noorden, 2015). Therefore, concepts and theories have an opportunity to be enriched by perspectives coming from different fields of studies. At the same time, intellectual silos and cultural echo-chambers remain—while more scholars today work in interdisciplinary teams of specialists than before (“Why Interdisciplinary Research Matters,” 2015), focus on specialization can also produce intellectual silos within one’s discipline. Such silos are often not conducive to the cumulative advancement of science. Scientific silos may be especially damaging for psychology (Cacioppo, 2007), where theoretical approaches touch on many neighboring disciplines, from anthropology and economics, to biology, linguistics, and neuroscience, to philosophy and education, to sociology and political science, to health studies, and so on (Boyack, Klavans, & B€orner, 2005). Scholars connecting closer to one of the neighboring fields may diverge in their grand theories, favor methodological paradigms others may find peculiar or simply be unfamiliar with, and develop their own jargon, all contributing to confusion about the concepts, methods, and evaluation of the results. How can we combat such disciplinary isolationism? An idea pursued by Psychological Inquiry since its inception has been to provide scholars with an opportunity for a civil discussion and debate of diverse ideas, and promoting a dialogue to clarify misunderstandings about theories, methods, or interpretation of c
S的目标文章,首先确定常见主题,然后计算12个最常被提及的主题随时间的相对权重。图1显示了迄今为止主导话语的主题。不变的特征是动机(包括需求和目标)和自我控制,认知过程及其元认知调节,心理健康和福祉,个体差异和社会认知,以及有关心理学研究方法的理论问题。一些主题的主导反映了时代精神。元科学的话题从第一期开始就出现在杂志上,在开放科学运动的过去十年中变得尤为突出。另一方面,心理健康和幸福的话题是在关于幸福的讨论以及随后在20世纪90年代末至21世纪初积极心理学领域出现的时候提出的。在新的千年里,文化多样性和相关的社会问题变得突出,这种趋势一直持续到今天。此外,判断和决策在过去15年里取得了重大进展,可能是由于卡尼曼在2002年获得了诺贝尔经济学奖,以及此后对行为经济学的更多关注。心理学探究背后的最初理念——通过公开的同行交流来讨论有争议的观点和理论——在今天仍然和三十多年前一样重要。跨学科研究正在兴起(Van Noorden, 2015)。因此,概念和理论有机会被来自不同研究领域的观点所丰富。与此同时,知识孤岛和文化回声室仍然存在——尽管今天有更多的学者在跨学科的专家团队中工作(“为什么跨学科研究很重要”,2015),但专注于专业化也会在一个学科内产生知识孤岛。这样的竖井往往不利于科学的累积进步。科学的筒井可能对心理学尤其有害(Cacioppo, 2007),其中理论方法涉及许多邻近学科,从人类学和经济学,到生物学,语言学和神经科学,到哲学和教育学,到社会学和政治学,到健康研究等等(Boyack, Klavans, & B€orner, 2005)。与一个相邻领域联系更紧密的学者可能会在他们的大理论上产生分歧,倾向于其他人可能觉得奇怪或根本不熟悉的方法范式,并发展自己的行话,所有这些都导致了对概念、方法和结果评估的混淆。我们怎样才能反对这种学科孤立主义呢?《心理探究》自成立以来一直追求的一个理念是,为学者们提供一个对不同观点进行民间讨论和辩论的机会,并促进对话,以澄清对理论、方法或核心结果解释的误解。值得注意的是,如果不考虑我们领域中可能存在的盲点和偏见,就不可能出现思想的多样性。尽管学者们在整个二十世纪都指出心理学研究(以及人类行为模型)的参与者缺乏多样性(例如,Sears, 1986),但直到最近十年,研究参与者的有限多样性问题才成为讨论如何提高理论和现象的普遍性的前沿。正如Henrich, Heine, and Norenzayan(2010)所指出的,在20世纪的大多数心理学研究中,心理学研究的模态参与者一直是美国精英大学的白人大学生。十年前,他们发表了一篇有影响力的论文,阐述了心理学研究中十分之九的参与者来自西方、英语、工业化、富裕和民主(WEIRD)国家,但缺乏抽样多样性的问题仍然存在(例如,Cheon, Melani, & Hong, 2020;Hruschka, Medin, Rogoff, & Henrich, 2018)。在线众包工作者平台(例如Amazon Mechanical Turk或多产学术)参与调查和实验,获得适度报酬,这有助于将心理学研究扩展到大学生之外,但也引入了结构性不平等和新的限制:这样的众筹平台在南半球很少出现,只有少数例外,它们依赖于更高的英语水平,并且将研究的范围限制在那些可以在线管理的现象上。研究人员关注不足的两个相关盲点是文化中心理现象的情境性(如Markus & Kitayama, 1991;Shweder, 1991)和历史背景(Gergen, 1978;Muthukrishna, Henrich, & Slingerland, 2021;瓦纳姆和格罗斯曼,2021;维果斯基,1978)。 对于许多像我这样的心理科学家来说,大多数心理现象都受到文化和生态介导的信仰、习惯、社会化模式和实践的约束,这似乎是不言而喻的。每当文化发生变化,现象的内部运作也会随之发生变化。然而,除了口头上强调考虑这些见解的理论含义的重要性之外,我们这个领域的许多人似乎更着迷于那些声称具有普遍性而不是文化或时间特殊性的现象。我们经常把可能是特定环境(通常是美国)特有的现象作为心理共性来呈现它们的内部运作。如果我们接受文化背景的概念,它通常是现象的“调节器”,即。,这是一个变量,从理论上讲,它与人们旨在探索的现象是分开的,而不是作为它所嵌入的系统的一部分(见巴雷特,2022,关于为什么这种方法可能会误导的例子)。最后,考虑一下关于社会阶级和不平等、两极分化、教育或心理健康等话题的讨论:对特定心理现象的“怪异”解释通常会作为主导解释出现,并与其他解释进行比较。因此,非weird学者很难就其文化背景下特定现象的不同内在运作提出同样有价值的见解。这些关于我们这个领域有限的多样性的观察对心理学理论的进步具有启示意义。如果人类行为的模型是建立在心理探究的透明和包容的基础上的话
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引用次数: 0
Complex, Dynamic, & Internal: As Simple As Possible, But No Simpler Than That 复杂、动态和内部:尽可能简单,但不比这更简单
IF 9.3 2区 心理学 Q1 Psychology Pub Date : 2022-10-02 DOI: 10.1080/1047840X.2022.2160595
Iftach Amir, Noga Aviad, Amit Bernstein
Abstract In response to the Attention to Thoughts (A2T) model, scholars reflected on and raised critical questions about the proposed complex dynamic systems theory, its computational formalization, and its implications for theory and study of internal attention and internally-directed cognition (IDC). We identify and reflect on three major themes that cut across these response papers related to, complexity, temporal dynamics, and internal states as a focus of scientific inquiry. (1) As Simple As Possible, But No Simpler: Necessary Complexity. We delineate the importance of developing formalized and dynamic systems theory to model behavioral complexity in IDC. Specifically, behavioral variations or processes which exhibit a range of trajectories and states of variable levels of temporal stability, that emerge from reciprocal and (often) non-linear interactions between attentional, mnemonic and affective processes, that unfold over time and context. (2) Complex Dynamical Systems Emerge in Time . We reflect on the observation that temporal trajectories, that self-organize into relatively stable patterns, across time-scales, emerge from moment-to-moment interactions within the system over micro time-scales; and that through circular causality that facilitates systemic self-regulation, emergent higher-level structures or macro time-scale trajectories function to constrain these moment-to-moment interactions within the system. In turn, we relate to future developments of A2T to model developmental, learning and plasticity processes in IDC that emerge over macro time-scales. (3) The Elephant in the Lab: Is Robust Scientific Theory and Study of Internal States Possible? We reflect on the conditions wherein external attention is, and is not, likely a meaningful proxy for internal attention, and the implications therein for the study of attention in mental health and related phenomena sub-served by IDC. Finally, we relate to future developments of A2T that could reflect theorized computational heterogeneity in objects competing for internal attentional selection.
摘要针对注意力-思想(A2T)模型,学者们对所提出的复杂动态系统理论、其计算形式化及其对内部注意力和内部定向认知(IDC)理论和研究的启示进行了反思并提出了关键问题。我们确定并反思了贯穿这些回应论文的三个主要主题,即复杂性、时间动态和作为科学研究重点的内部状态。(1) 尽可能简单,但不简单:必要的复杂性。我们阐述了开发形式化和动态系统理论对IDC中行为复杂性建模的重要性。具体而言,行为变化或过程表现出一系列时间稳定性的轨迹和状态,这些变化或过程源于注意力、记忆和情感过程之间的相互和(通常)非线性互动,随着时间和环境的推移而展开。(2) 复杂动力系统在时间中出现。我们反思了这样一个观察结果,即时间轨迹在时间尺度上自组织成相对稳定的模式,在微观时间尺度上从系统内的时刻到时刻的相互作用中出现;通过促进系统自我调节的循环因果关系,新兴的更高层次结构或宏观时间尺度轨迹起到了约束系统内这些瞬间互动的作用。反过来,我们将A2T的未来发展与IDC中在宏观时间尺度上出现的发展、学习和可塑性过程建模联系起来。(3) 实验室里的大象:稳健的科学理论和内部状态研究可能吗?我们反思了外部注意力可能是,也不可能是内部注意力的有意义的替代品的条件,以及其中对IDC研究心理健康中的注意力和相关现象的影响。最后,我们讨论了A2T的未来发展,它可以反映竞争内部注意力选择的对象的理论计算异质性。
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引用次数: 0
Focusing Inward: A Timely Yet Daunting Challenge for Clinical Psychological Science 向内聚焦:临床心理科学面临的及时而艰巨的挑战
IF 9.3 2区 心理学 Q1 Psychology Pub Date : 2022-10-02 DOI: 10.1080/1047840X.2022.2149183
E. Koster, Igor Marchetti, Ivan Grahek
Amir and Bernstein (this issue) propose a dynamical model of internally-directed cognition aimed at explaining the complex interactions between current goals, negative affect, and attentional selection in working memory. They connect the literature on internal attention, working memory, affect, rumination, and mind wandering to propose a formal mathematical model of internally-directed cognition. In this paper, they do not just provide a window on how people become stuck in loops of negative thinking, but they also provide a nice example of how clinical psychological science can move toward more formal theoretical models. In taking such an exciting step, we believe that this work also encounters some of the challenges faced by formal models of maladaptive cognition. Below we discuss some of these issues, not in order to criticize the current work, but to open a discussion, which we feel is paramount as the field of clinical psychology moves in the direction of developing formal theoretical models. In brief, the three main issues are: (1) the proposed model does not build on the existing cognitive models; (2) the model increases rather than decreases the complexity of the phenomenon; (3) there are no standard/alternative frameworks to compare the A2T model to, and it is not clear which kind of data or experiments could corroborate or falsify the model. New models should build on the existing formal models of cognitive processes. The reproducibility crisis in psychology (Open Science Collaboration, 2015; Simmons, Nelson, & Simonsohn, 2011) has led to significant changes in the way we conduct research, which include preregistration and better statistical methodology (Benjamin et al., 2018; Nosek, Ebersole, DeHaven, & Mellor, 2018). In the slipstream of this movement, a reinvigorated discussion has been opened on the role and current status of theory in psychology (e.g., Fried, 2020; Grahek, Schaller, & Tackett, 2021; Haslbeck, Ryan, Robinaugh, Waldorp, & Borsboom, 2021). Clearly, clinical psychological science has no shortage of rather vague, descriptive theories that are difficult to test and disprove. Many areas of psychology are moving in the direction of developing stronger theories, which could guide experimentation and increase the overall rigor of psychological science. In this context, clinical psychology is faced with the task of creating formal mathematical models of important phenomena, including the ones which the A2T model tackles. This effort, often referred to as computational psychiatry (Huys, Maia, & Frank, 2016; Montague, Dolan, Friston, & Dayan, 2012), is showing a lot of promise. The crucial part of this effort is to develop computational models that are relevant for understanding psychopathology, but also have direct links with the existing formal models from cognitive science. In this way, clinical psychology can build on the existing models, and extend them in order to better understand psychopathology. Such efforts are alread
Amir和Bernstein(本期)提出了一个内定向认知的动态模型,旨在解释工作记忆中当前目标、负面影响和注意选择之间复杂的相互作用。他们将关于内部注意、工作记忆、情感、反刍和走神的文献联系起来,提出了一个内部导向认知的正式数学模型。在这篇论文中,他们不仅为人们如何陷入消极思维的循环提供了一个窗口,而且还为临床心理科学如何走向更正式的理论模型提供了一个很好的例子。在迈出如此激动人心的一步时,我们相信这项工作也遇到了一些适应不良认知的正式模型所面临的挑战。下面我们讨论其中的一些问题,不是为了批评当前的工作,而是为了展开讨论,我们认为这是至关重要的,因为临床心理学领域正朝着发展正式理论模型的方向发展。简而言之,主要存在三个问题:(1)所提出的模型没有建立在现有认知模型的基础上;(2)模型增加而不是降低了现象的复杂性;(3)没有标准/替代框架来比较A2T模型,也不清楚哪种数据或实验可以证实或证伪该模型。新的模型应该建立在现有的认知过程的正式模型之上。心理学中的可重复性危机(Open Science Collaboration, 2015;Simmons, Nelson, & Simonsohn, 2011)导致我们进行研究的方式发生了重大变化,其中包括预登记和更好的统计方法(Benjamin et al., 2018;Nosek, Ebersole, DeHaven, & Mellor, 2018)。在这一运动的潮流中,关于理论在心理学中的作用和现状的讨论重新活跃起来(例如,Fried, 2020;Grahek, Schaller, & Tackett, 2021;Haslbeck, Ryan, Robinaugh, Waldorp, & Borsboom, 2021)。显然,临床心理科学并不缺乏相当模糊的、描述性的理论,这些理论很难检验和反驳。心理学的许多领域正朝着发展更强有力的理论的方向发展,这些理论可以指导实验,并提高心理学科学的整体严谨性。在这种背景下,临床心理学面临着创建重要现象的形式化数学模型的任务,包括A2T模型所处理的那些。这种努力通常被称为计算精神病学(Huys, Maia, & Frank, 2016;蒙塔古,多兰,弗里斯顿,&达扬,2012),显示出很大的希望。这项工作的关键部分是开发与理解精神病理学相关的计算模型,但也与认知科学的现有正式模型有直接联系。通过这种方式,临床心理学可以在现有模型的基础上进行扩展,从而更好地理解精神病理学。这样的努力已经出现在许多领域,包括决策(Huys, Daw, & Dayan, 2015),学习(Brown等人,2021),工作记忆(Collins, Albrecht, Waltz, Gold, & Frank, 2017)和认知控制(Dillon等人,2015;Grahek, Shenhav, Musslick, Krebs, & Koster, 2019)。这是A2T车型在进一步开发中需要做最多工作的地方。虽然作者提到了一些映射到其模型组件上的模型(Hazy et al., 2007),但目前所有这些组件都是在非常高的水平上建模的。虽然这是一个必要且伟大的第一步,但该模型将受益于整合现有的注意力控制、工作记忆和情感模型的架构。除非做到这一点,否则我们将失去在规范框架内进行累积科学研究和对临床过程形成综合理解的机会。在过去的几年里,抑郁症的认知控制领域提出了这一问题,临床心理科学理论的发展没有关注认知控制的基本认知实验科学(Grahek, Everaert, Krebs, & Koster, 2018)。
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引用次数: 0
Clarifying Internally-Directed Cognition: A Commentary on the Attention to Thoughts Model 澄清内部指向性认知——关注思维模式述评
IF 9.3 2区 心理学 Q1 Psychology Pub Date : 2022-10-02 DOI: 10.1080/1047840X.2022.2141005
David R. Vago, N. Farb, R. N. Spreng
David R. Vago , Norman Farb , and R. Nathan Spreng Department of Psychology, Vanderbilt University, Nashville, Tennessee; Contemplative Sciences Center, University of Virginia, Charlottesville, Virginia; Department of Psychology, University of Toronto Mississauga, Mississauga, Canada; Laboratory of Brain and Cognition, Montreal Neurological Institute, Department of Neurology and Neurosurgery, Faculty of Medicine, McGill University, Montreal, Canada; Departments of Psychiatry and Psychology, McGill University, Montreal, Canada; Douglas Mental Health University Institute, Verdun, Canada; McConnell Brain Imaging Centre, Montreal Neurological Institute, McGill University, Montreal, Canada
David R. Vago, Norman Farb和R. Nathan spring,田纳西州纳什维尔范德比尔特大学心理学系;维吉尼亚州夏洛茨维尔市维吉尼亚大学冥想科学中心;加拿大密西沙加多伦多大学心理学系;加拿大蒙特利尔麦吉尔大学医学院神经病学与神经外科蒙特利尔神经研究所脑与认知实验室;加拿大蒙特利尔麦吉尔大学精神病学与心理学系;加拿大凡尔登道格拉斯心理健康大学研究所;加拿大蒙特利尔麦吉尔大学蒙特利尔神经学研究所麦康奈尔脑成像中心
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引用次数: 1
Too Much Flexibility in a Dynamical Model of Repetitive Negative Thinking? 重复消极思维的动态模型过于灵活?
IF 9.3 2区 心理学 Q1 Psychology Pub Date : 2022-10-02 DOI: 10.1080/1047840X.2022.2149195
Marieke K. van Vugt, H. Jamalabadi
Abstract Iftach and Bernstein propose a dynamical system model of task-unrelated thought that is designed to explain how repetitive negative thinking (RNT) and maladaptive internally-directed cognition more generally arises from attentional biases, working memory, and negative affect. They show that specifically during a period of low task demands, it is easier for negative affect to grab resources and take over with RNT. They also postulate that for individuals with high cognitive reactivity, this tendency for RNT to take over is increased. We argue this paper is an important move forward toward understanding in what circumstances RNT takes over, but also that the model is not yet sufficiently “formalized.” Specifically, we notice excessive levels of flexibility and redundancy that could undermine the explainability of the model. Moreover, the likelihood of negative thinking, as implemented in the proposed model, relies heavily on working memory capacity. In response to this observation, we give suggestions for how the parametrization of this model could be done in a more principled manner. We think such an analysis paves the way for more principled computational modeling of RNT which can be applied to describing empirical data and eventually, to inform decision-making in clinical settings.
摘要Iftach和Bernstein提出了一个任务无关思维的动力系统模型,旨在解释重复性消极思维(RNT)和适应不良的内部定向认知通常是如何由注意力偏见、工作记忆和负面影响引起的。他们表明,特别是在任务需求较低的时期,负面影响更容易攫取资源并接管RNT。他们还假设,对于认知反应性高的个体来说,RNT接管的趋势会增加。我们认为,这篇论文是朝着理解RNT在什么情况下接管的方向迈出的重要一步,但也表明该模型尚未充分“形式化”。具体而言,我们注意到过度的灵活性和冗余可能会破坏模型的可解释性。此外,在所提出的模型中,消极思维的可能性在很大程度上取决于工作记忆能力。针对这一观察结果,我们提出了如何以更有原则的方式对该模型进行参数化的建议。我们认为,这样的分析为更原则的RNT计算建模铺平了道路,该模型可用于描述经验数据,并最终为临床环境中的决策提供信息。
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引用次数: 0
Implicit Bias as Automatic Behavior 内隐偏见是一种自动行为
IF 9.3 2区 心理学 Q1 Psychology Pub Date : 2022-07-03 DOI: 10.1080/1047840X.2022.2106764
Kate A. Ratliff, C. Smith
Researchers interested in implicit bias agree that no one agrees what implicit bias is. Gawronski, Ledgerwood, and Eastwick (this issue) join a spate of scholars calling for better conceptual clarity around what it means for a construct or a measure to be implicit (Corneille & H€ utter, 2020; Fazio, Granados Samatoa, Boggs, & Ladanyi, 2022; Schmader, Dennehy, & Baron, 2022; Van Dessel et al., 2020). Some argue we should do away with the term entirely (Corneille & H€ utter, 2020), and others argue that authors simply need to do a better job defining how they are idiosyncratically using the term each time they use it (Greenwald & Lai, 2020). In their target article, Gawronski et al. argue for a fundamental redefinition of what it means for bias to be implicit. More specifically, they argue that implicit bias (IB) and bias on implicit measures (BIM) are conceptually and empirically distinct, and that BIM (defined as “effects of social category membership on behavioral responses captured by measurement instruments conventionally describe as implicit”) should not be treated as an instance of IB (defined as “behavioral responses influenced by social category cues when respondents are unaware of the effect of social category cues on their behavioral responses”). We agree that the time has come for our definition of implicit to be revamped in light of new findings. In fact, it is past time; we co-chaired a symposium titled “What is implicit about implicit attitudes?” at the Society for Personality and Social Psychology’s annual meeting in 2009, more than a decade ago. And we applaud the authors of the target article for taking a bold step toward making a change. Further, we agree with them that bias is best defined as a behavioral phenomenon rather than a latent mental construct. This is not a statement we make lightly; it has required some serious scholarly contemplation of the current state of the literature and some serious non-scholarly contemplation of our own egos to reach this conclusion. For some time now we, like most others, have described implicit bias as something that people have–e.g., participants have an implicit bias favoring one novel individual over another (Ratliff & Nosek, 2011), have an implicit preference favoring White over Black Americans (Chen & Ratliff, 2018), or have an implicit positive or negative attitude toward feminists (Redford, Howell, Meijs, & Ratliff, 2018). Many of us are quite invested in this way of thinking. And change is hard! But we recognize that we gain a lot by taking this more functional approach to bias. Most notably, a functional approach allows researchers to circumvent the perplexing situation of using the same name for construct and measure. Further, many of us working in this area are doing so because we hope to provide insights through which people can change their behavior in order to reduce inequality on real life issues that matter. Given that the problem of bias is a behavioral problem (De Houwer,
对隐性偏见感兴趣的研究人员一致认为,没有人同意什么是隐性偏见,和Eastwick(本期)加入了一系列学者的行列,呼吁更好地从概念上澄清隐含的结构或措施的含义(Cornelle&H€utter,2020;Fazio、Granados-Samatoa、Boggs和Ladanyi,2022;Schmader、Dennehy和Baron,2022;Van Dessel等人,2020)。一些人认为我们应该完全废除这个词(Cornelle&H€utter,2020),另一些人则认为,作者只需要更好地定义他们每次使用这个词时是如何独特地使用这个词的(Greenwald&Lai,2020)。在他们的目标文章中,Gawronski等人主张从根本上重新定义隐性偏见的含义。更具体地说,他们认为内隐偏见(IB)和对内隐测量的偏见(BIM)在概念和经验上是不同的,BIM(定义为“社会类别成员资格对测量仪器捕捉到的行为反应的影响,通常被描述为隐含的”)不应被视为IB的一个例子(定义为:“当受访者不知道社会类别线索对其行为反应的影响时,受社会类别线索影响的行为反应”)。我们一致认为,现在是时候根据新的发现来修改我们对隐性的定义了。事实上,时间已经过去了;在十多年前的2009年人格与社会心理学学会年会上,我们共同主持了一个题为“内隐态度的内隐是什么?”的研讨会。我们赞扬目标文章的作者在做出改变方面迈出了大胆的一步。此外,我们同意他们的观点,即偏见最好被定义为一种行为现象,而不是一种潜在的心理结构。这不是我们轻率的声明;要得出这个结论,需要对文学的现状进行一些严肃的学术思考,也需要对我们自己的自我进行一些严肃而非学术的思考。一段时间以来,我们和大多数其他人一样,将内隐偏见描述为人们所具有的东西——例如,参与者对一个小说个体比对另一个有内隐偏见(Ratliff&Nosek,2011),对白人比对美国黑人有内隐偏好(Chen和Ratliff,2018),或者对女权主义者有隐含的积极或消极态度(Redford,Howell,Meijs,&Ratliff,2018)。我们中的许多人都对这种思维方式非常投入。改变很难!但我们认识到,通过采取这种更具功能性的方法来解决偏见,我们收获了很多。最值得注意的是,功能方法使研究人员能够避免使用相同名称进行构建和测量的令人困惑的情况。此外,我们许多在这一领域工作的人之所以这样做,是因为我们希望提供见解,让人们能够改变自己的行为,以减少现实生活中重要问题上的不平等。鉴于偏见问题是一个行为问题(De Houwer,2019),用行为术语来定义偏见是有意义的。因此,让我们同意将偏见定义为社会类别线索对行为反应的影响。然而,我们仍然面临着偏见隐含的问题。为此,我们想对目标文章提出两个关切。首先,如果作者提出BIM不一定应被视为IB的一个例子,我们会同意;但我们不同意强烈的语言暗示BIM永远不应该被视为IB的一个例子;第二,我们不同意意识(原作者可与意识互换使用)是区分隐性偏见和显性偏见的唯一或最佳因素。意识是一件混乱的事情,几乎不可能描述任何给定的效果是无意识的还是有意识的,因为大多数,也许所有,都有这两者的方面。相反,我们主张基于自动性的特征来区分内隐和外显偏见(Moors&De Houwer,2006)。
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引用次数: 1
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Psychological Inquiry
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