Pub Date : 2024-03-25DOI: 10.46272/2587-8476-2023-14-4-133-148
M. E. Navdaeva
The article is devoted to the study of the role of marine ecology protection in the modern political course of China. Today, the ocean has great importance in Chinese development from an economic, energy, and resource point of view. However, its benefits are threatened by the environmental problems caused by anthropogenic pressure due to the development of human society, population growth, and industry. Currently, China faces plastic, waste, and oil pollution, illegal activities leading to the depletion of food resources, increasing ocean acidification due to air pollution, and degradation of the coastal environment. Awareness of the importance of the ocean for domestic and foreign policy forces China to take measures to protect it. At the same time, since the environmental agenda in modern international relations acts both as an instrument of pressure and as a means of political rise, it is effectively used by China in the struggle for global leadership both in the environmental protection sphere and in the world in general. Using the environmental agenda as a peaceful means of rising, China seeks to transform the current global order while showing itself as a responsible world leader.
{"title":"Environmental Agenda in the Modern Chinese Sea Policy","authors":"M. E. Navdaeva","doi":"10.46272/2587-8476-2023-14-4-133-148","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.46272/2587-8476-2023-14-4-133-148","url":null,"abstract":"The article is devoted to the study of the role of marine ecology protection in the modern political course of China. Today, the ocean has great importance in Chinese development from an economic, energy, and resource point of view. However, its benefits are threatened by the environmental problems caused by anthropogenic pressure due to the development of human society, population growth, and industry. Currently, China faces plastic, waste, and oil pollution, illegal activities leading to the depletion of food resources, increasing ocean acidification due to air pollution, and degradation of the coastal environment. Awareness of the importance of the ocean for domestic and foreign policy forces China to take measures to protect it. At the same time, since the environmental agenda in modern international relations acts both as an instrument of pressure and as a means of political rise, it is effectively used by China in the struggle for global leadership both in the environmental protection sphere and in the world in general. Using the environmental agenda as a peaceful means of rising, China seeks to transform the current global order while showing itself as a responsible world leader.","PeriodicalId":506402,"journal":{"name":"Journal of International Analytics","volume":" 75","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-03-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140384732","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-03-25DOI: 10.46272/2587-8476-2023-14-4-52-74
I. A. Makarov, A. Shuranova
This article explores the escalating impact of climate change and the global green transition on international relations, particularly in the aftermath of the Paris Agreement in 2015. While physical risks stemming directly from climate change consequences are a concern, the rise of transition risks associated with the global green shift poses significant threats to societies, political systems, and economies. The current emissions reduction targets outlined in the Paris Agreement are deemed inadequate to address the mounting physical risks, underscoring the imperative of enhancing states’ climate security. Transition risks are intricately linked to the fragmentation of global politics, driven by varying climate ambitions and disagreements on decarbonization methods among states. Fault lines emerge based on factors such as fossil fuel abundance, states’ positions in energy geopolitics, socio-economic development levels, utilization of green transition opportunities, and participation in international climate agreements. In this context, Russia confronts numerous risks, compelling the nation to articulate and advocate its unique vision of decarbonization while fostering alliances with non-Western states in this critical domain.
{"title":"Climate Change as a New Factor of International Relations","authors":"I. A. Makarov, A. Shuranova","doi":"10.46272/2587-8476-2023-14-4-52-74","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.46272/2587-8476-2023-14-4-52-74","url":null,"abstract":"This article explores the escalating impact of climate change and the global green transition on international relations, particularly in the aftermath of the Paris Agreement in 2015. While physical risks stemming directly from climate change consequences are a concern, the rise of transition risks associated with the global green shift poses significant threats to societies, political systems, and economies. The current emissions reduction targets outlined in the Paris Agreement are deemed inadequate to address the mounting physical risks, underscoring the imperative of enhancing states’ climate security. Transition risks are intricately linked to the fragmentation of global politics, driven by varying climate ambitions and disagreements on decarbonization methods among states. Fault lines emerge based on factors such as fossil fuel abundance, states’ positions in energy geopolitics, socio-economic development levels, utilization of green transition opportunities, and participation in international climate agreements. In this context, Russia confronts numerous risks, compelling the nation to articulate and advocate its unique vision of decarbonization while fostering alliances with non-Western states in this critical domain.","PeriodicalId":506402,"journal":{"name":"Journal of International Analytics","volume":" 17","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-03-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140383769","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-03-25DOI: 10.46272/2587-8476-2023-14-4-120-132
S. Manyshev
The article is devoted to the issues of preventing the novel coronavirus infection in Georgia during the pandemic and the influence of the religious judgments of the Georgian Orthodox Church on them. Based on data from open sources the article describes the state of the healthcare system in Georgia during the coronavirus pandemic. A retrospective analysis of the reform of the country’s healthcare system in the post-Soviet period was performed, shedding light on its readiness for significant challenges, such as the pandemic. Thereby the reasons for the population’s distrust of the public healthcare system in general and the preventive measures it offers in the form of vaccination become clear. Much attention is paid to the relationship between the state and the church, as well as their attitude to the issues of preventing infection through vaccination and influencing public opinion. A set of measures taken by the government to localize the infection, aimed at preventing its further spread, is analyzed. Against the background of a description of the attitude of the clergy to the coronavirus pandemic in other countries, both the main position of the Georgian Orthodox Church regarding the disease and preventive measures, as well as the views of individual hierarchs, which do not always coincide with the official opinion of the Synod, are demonstrated. In addition, the author illustrates the history of the protest movement in Georgia during the pandemic, associated with state policy regarding measures to prevent the novel coronavirus infection. Separately, information is presented from the author’s field material obtained from informants during the pandemic, demonstrating different views on the issues of observance of religious rituals during the pandemic, trust in the healthcare system, and vaccination as a preventive measure supported by the state. In conclusion, the consequences about the issues posed by the coronavirus pandemic to the Georgian government are demonstrated, such as the availability and quality of medical care, as well as the interaction of the institutions of the secular state and the Georgian Orthodox Church.
{"title":"Coronavirus Pandemic in Georgia: Between Church and Vaccination","authors":"S. Manyshev","doi":"10.46272/2587-8476-2023-14-4-120-132","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.46272/2587-8476-2023-14-4-120-132","url":null,"abstract":"The article is devoted to the issues of preventing the novel coronavirus infection in Georgia during the pandemic and the influence of the religious judgments of the Georgian Orthodox Church on them. Based on data from open sources the article describes the state of the healthcare system in Georgia during the coronavirus pandemic. A retrospective analysis of the reform of the country’s healthcare system in the post-Soviet period was performed, shedding light on its readiness for significant challenges, such as the pandemic. Thereby the reasons for the population’s distrust of the public healthcare system in general and the preventive measures it offers in the form of vaccination become clear. Much attention is paid to the relationship between the state and the church, as well as their attitude to the issues of preventing infection through vaccination and influencing public opinion. A set of measures taken by the government to localize the infection, aimed at preventing its further spread, is analyzed. Against the background of a description of the attitude of the clergy to the coronavirus pandemic in other countries, both the main position of the Georgian Orthodox Church regarding the disease and preventive measures, as well as the views of individual hierarchs, which do not always coincide with the official opinion of the Synod, are demonstrated. In addition, the author illustrates the history of the protest movement in Georgia during the pandemic, associated with state policy regarding measures to prevent the novel coronavirus infection. Separately, information is presented from the author’s field material obtained from informants during the pandemic, demonstrating different views on the issues of observance of religious rituals during the pandemic, trust in the healthcare system, and vaccination as a preventive measure supported by the state. In conclusion, the consequences about the issues posed by the coronavirus pandemic to the Georgian government are demonstrated, such as the availability and quality of medical care, as well as the interaction of the institutions of the secular state and the Georgian Orthodox Church.","PeriodicalId":506402,"journal":{"name":"Journal of International Analytics","volume":" 349","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-03-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140383595","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-03-25DOI: 10.46272/2587-8476-2023-14-4-107-119
E. I. Burkova
This paper examines the response of political communities to the COVID-19 pandemic. Using methodological approaches such as political globalism, world-system and structural-functional analysis, the author examines the political conditions of nation-states for coping with the pandemic and its consequences. Within this framework, the problem of the systemic crisis of the modern state, the effectiveness of public administration and decision-making systems was also addressed. The focus was on issues of political development, considered in the context of the evolution of democracy, civic political participation, the role of non-governmental organisations and elites, and the relationship between values and goals in the global and national political agenda. The article also touches upon the problem of “infodemics.” The paper concludes with recommendations for adding an environmental component to the concept of national security.
{"title":"The COVID-19 Pandemic Through the Environmental Discourse: the State, Civil Society, the Problems of Development","authors":"E. I. Burkova","doi":"10.46272/2587-8476-2023-14-4-107-119","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.46272/2587-8476-2023-14-4-107-119","url":null,"abstract":"This paper examines the response of political communities to the COVID-19 pandemic. Using methodological approaches such as political globalism, world-system and structural-functional analysis, the author examines the political conditions of nation-states for coping with the pandemic and its consequences. Within this framework, the problem of the systemic crisis of the modern state, the effectiveness of public administration and decision-making systems was also addressed. The focus was on issues of political development, considered in the context of the evolution of democracy, civic political participation, the role of non-governmental organisations and elites, and the relationship between values and goals in the global and national political agenda. The article also touches upon the problem of “infodemics.” The paper concludes with recommendations for adding an environmental component to the concept of national security.","PeriodicalId":506402,"journal":{"name":"Journal of International Analytics","volume":" 78","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-03-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140384873","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-03-25DOI: 10.46272/2587-8476-2023-14-4-75-90
I. V. Bolgova, E. Stolyarova
The article analyzes the EU Carbon Border Adjustment mechanism (CBAM) through the lens of the EU’s aspiration to strengthen its leadership in fighting climate change. The introduction of CBAM is viewed as another step toward achieving the EU's goal of climate neutrality, which has become a standard for global development. By studying the internal and external dynamics of CBAM's implementation, the article aims to analyze its role as a tool for diplomatic and exemplary leadership. On the one hand, the EU seeks to protect European producers from producers from countries with lower climate standards. On the other hand, the EU’s desire to involve other countries in creating CBAM-style mechanisms is supposed to strengthen the EU’s leadership, contributing to the formation of multilateral “climate clubs” and the gradual revision of the existing climate regime. However, the article suggests that there are inherent contradictions in the EU's approach. While it seeks to protect its economy through CBAM, it also frames these measures within the narrative of multilateral cooperation. This dual approach poses challenges to the EU's leadership potential. The protectionist nature of CBAM makes other global players, primarily the U.S., follow the same path of taking protective measures. China is not willing to give up its own framing of the climate agenda due to its importance for the construction of China’s international identity. Russia’s perception of the climate change problem is infl uenced by its national interests and the structure of economy. The projection of regulatory power beyond the EU’s borders also provokes resistance from developing and least developed countries, which can seriously damage the EU’s role as a normative power.
{"title":"EU Climate Leadership: Contradictions Inherent in Carbon Regulation","authors":"I. V. Bolgova, E. Stolyarova","doi":"10.46272/2587-8476-2023-14-4-75-90","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.46272/2587-8476-2023-14-4-75-90","url":null,"abstract":"The article analyzes the EU Carbon Border Adjustment mechanism (CBAM) through the lens of the EU’s aspiration to strengthen its leadership in fighting climate change. The introduction of CBAM is viewed as another step toward achieving the EU's goal of climate neutrality, which has become a standard for global development. By studying the internal and external dynamics of CBAM's implementation, the article aims to analyze its role as a tool for diplomatic and exemplary leadership. On the one hand, the EU seeks to protect European producers from producers from countries with lower climate standards. On the other hand, the EU’s desire to involve other countries in creating CBAM-style mechanisms is supposed to strengthen the EU’s leadership, contributing to the formation of multilateral “climate clubs” and the gradual revision of the existing climate regime. However, the article suggests that there are inherent contradictions in the EU's approach. While it seeks to protect its economy through CBAM, it also frames these measures within the narrative of multilateral cooperation. This dual approach poses challenges to the EU's leadership potential. The protectionist nature of CBAM makes other global players, primarily the U.S., follow the same path of taking protective measures. China is not willing to give up its own framing of the climate agenda due to its importance for the construction of China’s international identity. Russia’s perception of the climate change problem is infl uenced by its national interests and the structure of economy. The projection of regulatory power beyond the EU’s borders also provokes resistance from developing and least developed countries, which can seriously damage the EU’s role as a normative power.","PeriodicalId":506402,"journal":{"name":"Journal of International Analytics","volume":" 2","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-03-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140383787","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-03-25DOI: 10.46272/2587-8476-2023-14-4-91-106
R. A. Aliev
The development of international relations after the 1973 oil crisis was accompanied by the emergence of such phenomena and concepts as global and regional energy security, energy security of states, foreign energy policy and energy diplomacy. Institutionalization and development of mechanisms ensuring energy security – including global energy security – occurred and continues to occur under the conditions of dominance of hydrocarbon fossil fuels in the world energy balance, as well as in the context of energy consumption worldwide. The priorities of its provision at the global, regional and state levels were and are the security of demand, supply and transit of hydrocarbon raw materials, and the diversification of energy sources. After signing the Paris Climate Agreement in 2015, efforts are being made to accelerate the low-carbon transformation of the world economy and the pace of the global energy transition. This involves mechanisms for responsible investment, carbon regulation, greenhouse gas emissions management (climate management); uses a variety of socially significant interpretations of ongoing climate change. These processes are increasingly determining the foreign energy policy of states, international energy diplomacy and influencing the previously formed mechanisms for ensuring energy security. The article is aimed at generalization and systematization of the ongoing changes in the activities of both traditional international centers and institutes of global energy policy, and relatively new international platforms in the subject area under consideration, primarily the Conferences of the Parties to the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change and their impact on energy policy and energy diplomacy.
{"title":"Energy Diplomacy in the Era of Energy Transition","authors":"R. A. Aliev","doi":"10.46272/2587-8476-2023-14-4-91-106","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.46272/2587-8476-2023-14-4-91-106","url":null,"abstract":"The development of international relations after the 1973 oil crisis was accompanied by the emergence of such phenomena and concepts as global and regional energy security, energy security of states, foreign energy policy and energy diplomacy. Institutionalization and development of mechanisms ensuring energy security – including global energy security – occurred and continues to occur under the conditions of dominance of hydrocarbon fossil fuels in the world energy balance, as well as in the context of energy consumption worldwide. The priorities of its provision at the global, regional and state levels were and are the security of demand, supply and transit of hydrocarbon raw materials, and the diversification of energy sources. After signing the Paris Climate Agreement in 2015, efforts are being made to accelerate the low-carbon transformation of the world economy and the pace of the global energy transition. This involves mechanisms for responsible investment, carbon regulation, greenhouse gas emissions management (climate management); uses a variety of socially significant interpretations of ongoing climate change. These processes are increasingly determining the foreign energy policy of states, international energy diplomacy and influencing the previously formed mechanisms for ensuring energy security. The article is aimed at generalization and systematization of the ongoing changes in the activities of both traditional international centers and institutes of global energy policy, and relatively new international platforms in the subject area under consideration, primarily the Conferences of the Parties to the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change and their impact on energy policy and energy diplomacy.","PeriodicalId":506402,"journal":{"name":"Journal of International Analytics","volume":" 12","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-03-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140383934","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-03-25DOI: 10.46272/2587-8476-2023-14-4-149-160
A. S. Ginzburg, N. A. Samoylovskaya
In the 1980s, one of the fundamental topics of scientific debate was the discussion of the global consequences of nuclear war. At that time, the hypothesis of “nuclear winter” emerged, in which scientists attempted to analyse the theoretical possibility of a sharp cooling of the Earth after mass fires, and to find natural analogues of a potential climatic catastrophe. In the following decades, the “nuclear winter” hypothesis went through various stages of criticism and reassessment. In the early 2000s, studies of the problem became regional in nature, focusing mainly on the possible consequences of local nuclear conflicts. In this article, the authors analyse the stages of development of research on the “nuclear winter” hypothesis, focusing on the Russian and American approaches, and conclude that the body of work produced by American and Soviet scientists in 1983–1985 represents the first attempts by the scientific community to conceptualise the problem of responsible nuclear policy.
{"title":"“Nuclear Winter” Hypothesis Research and Responsibilities in Nuclear Policy","authors":"A. S. Ginzburg, N. A. Samoylovskaya","doi":"10.46272/2587-8476-2023-14-4-149-160","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.46272/2587-8476-2023-14-4-149-160","url":null,"abstract":"In the 1980s, one of the fundamental topics of scientific debate was the discussion of the global consequences of nuclear war. At that time, the hypothesis of “nuclear winter” emerged, in which scientists attempted to analyse the theoretical possibility of a sharp cooling of the Earth after mass fires, and to find natural analogues of a potential climatic catastrophe. In the following decades, the “nuclear winter” hypothesis went through various stages of criticism and reassessment. In the early 2000s, studies of the problem became regional in nature, focusing mainly on the possible consequences of local nuclear conflicts. In this article, the authors analyse the stages of development of research on the “nuclear winter” hypothesis, focusing on the Russian and American approaches, and conclude that the body of work produced by American and Soviet scientists in 1983–1985 represents the first attempts by the scientific community to conceptualise the problem of responsible nuclear policy.","PeriodicalId":506402,"journal":{"name":"Journal of International Analytics","volume":" 8","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-03-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140383666","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-03-24DOI: 10.46272/2587-8476-2023-14-4-21-36
A. B. Likhacheva
In this article, the author compares the objective dynamics of changes in the state of the water problem since the beginning of the 21st century, which has continued to worsen in most regions of the world, and its foreign policy dimension, noting the transition from the global water alarmism of the 1990s to the challenges for small and medium powers, in solving the problems in which no major actor is yet actively interested. Fresh water, despite the slogans at the end of the last century about future water wars, the “blue oil” and the “new gold” of the 21ST century, has not become, and is unlikely to become, the cause of confrontation between great powers, while medium and small powers are still confine themselves to more traditional forms of conflict, including in the Tigris, the Euphrates and the Jordan basins, which have been seen for decades as a testing ground for future water wars. This does not negate the role of water bodies and ecosystems in promoting development or, conversely, in perpetuating the poverty and backwardness in entire regions. Waters remain in competition as an important source of water-intensive goods that can be converted into valuable assets – water-intensive goods, energy or the ability to achieve higher levels of the Human Development Index. And, of course, they can be used to exacerbate ethnic and political conflicts. This is where the potential of Russia, the world’s second water power, comes into play, both in terms of directly regulating regional water challenges and in influencing the approaches of international organizations and associations, in which Moscow plays a prominent role.
{"title":"“Neither Water, nor War:” the Problem of Fresh Water in International Relations of the First Quarter of the 21st Century","authors":"A. B. Likhacheva","doi":"10.46272/2587-8476-2023-14-4-21-36","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.46272/2587-8476-2023-14-4-21-36","url":null,"abstract":"In this article, the author compares the objective dynamics of changes in the state of the water problem since the beginning of the 21st century, which has continued to worsen in most regions of the world, and its foreign policy dimension, noting the transition from the global water alarmism of the 1990s to the challenges for small and medium powers, in solving the problems in which no major actor is yet actively interested. Fresh water, despite the slogans at the end of the last century about future water wars, the “blue oil” and the “new gold” of the 21ST century, has not become, and is unlikely to become, the cause of confrontation between great powers, while medium and small powers are still confine themselves to more traditional forms of conflict, including in the Tigris, the Euphrates and the Jordan basins, which have been seen for decades as a testing ground for future water wars. This does not negate the role of water bodies and ecosystems in promoting development or, conversely, in perpetuating the poverty and backwardness in entire regions. Waters remain in competition as an important source of water-intensive goods that can be converted into valuable assets – water-intensive goods, energy or the ability to achieve higher levels of the Human Development Index. And, of course, they can be used to exacerbate ethnic and political conflicts. This is where the potential of Russia, the world’s second water power, comes into play, both in terms of directly regulating regional water challenges and in influencing the approaches of international organizations and associations, in which Moscow plays a prominent role.","PeriodicalId":506402,"journal":{"name":"Journal of International Analytics","volume":" 11","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-03-24","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140385218","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-03-24DOI: 10.46272/2587-8476-2023-14-4-37-51
E. A. Maslova
In the era of globalization and the global distribution of goods, including food, food security is not always adequately considered, especially in the so-called global North. This approach contrasts sharply with the climate agenda, which focuses on the existential side of food security. The Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations (FAO) reports that almost 12% of the world’s population is severely food insecure; 29% is moderately or severely food insecure; almost one in three people in the world (2.37 billion) do not have access to adequate nutrition, and the prevalence of malnutrition has reached 9.8% in 2021. These negative trends existed long before the coronavirus pandemic, which only aggravated the situation, causing food insecurity levels to spike in 2020 (up 1.5% from 2019). Food security is closely intertwined with other global problems of modernity, in particular, with the problem of climate change on Earth. In this regard, Russia’s role as a leading exporter of agro-food products, especially wheat, is great. The article considers the relationship between food security problems and climate change, analyzes the evolution of understanding of the food security problem and approaches to its solution. The factors affecting the state of food security in Russia are examines separately.
{"title":"Food Security and Climate Agenda","authors":"E. A. Maslova","doi":"10.46272/2587-8476-2023-14-4-37-51","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.46272/2587-8476-2023-14-4-37-51","url":null,"abstract":"In the era of globalization and the global distribution of goods, including food, food security is not always adequately considered, especially in the so-called global North. This approach contrasts sharply with the climate agenda, which focuses on the existential side of food security. The Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations (FAO) reports that almost 12% of the world’s population is severely food insecure; 29% is moderately or severely food insecure; almost one in three people in the world (2.37 billion) do not have access to adequate nutrition, and the prevalence of malnutrition has reached 9.8% in 2021. These negative trends existed long before the coronavirus pandemic, which only aggravated the situation, causing food insecurity levels to spike in 2020 (up 1.5% from 2019). Food security is closely intertwined with other global problems of modernity, in particular, with the problem of climate change on Earth. In this regard, Russia’s role as a leading exporter of agro-food products, especially wheat, is great. The article considers the relationship between food security problems and climate change, analyzes the evolution of understanding of the food security problem and approaches to its solution. The factors affecting the state of food security in Russia are examines separately.","PeriodicalId":506402,"journal":{"name":"Journal of International Analytics","volume":" 43","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-03-24","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140386247","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-03-24DOI: 10.46272/2587-8476-2023-14-4-11-20
A. A. Avramenko
.
.
{"title":"Politicization of Ecology and Ecologization of Politics: Values and Interests","authors":"A. A. Avramenko","doi":"10.46272/2587-8476-2023-14-4-11-20","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.46272/2587-8476-2023-14-4-11-20","url":null,"abstract":"<jats:p>.</jats:p>","PeriodicalId":506402,"journal":{"name":"Journal of International Analytics","volume":" 54","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-03-24","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140385852","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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