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Radio Okapi online newspapers: Between media framing, conflict and peacebuilding 霍加皮电台在线报纸:媒体框架、冲突与建设和平之间的关系
Pub Date : 2024-09-15 DOI: 10.1177/17506352241268833
Delphin Rukumbuzi Ntanyoma
United Nations Peacekeeping Operations (UNPKOs) have incorporated a Public Information (PI) component to communicate with the public. This component has shifted from public outreach towards media reports on current events, including violent incidents. Few studies have assessed the contribution of the PI components of UN-led media. This article assesses the framing of Radio Okapi (RO) online newspaper articles to understand RO’s contribution to peacebuilding processes in the Eastern Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), an ethnically highly polarized region where many sites are difficult to access. By analysing how RO reports on violent incidents in this region, the study identifies some shortfalls in RO’s PI role. Its framing of reporting can obscure the causes of conflict, for example, by equating ethnic communities with their armed actors and giving secondary importance to the direct victims of armed violence. Moreover, much RO reporting relies on uncorroborated and questionable sources of information, mostly provided by security services. Its framing is unlikely to contribute to sustainable peacebuilding processes and thus does not meet the PI aspirations of UNPKOs. This article suggests that journalists should be empowered with background skills and knowledge relevant to peace journalism, framing news reports in ways that help tackle the root causes and drivers of violent conflict.
联合国维持和平行动(UNPKOs)已纳入了与公众沟通的公共信息(PI)部分。这部分内容已从公众宣传转向媒体对当前事件(包括暴力事件)的报道。很少有研究对联合国领导的媒体的新闻部分的贡献进行评估。本文评估了霍加皮电台(RO)在线报纸文章的框架,以了解霍加皮电台对刚果民主共和国东部(DRC)建设和平进程的贡献。通过分析 RO 如何报道该地区的暴力事件,本研究发现了 RO 在 PI 角色中的一些不足之处。例如,报告的框架可能会掩盖冲突的起因,将民族社区与其武装行动者等同起来,将武装暴力的直接受害者放在次要地位。此外,区域办事处的许多报告都依赖于未经证实和可疑的信息来源,其中大部分由安全部门提供。其框架不太可能有助于可持续的和平建设进程,因此不符合联合国维和行动的和平倡议愿望。本文建议,应赋予记者与和平新闻相关的背景技能和知识,以有助于解决暴力冲突的根源和驱动因素的方式进行新闻报道。
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引用次数: 0
Personalized, war and peace journalism on Twitter: The Russo-Ukrainian War through the lens of political journalists 推特上的个性化战争与和平新闻:政治记者镜头下的俄乌战争
Pub Date : 2024-09-14 DOI: 10.1177/17506352241268403
Nina Fabiola Schumacher, Kristin Shi-Kupfer, Christian Nuernbergk
This study compares communication patterns of German political journalists with correspondents assigned in covering Russia/Ukraine regarding the ongoing Russo-Ukrainian War discourse on Twitter (now X). During the 2022 Russian invasion of Ukraine, Twitter has been an important platform for (European) politicians, journalists and other stakeholders to share their views on the war. In general, journalists differ largely in terms of Twitter activity and in posting individual contributions. This comparative research delves into the analysis of journalistic communication in 4,460 tweets, focusing on war and peace journalism framing. The study also investigates the personalization characteristics present in these tweets, considering individual-level influences through the hierarchy of influence model. Specifically, the work employs both peace journalism theoretical framework and the hierarchy of influence model to scrutinize the communication strategies of German political journalists and correspondents covering Russia/Ukraine on Twitter amidst the ongoing Russo-Ukrainian War discourse. So far, both approaches have not been combined for the analysis of conflict and war communication in social media. We tracked journalistic tweets for five months from September 2022 to February 2023. Our content analysis shows that, within the journalistic contributions, a peace journalism framework dominates. More than three-quarters of the tweets contain an expression of opinion and around one-third evaluations. Personalization characteristics of politicians are present in almost one-quarter of the tweets.
本研究比较了德国政治记者与被指派报道俄罗斯/乌克兰的通讯员在推特(现为 X)上就当前俄乌战争言论的交流模式。在 2022 年俄罗斯入侵乌克兰期间,推特一直是(欧洲)政治家、记者和其他利益相关者分享战争观点的重要平台。总体而言,记者们在推特活动和发布个人贡献方面存在很大差异。这项比较研究深入分析了 4,460 条推文中的新闻传播,重点关注战争与和平新闻的框架。研究还调查了这些推文中存在的个性化特征,并通过影响层次模型考虑了个人层面的影响因素。具体而言,该研究同时采用了和平新闻理论框架和影响层次模型,以仔细研究德国政治记者和通讯员在推特上报道俄乌战争话语时的传播策略。迄今为止,还没有人将这两种方法结合起来分析社交媒体中的冲突和战争传播。我们追踪了 2022 年 9 月至 2023 年 2 月五个月的新闻推文。我们的内容分析显示,在新闻报道中,和平新闻框架占主导地位。超过四分之三的推文包含意见表达,约三分之一包含评价。近四分之一的推文中包含政治家的个性化特征。
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引用次数: 0
‘Journalism in another form’: How exile experiences from Burundi renegotiate key elements of journalism 另一种形式的新闻报道":布隆迪的流亡经历如何重新谈判新闻业的关键要素
Pub Date : 2024-09-02 DOI: 10.1177/17506352241268814
Louisa Esther, Richard H Thomas
Since the renewed outbreak of the ongoing crisis in Burundi in May 2015, triggering a media crackdown, over one-third of the country’s reporters have gone into exile. They therefore joined an increasing number of journalists worldwide who are forced into exile. Between 2015 and 2021, many of the exiled Burundian journalists continued reporting for newly founded exile media in neighbouring Rwanda. Before their forced closure in 2021, these exile media had established themselves as successful outlets providing the only independent information from an otherwise blacked-out country. Based on semi-structured interviews with 10 exiled Burundian journalists conducted in Rwanda in 2020, this article exemplifies how the condition of exile impacts journalistic practice and norms, and renegotiates ideas of media professionalism. It is shown how Burundian exiled journalists display a strong personal conscience as journalists highlighting the voice of the voiceless and attempting to separate activism from their journalism. At the same time, the findings identify the main struggles of Burundian exiled journalists in maintaining operational objectivity, which depends on funding, providing balanced reporting without access to official sources and conducting verification of information in the unattainable field. These challenges are in line with the findings of several other case studies with exiled journalists from different regions. Therefore, this article complements the rapidly growing body of literature on exile journalism with a Global South perspective, which to date is not well represented on the map of exile journalism that mostly features cases of exile in the Global North. Furthermore, this article shows that situating exile experiences within existing theories and frameworks of journalism presents limits as exile journalism, as in the Burundian case, is journalism ‘in another form’ with new practices and renegotiated standards of professionalism.
自 2015 年 5 月布隆迪再次爆发持续危机并引发媒体镇压以来,该国超过三分之一的记者流亡国外。因此,他们加入了全世界越来越多被迫流亡的记者行列。2015 年至 2021 年间,许多流亡的布隆迪记者继续为邻国卢旺达新成立的流亡媒体进行报道。在 2021 年被迫关闭之前,这些流亡媒体已成为成功的媒体,为这个被封锁的国家提供唯一的独立信息。本文以 2020 年在卢旺达对 10 名流亡的布隆迪记者进行的半结构式采访为基础,举例说明了流亡条件如何影响新闻实践和规范,以及如何重新谈判媒体专业主义的理念。文章展示了布隆迪流亡记者如何表现出强烈的个人良知,作为记者,他们强调无声者的声音,并试图将激进主义与他们的新闻工作区分开来。与此同时,研究结果还指出了布隆迪流亡记者在保持业务客观性方面所面临的主要困 难,这取决于资金、在无法获得官方消息来源的情况下提供平衡的报道以及在无法实现的 领域对信息进行核实。这些挑战与其他几项针对不同地区流亡记者的案例研究结果是一致的。因此,本文以全球南部的视角对迅速增长的流亡新闻文献进行了补充,迄今为止,全球南部在流亡新闻地图上并没有得到很好的体现。此外,本文还表明,将流亡经历置于现有的新闻理论和框架中会受到限制,因为流亡新闻(如布隆迪的案例)是 "另一种形式 "的新闻,具有新的实践和重新谈判的专业标准。
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引用次数: 0
Framing the 2013 Westgate Mall attack: A comparative study of Kenyan and US media perspectives 塑造 2013 年西门购物中心袭击事件:肯尼亚和美国媒体视角的比较研究
Pub Date : 2024-08-30 DOI: 10.1177/17506352241272746
Osman Osman
This article explores the diverse media framing of the 2013 Westgate Mall attack presented by Kenyan and US newspapers. The author reveals how national contexts and cultural values shape news narratives by analyzing 242 articles from Kenya’s Daily Nation and Standard and the US’s New York Times and Washington Post. The findings show that Kenyan and US newspapers predominantly employed episodic frames, with Kenyan newspapers utilizing them in 69.7 percent of articles compared to US newspapers in 64 percent of articles. This episodic focus highlights individual experiences and immediate events consistent with broader media trends. However, the study uncovers significant differences in micro-level framing: Kenyan media emphasized human-interest narratives (69.1%), focusing on personal stories and emotional impact, while US media prioritized the conflict frame (49%), framing the attack within broader geopolitical conflicts. This contrast illustrates how Kenyan media fostered national unity and empathy, albeit at the expense of critically examining systemic issues. In contrast, US media reinforced conflict-driven geopolitical narratives and potentially oversimplified the complexities of the attack and its context. The study underscores how media narratives shape public perception and policy discourse, reflecting broader national interests and cultural contexts. The analysis highlights the importance of understanding diverse media frames to grasp the full implications of global events. It suggests further research incorporating various media formats and broader sample sizes to deepen insights into media framing effects.
本文探讨了肯尼亚和美国报纸对 2013 年西门购物中心袭击事件的不同媒体报道。作者通过分析肯尼亚《民族日报》和《标准报》以及美国《纽约时报》和《华盛顿邮报》的 242 篇文章,揭示了国家背景和文化价值观如何塑造新闻叙事。研究结果表明,肯尼亚和美国报纸主要采用情节性框架,肯尼亚报纸有 69.7% 的文章采用这种框架,而美国报纸有 64% 的文章采用这种框架。这种情节性的重点突出了个人经历和即时事件,与更广泛的媒体趋势相一致。然而,研究发现了微观层面框架的显著差异:肯尼亚媒体强调人文关怀叙事(69.1%),关注个人故事和情感影响,而美国媒体则优先考虑冲突框架(49%),将袭击事件置于更广泛的地缘政治冲突中。这种对比说明了肯尼亚媒体是如何促进民族团结和情感共鸣的,尽管是以牺牲对系统问题的批判性审视为代价的。相比之下,美国媒体则强化了冲突驱动的地缘政治叙事,并有可能过度简化了袭击事件及其背景的复杂性。这项研究强调了媒体叙事如何塑造公众认知和政策话语,反映出更广泛的国家利益和文化背景。分析强调了理解不同媒体框架对全面把握全球事件影响的重要性。研究建议进一步研究各种媒体形式和更广泛的样本量,以加深对媒体框架效应的认识。
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引用次数: 0
Performing terror, communicating fear: Analysing terrorism as performance of violence 表演恐怖,传递恐惧:分析作为暴力表演的恐怖主义
Pub Date : 2024-08-30 DOI: 10.1177/17506352241268709
Mercy Ette
This study conceptualizes terrorist acts as performance of violence. It concentrates on how Jama’atu Ahlis Sunnah Lida’awati Wal Jihad, a transnational terrorist group commonly known as Boko Haram, stages dramatic spectacles to generate public fear and anxiety by deploying the news media to publicize its activities. Predicated on a conceptual framework consisting of performance theory, news media–terrorism nexus and newsworthiness, the study illustrates how terrorist groups and media organizations exploit each other’s affordances to actualize tactical and strategic goals. The author asserts that terrorist groups command the attention and gaze of diverse audiences by generating newsworthy, conflictual, consequential and impactful contents for news organizations. The study concludes that Boko Haram’s activities are illustrative of terrorism as the communication of symbolic messages through the performance of violence.
本研究将恐怖主义行为概念化为暴力表演。研究集中于牙买加先知圣战组织(Jama'atu Ahlis Sunnah Lida'awati Wal Jihad)这个俗称 "博科圣地"(Boko Haram)的跨国恐怖组织如何通过利用新闻媒体宣传其活动来制造戏剧性场面,从而引起公众的恐惧和焦虑。本研究以表演理论、新闻媒体-恐怖主义关系和新闻价值组成的概念框架为基础,阐述了恐怖组织和媒体组织如何利用对方的承受能力来实现战术和战略目标。作者断言,恐怖组织通过为新闻机构提供具有新闻价值、冲突性、后果性和影响力的内容,来吸引不同受众的关注和目光。研究得出结论,博科圣地组织的活动说明恐怖主义是通过暴力表现来传播象征性信息。
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引用次数: 0
The US press and foreign policy information, cueing, and the democratic process in the Syrian conflict 叙利亚冲突中的美国新闻和外交政策信息、提示和民主进程
Pub Date : 2024-08-26 DOI: 10.1177/17506352241269626
Mehrnaz Khanjani
There were three chemical attacks on Syrian civilians in 2013, 2017, and 2018. In 2013, President Obama proposed military action and it was rejected by Congress. President Trump ordered two airstrikes in 2017 and 2018, without congressional authorization. Investigating news reports and statements issued by the members of the House and Senate show that there were major criticisms among US officials in all three periods. In the month after the three foreign policy declarations (congressional vote in 2013, airstrikes in 2017 and 2018), the US press increased their reliance on US officials and followed the standpoint of powerful domestic officials in criticizing the military intervention policy – whether proposed or in action. They covered a significant amount of criticism in 2013 that officials voted a nay and raised their objections, and marginalized critical standpoints in times of forgoing democratic procedures and powerlessness of representatives to change the policy. This research also demonstrates the increasing role of NGOs and activists in picturing realities in Syria.
2013年、2017年和2018年,叙利亚平民遭受了三次化武袭击。2013年,奥巴马总统提议采取军事行动,但遭到国会否决。2017年和2018年,特朗普总统未经国会授权,两次下令空袭。调查新闻报道和参众两院议员发表的声明显示,在这三个时期,美国官员都提出了重大批评。在三项外交政策声明(2013 年的国会投票,2017 年和 2018 年的空袭)发表后的一个月内,美国新闻界增加了对美国官员的依赖,并追随国内强势官员的立场批评军事干预政策--无论是提议还是行动。他们在2013年报道了大量官员投反对票和提出反对意见的批评,并在放弃民主程序和代表无力改变政策的时候将批评立场边缘化。这项研究还表明,非政府组织和活动家在描绘叙利亚现实方面发挥着越来越重要的作用。
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引用次数: 0
In the digital trenches: Mapping the structure and evolution of the Islamic State’s information ecosystem (2023–2024) 数字战壕:绘制伊斯兰国信息生态系统的结构和演变图(2023-2024 年)
Pub Date : 2024-08-24 DOI: 10.1177/17506352241274554
Miron Lakomy
Based on open-source intelligence, social network analysis and comparative analysis, this study discusses the structure, evolution and most important features of the pro-Islamic State (IS) information ecosystem on the surface web between July 2023 and March 2024. It proves that the core of its propaganda distribution network is surprisingly centralized around three stand-alone domains, including one link directory – Fahras – and two propaganda repositories: I’lam and al-Raud. These webpages constitute the core of the ecosystem, densely interconnected with a broad range of secondary channels designed to lure online audiences to these hotspots of pro-IS communication. This centrality manifests a previously unnoticed shift in IS’s methods of designing and maintaining propaganda distribution networks. The study also shows that, despite frequent claims from stakeholders, IS has not abandoned exploiting mainstream social networks, although only some of them were preferred. On top of this, it proves that the pro-IS media bureaus continued to rely on a broad range of file-sharing services, including the Internet Archive, although the latter proved quite efficient in taking down its productions. Last but not least, IS confirms the continued interest of Daesh in exploiting several types of encrypted communication apps, such as Telegram and Rocket Chat.
本研究以公开来源情报、社交网络分析和比较分析为基础,讨论了 2023 年 7 月至 2024 年 3 月期间地表网络上亲伊斯兰国(IS)信息生态系统的结构、演变和最重要的特征。研究证明,其宣传传播网络的核心出人意料地集中在三个独立域名上,包括一个链接目录--Fahras 和两个宣传资料库:I'lam 和 al-Raud。这些网页构成了生态系统的核心,并与各种次级渠道紧密相连,旨在吸引在线受众访问这些支持伊斯兰国的传播热点。这种中心地位表明 IS 设计和维护宣传传播网络的方法发生了以前未曾注意到的变化。研究还表明,尽管利益相关者经常声称,IS 并未放弃利用主流社交网络,尽管其中只有部分社交网络受到青睐。此外,研究还证明,亲 IS 的媒体局继续依赖广泛的文件共享服务,包括互联网档案馆,尽管后者在删除其作品方面被证明是相当有效的。最后但并非最不重要的一点是,IS 证实达伊什继续有兴趣利用几类加密通信应用程序,如 Telegram 和 Rocket Chat。
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引用次数: 0
The effects of the war in Ukraine on the environment of Ukrainian artists: An evaluation by a diagnostic survey 乌克兰战争对乌克兰艺术家环境的影响:通过诊断调查进行评估
Pub Date : 2024-08-15 DOI: 10.1177/17506352241269604
Józef Ober, Serhii Rusakov, Tetiana Matusevych
The 2022 invasion of Ukraine by the Russian Federation has triggered many socioeconomic changes, not only in the countries directly affected by the hostilities but also in the global economy. It should be noted that there has been considerable academic interest in various aspects of international security and stability. This study seeks to address the lacuna in research by evaluating the effects of the war in Ukraine on the environment of Ukrainian artists. By conducting a diagnostic survey, the study aims to assess the socio-economic and cultural challenges faced by artists in conflict-affected areas. Through this investigation, the study attempts to shed light on the unique struggles and resilience of Ukrainian artists amidst the turmoil of war. The results of the research indicate that artists working in the audiovisual arts sector are more likely than other groups distinguished by the cultural sector to perceive a consequence of the war for producers of Ukrainian cultural products internationally in the form of increased financial assistance from international partners, investors and the diaspora. On the contrary, artists working in the performing arts sector are less likely than other groups to see the breaking of partnerships with lobbyists of Russian aggression in Ukraine because of the war for producers of Ukrainian cultural products in Ukraine. Furthermore, the need for Ukrainian artists to relocate after Russian military aggression has not affected their cultural and artistic initiatives for war-related purposes.
2022 年俄罗斯联邦入侵乌克兰不仅在直接受敌对行动影响的国家,而且在全球经济中引发了许多社会经济变化。应该指出的是,学术界对国际安全与稳定的各个方面都有相当大的兴趣。本研究试图通过评估乌克兰战争对乌克兰艺术家所处环境的影响来填补研究空白。通过开展诊断性调查,本研究旨在评估受冲突影响地区的艺术家所面临的社会经济和文化挑战。通过这项调查,研究试图揭示乌克兰艺术家在战争动荡中的独特挣扎和复原能力。研究结果表明,与文化部门的其他群体相比,从事音像艺术工作的艺术家更有可能从国际合作伙伴、投资者和侨民那里获得更多的财政援助,从而使乌克兰文化产品的生产者在国际上感受到战争带来的影响。相反,与其他群体相比,从事表演艺术的艺术家不太可能因为乌克兰境内的乌克兰文化产品生产者的战争而与俄罗斯侵略乌克兰的游说者断绝伙伴关系。此外,乌克兰艺术家在俄罗斯军事侵略后需要搬迁,但这并没有影响他们为战争相关目的而采取的文化和艺术举措。
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引用次数: 0
Exploring the psycho-social wellbeing of journalists in Kashmir within the context of neoliberalism 探讨新自由主义背景下克什米尔记者的社会心理健康问题
Pub Date : 2024-08-08 DOI: 10.1177/17506352241268711
Dilnaz Boga
Journalists from India-administered Kashmir have endured the psycho-social brunt of living in a militarized zone. Restrictions imposed on the media by the governing class in a neoliberal milieu function to regulate the narrative on the conflict with the help of agenda setting. This analysis identifies themes of direct, indirect and structural violence, and shows how psychological symptoms such as anxiety, alienation, hypervigilance, helplessness, depression and trauma emerge from them. Employing thematic analysis coupled with a deductive approach, the author highlights how working conditions of the journalists shape their psycho-social wellbeing. In-depth interviews with Kashmiri photojournalists, journalists and editors (print and digital) and secondary sources, such as local and international studies on the psychological wellbeing of the population in general, demonstrate the psycho-social wellbeing of journalists in the Kashmir Valley.
印控克什米尔地区的记者承受着生活在军事化地区的社会心理冲击。在新自由主义的环境下,统治阶级对媒体施加的限制通过设置议程来调节对冲突的叙述。这项分析确定了直接、间接和结构性暴力的主题,并展示了焦虑、疏远、过度警惕、无助、抑郁和创伤等心理症状是如何从中产生的。作者采用主题分析法和演绎法,强调了记者的工作条件如何影响他们的社会心理健康。通过对克什米尔摄影记者、记者和编辑(平面媒体和数字媒体)的深入采访,以及二手资料来源,如关于一般人群心理健康的本地和国际研究,展示了克什米尔山谷记者的社会心理健康。
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引用次数: 0
Kosovo’s path to Jerusalem: Orientalist political communication and the free world discourse 科索沃通往耶路撒冷之路:东方主义政治传播与自由世界话语
Pub Date : 2024-08-04 DOI: 10.1177/17506352241267254
Denijal Jegić
This article proposes that the Kosovar political communication toward Israel exemplifies Kosovo’s positioning as a proxy for the US, and highlights the significance and simultaneous absence of Palestine in the meaning-making of Kosovo’s political identity and its place in the world. Through an analysis of Kosovo’s recent political communication toward Israel, the author suggests that the Kosovar political elite has applied the Orientalist discourse of the ‘free world’ in order to establish analogies between Kosovo and Israel as brave and threatened democracies defending Western civilization and frontiers. A detailed engagement with the position of Muslim-majority Kosovo at Europe’s periphery and Palestine as a site of European settler-colonialism situates the current narrative presented by the Kosovar political elite within the broader contexts of colonialism, Orientalism and Islamophobia, with particular focus on the 2020 Washington Agreement brokered by US President Donald Trump.
本文提出,科索沃对以色列的政治沟通体现了科索沃作为美国代理的定位,并强调了巴勒斯坦在科索沃政治身份及其在世界上的地位的意义建构中的重要性及其同时的缺失。通过分析科索沃最近对以色列的政治沟通,作者认为科索沃政治精英运用了 "自由世界 "的东方主义话语,将科索沃和以色列类比为捍卫西方文明和边界的勇敢而又受到威胁的民主国家。通过详细探讨穆斯林占多数的科索沃在欧洲边缘的地位以及巴勒斯坦作为欧洲定居者殖民主义场所的地位,将科索沃政治精英当前的叙述置于殖民主义、东方主义和伊斯兰恐惧症的大背景下,并特别关注美国总统唐纳德-特朗普促成的《2020 年华盛顿协议》。
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引用次数: 0
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Media, War & Conflict
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