Pub Date : 2024-06-15DOI: 10.20874/2071-0437-2024-65-2-6
Shamil Najafov, D.A. Kirichenko, V.А. Аsadov
This article presents the results of rescue archaeological excavations carried out in November 2015 — January 2016 (following the program of archaeological research in new building sites, within the framework of the South Caucasus Pipeline Expansion project) near the Gazanbulag River, in the Borsunli kurgan cemetery, and the samples of material culture of the ancient Azerbaijan population identified within the site. The surveyed area is located about one kilometer north from the village of Veyisli, on the right side of the highway leading to the district center — the city of Goranboy (Goranboy district, the Republic of Azerbaijan), at an altitude of 219 m.a.s.l. During the archaeological exploration work carried out in 2013, about 30 burial mounds were discovered on the territory of the Borsunlu “Camp” and near the Gazanbulag River. In 2015–2016, nine burial mounds were excavated at the “Camp” site. All these mounds had a covering consisting of medium and large stones. The space between the stone rows of mounds was filled with earth. Burial chambers were found in all of them except for kurgans 3 and 8. Despite the fact that mounds 7 and 9 had chambers and equipment, they did not contain human remains. In some mounds (Nos. 6, 7, 9) the burial chambers were located in the center of the mound covering, while in others (Nos. 1, 2, 4, and 5) on its slopes. In the burials, representative archaeological materials were revealed, which shed light on the study of religious beliefs, social status and life of ancient inhabitants of the analysed area of Azerbaijan. Samples of ceramic vessels found in the mounds are characteristic to the Khojaly-Gadabay archaeological culture in their shape and content. Apart from pottery, numerous bronze items of jewellery were found in the graves: bracelets, rings, earrings, diadems, flat buttons, headbands, beads. The discovered iron products are represented by knife blades and iron rod. It can be assumed that persons with a special high social status were interred in the Gazanbulag kurgan cemetery. Based on the type, structure, grave goods recovered, as well as the results of the radiocarbon analysis, the analysed burial mounds are mainly dated to the end of the Bronze Age and the begin-ning of the Early Iron Age, precisely to the 10th–9th c. BC.
{"title":"Kurgans of Gazanbulag","authors":"Shamil Najafov, D.A. Kirichenko, V.А. Аsadov","doi":"10.20874/2071-0437-2024-65-2-6","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.20874/2071-0437-2024-65-2-6","url":null,"abstract":"This article presents the results of rescue archaeological excavations carried out in November 2015 — January 2016 (following the program of archaeological research in new building sites, within the framework of the South Caucasus Pipeline Expansion project) near the Gazanbulag River, in the Borsunli kurgan cemetery, and the samples of material culture of the ancient Azerbaijan population identified within the site. The surveyed area is located about one kilometer north from the village of Veyisli, on the right side of the highway leading to the district center — the city of Goranboy (Goranboy district, the Republic of Azerbaijan), at an altitude of 219 m.a.s.l. During the archaeological exploration work carried out in 2013, about 30 burial mounds were discovered on the territory of the Borsunlu “Camp” and near the Gazanbulag River. In 2015–2016, nine burial mounds were excavated at the “Camp” site. All these mounds had a covering consisting of medium and large stones. The space between the stone rows of mounds was filled with earth. Burial chambers were found in all of them except for kurgans 3 and 8. Despite the fact that mounds 7 and 9 had chambers and equipment, they did not contain human remains. In some mounds (Nos. 6, 7, 9) the burial chambers were located in the center of the mound covering, while in others (Nos. 1, 2, 4, and 5) on its slopes. In the burials, representative archaeological materials were revealed, which shed light on the study of religious beliefs, social status and life of ancient inhabitants of the analysed area of Azerbaijan. Samples of ceramic vessels found in the mounds are characteristic to the Khojaly-Gadabay archaeological culture in their shape and content. Apart from pottery, numerous bronze items of jewellery were found in the graves: bracelets, rings, earrings, diadems, flat buttons, headbands, beads. The discovered iron products are represented by knife blades and iron rod. It can be assumed that persons with a special high social status were interred in the Gazanbulag kurgan cemetery. Based on the type, structure, grave goods recovered, as well as the results of the radiocarbon analysis, the analysed burial mounds are mainly dated to the end of the Bronze Age and the begin-ning of the Early Iron Age, precisely to the 10th–9th c. BC.","PeriodicalId":506530,"journal":{"name":"VESTNIK ARHEOLOGII, ANTROPOLOGII I ETNOGRAFII","volume":"17 6","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-06-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141336729","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-06-15DOI: 10.20874/2071-0437-2024-65-2-11
A. S. Kolyasnikova
Hyperostosis frontalis interna is an overgrowth on the inner surface of the frontal bone [Hershkovitz et al., 1999]. HFI is accompanied by hormonal and metabolic disorders usually [Hershkovitz et al., 1999]. The rate of HFI in historical groups is low (1–4 %) compared to the modern population, where the incidence of HFI can reach 70 % [Kolyasnikova, Buzhilova, 2023; Barber et al., 1997]. In the modern population, HFI is more common for women, predominantly elderly, which, at first glance, is explained by the general increase in women's life expectancy and the accumulation of various chronic pathologies in old age, including those related to metabolism. To examine the distribution of the HFI trait by sex and age, craniological material from representatives of traditional societies of farmers, hunters, nomadic and semi-nomadic pastoralists living in different climatic zones was studied. Craniological series were divided into three main groups: inhabitants of the Arctic and subarctic, temperate and continental climatic zones. A total of 1912 skulls were studied from the funds of the Research Institute and the Museum of Anthropology of Moscow State University [Alexe-eva et al., 1986]. As a result, using the example of 4 traditional groups from three climatic zones, it was shown that the sign of frontal internal hyperostosis is equally pronounced in both women and men, regardless of ethnic origin, place of residence and type of activity. The age-related increase in the frequency of hyperostosis, taking into account gender, does not give a clear trend in all groups obtained from the analysis of combined samples, which can be explained by the relatively small number of HFI observations in individual subgroups. The pattern of distribution of the trait of frontal internal hyperostosis in the modern population, where the trait is more common in older women, does not correlate with the distribution of HFI in the population adapted to environmental conditions. The results obtained suggest that in tradi-tional societies that have been selected for factors of conditions and lifestyle, regardless of their origin, the distribution of the trait of frontal internal hyperostosis will demonstrate a natural profile that is most adequate to their lifestyle and diet.
{"title":"Sex and age distribution of the Hyperostosis frontalis interna (based on skulls analysis of tra-ditional societies in Eurasia)","authors":"A. S. Kolyasnikova","doi":"10.20874/2071-0437-2024-65-2-11","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.20874/2071-0437-2024-65-2-11","url":null,"abstract":"Hyperostosis frontalis interna is an overgrowth on the inner surface of the frontal bone [Hershkovitz et al., 1999]. HFI is accompanied by hormonal and metabolic disorders usually [Hershkovitz et al., 1999]. The rate of HFI in historical groups is low (1–4 %) compared to the modern population, where the incidence of HFI can reach 70 % [Kolyasnikova, Buzhilova, 2023; Barber et al., 1997]. In the modern population, HFI is more common for women, predominantly elderly, which, at first glance, is explained by the general increase in women's life expectancy and the accumulation of various chronic pathologies in old age, including those related to metabolism. To examine the distribution of the HFI trait by sex and age, craniological material from representatives of traditional societies of farmers, hunters, nomadic and semi-nomadic pastoralists living in different climatic zones was studied. Craniological series were divided into three main groups: inhabitants of the Arctic and subarctic, temperate and continental climatic zones. A total of 1912 skulls were studied from the funds of the Research Institute and the Museum of Anthropology of Moscow State University [Alexe-eva et al., 1986]. As a result, using the example of 4 traditional groups from three climatic zones, it was shown that the sign of frontal internal hyperostosis is equally pronounced in both women and men, regardless of ethnic origin, place of residence and type of activity. The age-related increase in the frequency of hyperostosis, taking into account gender, does not give a clear trend in all groups obtained from the analysis of combined samples, which can be explained by the relatively small number of HFI observations in individual subgroups. The pattern of distribution of the trait of frontal internal hyperostosis in the modern population, where the trait is more common in older women, does not correlate with the distribution of HFI in the population adapted to environmental conditions. The results obtained suggest that in tradi-tional societies that have been selected for factors of conditions and lifestyle, regardless of their origin, the distribution of the trait of frontal internal hyperostosis will demonstrate a natural profile that is most adequate to their lifestyle and diet.","PeriodicalId":506530,"journal":{"name":"VESTNIK ARHEOLOGII, ANTROPOLOGII I ETNOGRAFII","volume":"9 2","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-06-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141335975","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-06-15DOI: 10.20874/2071-0437-2024-65-2-4
S.S. Kalieva, A. Logvin, V. Logvin, I.V. Shevnina
The Bestamak burial ground is located in the center of the Turgai trough, which connects the West Siberian and Turanian plains. The data obtained during its study suggests that of all prehistoric sites, closest to Bestamak is the well-known Sintashta largest burial ground (Sintashta mogila; SM). The analysis of combinations of ver-sions of artifacts in the graves of the burial ground shows that the community that formed it developed peacefully without major cataclysms over the lifetime of three generations of leaders. This gives us an opportunity of trying to reconstruct the social aspects of its functioning. This article represents such an attempt. The social heterogeneity of the community can be seen starting from the peculiarities of the burial structures. Some of the members were buried on a special ritual-sacrificial slot of the burial ground, without a moat. Unfortunately, it is unclear whether they formed a separate group during their lifetime or whether the selection was carried out as the moment arose. At the same time, the property qualification was not in effect, and the attempt to exclude the most able-bodied age group can be observed. The latter suggests not a random, but rather purposeful selection of candidates for a spe-cial burial. The absolute predominance of axe-adzes and quiver sets of arrows in male burials demonstrates the leading role of men in the most important aspects that ensured the very possibility of the existence of the commu-nity. The main tools of women's labor (knife, needle and piercer) show that a significant proportion of their activi-ties was sewing, and normally their production-household work was taking place within the settlement. However, in two female burials (graves 10 and 51) quiver sets of arrows were found, and in two (graves 51 and 111) axe-adzes. These findings demonstrate the possibility of involvement of women in almost all aspects of functioning of the community and, accordingly, allow us to assume their rather high social status. Two main social strata can be observed within the community. Elite burials are often marked by a pair of intact horse skeletons placed above the burial chamber. These are considered to be an important feature of the “chariot complex”. Since in our case pairs of horses were found not only in single male burials, but also in single female ones (graves 26 and 35), as well as in the burials of adults with children (graves 20 and 170), it appears we are dealing not just with charioteers them-selves, but rather with the elite (“equestrian”) segment of the community, whose representatives had the right and opportunity to use chariots. Ordinary community members (“shepherds”) did not have the right for a chariot, moreover, their burials did not contain a horse sacrifice. They dealt with small and large cattle in the meantime providing for the needs of the “equestrian” ones. The elite supplied ge-neral civil (sign of a mace), military (sign of a battle ax), and ritual-sacred (s
{"title":"The structure of the community according to the data from the Bronze Age burial ground of Bestamak","authors":"S.S. Kalieva, A. Logvin, V. Logvin, I.V. Shevnina","doi":"10.20874/2071-0437-2024-65-2-4","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.20874/2071-0437-2024-65-2-4","url":null,"abstract":"The Bestamak burial ground is located in the center of the Turgai trough, which connects the West Siberian and Turanian plains. The data obtained during its study suggests that of all prehistoric sites, closest to Bestamak is the well-known Sintashta largest burial ground (Sintashta mogila; SM). The analysis of combinations of ver-sions of artifacts in the graves of the burial ground shows that the community that formed it developed peacefully without major cataclysms over the lifetime of three generations of leaders. This gives us an opportunity of trying to reconstruct the social aspects of its functioning. This article represents such an attempt. The social heterogeneity of the community can be seen starting from the peculiarities of the burial structures. Some of the members were buried on a special ritual-sacrificial slot of the burial ground, without a moat. Unfortunately, it is unclear whether they formed a separate group during their lifetime or whether the selection was carried out as the moment arose. At the same time, the property qualification was not in effect, and the attempt to exclude the most able-bodied age group can be observed. The latter suggests not a random, but rather purposeful selection of candidates for a spe-cial burial. The absolute predominance of axe-adzes and quiver sets of arrows in male burials demonstrates the leading role of men in the most important aspects that ensured the very possibility of the existence of the commu-nity. The main tools of women's labor (knife, needle and piercer) show that a significant proportion of their activi-ties was sewing, and normally their production-household work was taking place within the settlement. However, in two female burials (graves 10 and 51) quiver sets of arrows were found, and in two (graves 51 and 111) axe-adzes. These findings demonstrate the possibility of involvement of women in almost all aspects of functioning of the community and, accordingly, allow us to assume their rather high social status. Two main social strata can be observed within the community. Elite burials are often marked by a pair of intact horse skeletons placed above the burial chamber. These are considered to be an important feature of the “chariot complex”. Since in our case pairs of horses were found not only in single male burials, but also in single female ones (graves 26 and 35), as well as in the burials of adults with children (graves 20 and 170), it appears we are dealing not just with charioteers them-selves, but rather with the elite (“equestrian”) segment of the community, whose representatives had the right and opportunity to use chariots. Ordinary community members (“shepherds”) did not have the right for a chariot, moreover, their burials did not contain a horse sacrifice. They dealt with small and large cattle in the meantime providing for the needs of the “equestrian” ones. The elite supplied ge-neral civil (sign of a mace), military (sign of a battle ax), and ritual-sacred (s","PeriodicalId":506530,"journal":{"name":"VESTNIK ARHEOLOGII, ANTROPOLOGII I ETNOGRAFII","volume":"1 12","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-06-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141336508","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-06-15DOI: 10.20874/2071-0437-2024-65-2-17
G.A. Stalinov, E. Solonenko
Rural population who lives in the same natural and cultural landscape, and sometimes within the same vil-lage, are differentiated in their rights to access natural resources. People classified as indigenous population of the North, Siberia and the Far East (KMNS), unlike officially non-indigenous population, receive legal access to various biological resources. Positive discrimination of particular groups, for various reasons attributed to ‘more’ indigenous, has been causing controversy among anthropologists and sociologists for several decades, espe-cially regarding the situation of non-indigenous residents of multi-ethnic rural areas who do not have the right of access to natural resources, while living in the same environment. In Russia, this problem is specifically relevant for the coastal regions of the Far East, where fish and salmon roe have been historically the most important re-source of self-sustainment for both indigenous residents and resettlers. Using the example of one of the coastal areas of Primorsky Krai, where representatives of indigenous and non-indigenous peoples live alongside each other, we show how unequal distribution of rights to extract natural resources affects communication between them. Based on semi-structured interviews, informal conversations and observations collected during the field research, we have found that individual salmon fishing quotas are becoming a way to partially legalize informal fishing. Villagers go out fishing with their fellow villagers, and in case of the appearance of law enforcement agen-cies, fishermen from among KMNS take full responsibility for the catch and fishing gear on themselves. Regard-less of nationality, rural residents consider it unfair that non-indigenous peoples, who live in the same natural and climatic conditions, and have similar to KMNS economy, have no rights to catch salmonids. Thus, against the background of allocation of quotas for salmonid catching only to indigenous fishermen, new practices of reproduc-tion of solidarity and reciprocity are emerging in multiethnic rural communities.
{"title":"Collective fishing with representatives of indigenous peoples of the North as a legalization of fishing for non-indigenous rural residents in the Primorsky Krai","authors":"G.A. Stalinov, E. Solonenko","doi":"10.20874/2071-0437-2024-65-2-17","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.20874/2071-0437-2024-65-2-17","url":null,"abstract":"Rural population who lives in the same natural and cultural landscape, and sometimes within the same vil-lage, are differentiated in their rights to access natural resources. People classified as indigenous population of the North, Siberia and the Far East (KMNS), unlike officially non-indigenous population, receive legal access to various biological resources. Positive discrimination of particular groups, for various reasons attributed to ‘more’ indigenous, has been causing controversy among anthropologists and sociologists for several decades, espe-cially regarding the situation of non-indigenous residents of multi-ethnic rural areas who do not have the right of access to natural resources, while living in the same environment. In Russia, this problem is specifically relevant for the coastal regions of the Far East, where fish and salmon roe have been historically the most important re-source of self-sustainment for both indigenous residents and resettlers. Using the example of one of the coastal areas of Primorsky Krai, where representatives of indigenous and non-indigenous peoples live alongside each other, we show how unequal distribution of rights to extract natural resources affects communication between them. Based on semi-structured interviews, informal conversations and observations collected during the field research, we have found that individual salmon fishing quotas are becoming a way to partially legalize informal fishing. Villagers go out fishing with their fellow villagers, and in case of the appearance of law enforcement agen-cies, fishermen from among KMNS take full responsibility for the catch and fishing gear on themselves. Regard-less of nationality, rural residents consider it unfair that non-indigenous peoples, who live in the same natural and climatic conditions, and have similar to KMNS economy, have no rights to catch salmonids. Thus, against the background of allocation of quotas for salmonid catching only to indigenous fishermen, new practices of reproduc-tion of solidarity and reciprocity are emerging in multiethnic rural communities.","PeriodicalId":506530,"journal":{"name":"VESTNIK ARHEOLOGII, ANTROPOLOGII I ETNOGRAFII","volume":"4 9","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-06-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141336772","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-06-15DOI: 10.20874/2071-0437-2024-65-2-8
G. V. Kubarev
The article presents an ornamented iron stirrup from a rich and noble early Medieval burial in the Balyk-Sook area in the central part of the Russian Altai. This burial is unique not only for South Siberia, but also for neighbor-ring regions, as within it, with the warrior, four horses and protective armour were found. During the course of restoration work, it was established that the arcs and the plate loop of the stirrup were originally gilded and en-graved with complex floral ornamentation, the stirrup foot was decorated with gold wire inlay in the form of floral curls. This is the first find of such type in Altai. The burial containing the stirrup was radiocarbon dated to the sec-ond half of the 7th — third quarter of the 8th c. The author provides a wide range of similarities among the “status” or “ceremonial” stirrups from funerary and memorial sites of nomadic nobility, including the Kagans from South Siberia, Central Asia, and Eastern and Central Europe, including the such sites of Kagan status as Shoroon Bumbagar in Central Mongolia and Yeleke sazy in Eastern Kazakhstan, Uibat and Tashebinsk Chaatases in the Minusinsk Basin, the Pereshchepinsk hoard and the Voznesenka memorial complex in Eastern Europe, rich Avar burials in Central Europe, and others. Massive and high stirrups with a plate loop were specifically considered during the Medieval period as “status” stirrups, and in some cases they were additionally decorated with orna-mentation. They could be cast in gold or silver, covered with gold or silver leaf, decorated with complex ornamen-tation in various techniques, or decorated with shaped cuts in the stirrup foot. While Avar stirrups, based on Byzan-tine coins in burials, are dated to the late 6th — early 7th c., radiocarbon dating and analogies show that Central Asian stirrups belong to a later period — second half of the 7th — 8th c., and in some cases to the 9th c. Highly ornamented stirrups from the monuments of South Siberia and Central Asia were probably made on order by Chinese masters for the Turkic-speaking nobility, or may have been received as diplomatic gifts from Tang China.
{"title":"Ornamented stirrup from the elite early Medieval burial at Balyk-Sook (Central Altai)","authors":"G. V. Kubarev","doi":"10.20874/2071-0437-2024-65-2-8","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.20874/2071-0437-2024-65-2-8","url":null,"abstract":"The article presents an ornamented iron stirrup from a rich and noble early Medieval burial in the Balyk-Sook area in the central part of the Russian Altai. This burial is unique not only for South Siberia, but also for neighbor-ring regions, as within it, with the warrior, four horses and protective armour were found. During the course of restoration work, it was established that the arcs and the plate loop of the stirrup were originally gilded and en-graved with complex floral ornamentation, the stirrup foot was decorated with gold wire inlay in the form of floral curls. This is the first find of such type in Altai. The burial containing the stirrup was radiocarbon dated to the sec-ond half of the 7th — third quarter of the 8th c. The author provides a wide range of similarities among the “status” or “ceremonial” stirrups from funerary and memorial sites of nomadic nobility, including the Kagans from South Siberia, Central Asia, and Eastern and Central Europe, including the such sites of Kagan status as Shoroon Bumbagar in Central Mongolia and Yeleke sazy in Eastern Kazakhstan, Uibat and Tashebinsk Chaatases in the Minusinsk Basin, the Pereshchepinsk hoard and the Voznesenka memorial complex in Eastern Europe, rich Avar burials in Central Europe, and others. Massive and high stirrups with a plate loop were specifically considered during the Medieval period as “status” stirrups, and in some cases they were additionally decorated with orna-mentation. They could be cast in gold or silver, covered with gold or silver leaf, decorated with complex ornamen-tation in various techniques, or decorated with shaped cuts in the stirrup foot. While Avar stirrups, based on Byzan-tine coins in burials, are dated to the late 6th — early 7th c., radiocarbon dating and analogies show that Central Asian stirrups belong to a later period — second half of the 7th — 8th c., and in some cases to the 9th c. Highly ornamented stirrups from the monuments of South Siberia and Central Asia were probably made on order by Chinese masters for the Turkic-speaking nobility, or may have been received as diplomatic gifts from Tang China.","PeriodicalId":506530,"journal":{"name":"VESTNIK ARHEOLOGII, ANTROPOLOGII I ETNOGRAFII","volume":"8 17","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-06-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141337749","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-06-15DOI: 10.20874/2071-0437-2024-65-2-7
N. Matveeva, V.A. Sotnikov
In this article we discuss the characteristics of the medieval fortifications of the forest-steppe population from the Tobol-Ishim interfluve region (Trans-Urals). We aim at determining the functions of fortified settlements of the 4th–9th c. AD Bakal Culture. The primary objective is to identify the main features of the defensive architecture, defence and storm of settlements based on archaeological material. Fortresses-hillforts predominated over other types of sites in the Bakal Culture. Only their residential areas have been studied extensively, and the fortification lines have been discovered in trenches due to the high complexity of their study. We have eight objects that have been identified, and the series have been selected for the first preliminary conclusions. Methods for determining the protection levels of fortifications in the light of expert assessment of the state of military science in the early Medieval period (4th–9th c. AD) have been proposed. They have been used taking into consideration the following features: height of the floodplain, height of the rampart, depth of the ditch, presence of ledges, towns and bas-tions, the ratio of the sizes of citadel and outer territory. Hillforts differ in the sum of points in average by three times. The indicators vary as follows: the height of the floodplain from 10 to 54 m, the height of the rampart from 1.5 to 4 m, the width of the rampart from 2 to 7 m, the depth of the ditch from 0.5 to 3 m, the ratio of the citadel to outer territory sizes from 1:1 to 1:9. These figures demonstrate the different functions of the fortifications, sugges-ting that some of the sites were border forts (Ust-Utyak-1 and Lastochkino Gnezdo-1), some were economic and political centres (Ust-Tersyukskoye), and others were shelters for smaller settlements (Kolovskoye, Krasnogor-skoye, Papskoye, Staro-Lybaevskoye, Bolshoye Bakalskoye). Improper carrying out of excavations at some of the sites may be the result of unfinished construction work.
{"title":"On the nature of the early Medieval fortified settlements in the Trans-Urals","authors":"N. Matveeva, V.A. Sotnikov","doi":"10.20874/2071-0437-2024-65-2-7","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.20874/2071-0437-2024-65-2-7","url":null,"abstract":"In this article we discuss the characteristics of the medieval fortifications of the forest-steppe population from the Tobol-Ishim interfluve region (Trans-Urals). We aim at determining the functions of fortified settlements of the 4th–9th c. AD Bakal Culture. The primary objective is to identify the main features of the defensive architecture, defence and storm of settlements based on archaeological material. Fortresses-hillforts predominated over other types of sites in the Bakal Culture. Only their residential areas have been studied extensively, and the fortification lines have been discovered in trenches due to the high complexity of their study. We have eight objects that have been identified, and the series have been selected for the first preliminary conclusions. Methods for determining the protection levels of fortifications in the light of expert assessment of the state of military science in the early Medieval period (4th–9th c. AD) have been proposed. They have been used taking into consideration the following features: height of the floodplain, height of the rampart, depth of the ditch, presence of ledges, towns and bas-tions, the ratio of the sizes of citadel and outer territory. Hillforts differ in the sum of points in average by three times. The indicators vary as follows: the height of the floodplain from 10 to 54 m, the height of the rampart from 1.5 to 4 m, the width of the rampart from 2 to 7 m, the depth of the ditch from 0.5 to 3 m, the ratio of the citadel to outer territory sizes from 1:1 to 1:9. These figures demonstrate the different functions of the fortifications, sugges-ting that some of the sites were border forts (Ust-Utyak-1 and Lastochkino Gnezdo-1), some were economic and political centres (Ust-Tersyukskoye), and others were shelters for smaller settlements (Kolovskoye, Krasnogor-skoye, Papskoye, Staro-Lybaevskoye, Bolshoye Bakalskoye). Improper carrying out of excavations at some of the sites may be the result of unfinished construction work.","PeriodicalId":506530,"journal":{"name":"VESTNIK ARHEOLOGII, ANTROPOLOGII I ETNOGRAFII","volume":"17 3","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-06-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141336254","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-06-15DOI: 10.20874/2071-0437-2024-65-2-13
A. Badmaev
The purpose of this study is to identify the image of the wild goose in the traditional worldview of the Buryats. The timeframe of this research covers the end of the 19th — middle of the 20th c., the period when the Buryats overall retained their set of mythological views. Geographically, the survey is focused on south-eastern Siberia, which includes ethnic Buryatia. The research is based on a variety of sources, including folklore, linguistic and ethnographic information. The structural-semiotic method has been chosen as the main technique of study, which allows determination of the symbolism that conveys the ideas about wild goose. It has been revealed that in minor genres of the Buryat folklore, the feminine nature of the wild goose is emphasized, and their anthroponymy mani-fests its gender differences. It has been found that, for the Buryats, the individual biological and behavioral char-acteristics of the goose were of a particular importance. It has also been determined that natural rhythms (the start of spring and the middle of autumn) were associated with the wild goose, as well as the first snowfall. At the same time, significant importance was attributed to its cry. Its image symbolized long distances and time. The motive of shapeshifting was also linked to it. This bird, both in shamanic and Buddhist traditions, was considered to be an assistant to the deity (the supreme celestial being among shamanists, and the White Elder among Bud-dhists). In the Buryat epics, it was endowed with a negative connotation. According to the traditional perceptions of some of the Cis-Baikal Buryats, the wild goose had a sacred status, and the interchangeability of images of a goose and another sacred bird — a swan — has been noted. The goose (precisely, the female goose) acted as a totem for a number of Cis-Baikal kins.
{"title":"Wild goose in the traditional worldview of the Buryats","authors":"A. Badmaev","doi":"10.20874/2071-0437-2024-65-2-13","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.20874/2071-0437-2024-65-2-13","url":null,"abstract":"The purpose of this study is to identify the image of the wild goose in the traditional worldview of the Buryats. The timeframe of this research covers the end of the 19th — middle of the 20th c., the period when the Buryats overall retained their set of mythological views. Geographically, the survey is focused on south-eastern Siberia, which includes ethnic Buryatia. The research is based on a variety of sources, including folklore, linguistic and ethnographic information. The structural-semiotic method has been chosen as the main technique of study, which allows determination of the symbolism that conveys the ideas about wild goose. It has been revealed that in minor genres of the Buryat folklore, the feminine nature of the wild goose is emphasized, and their anthroponymy mani-fests its gender differences. It has been found that, for the Buryats, the individual biological and behavioral char-acteristics of the goose were of a particular importance. It has also been determined that natural rhythms (the start of spring and the middle of autumn) were associated with the wild goose, as well as the first snowfall. At the same time, significant importance was attributed to its cry. Its image symbolized long distances and time. The motive of shapeshifting was also linked to it. This bird, both in shamanic and Buddhist traditions, was considered to be an assistant to the deity (the supreme celestial being among shamanists, and the White Elder among Bud-dhists). In the Buryat epics, it was endowed with a negative connotation. According to the traditional perceptions of some of the Cis-Baikal Buryats, the wild goose had a sacred status, and the interchangeability of images of a goose and another sacred bird — a swan — has been noted. The goose (precisely, the female goose) acted as a totem for a number of Cis-Baikal kins.","PeriodicalId":506530,"journal":{"name":"VESTNIK ARHEOLOGII, ANTROPOLOGII I ETNOGRAFII","volume":"8 3","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-06-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141336554","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-06-15DOI: 10.20874/2071-0437-2024-65-2-16
I. Sinova
Based on the documents stored in archives, here we present the analysis of the evolution of forms of the epidemic and infection control measures in charitable institutions for children in Saint-Petersburg with the deve-lopment of medicine, the introduction of sanitary and hygienic standards, and guidelines based on the acquired experience. The causes of mass infection of the pupils have been identified, which were associated with the lack of well-established daily hygienic practices for pupils, their close contact within the institution, and the presence of visiting caregivers in orphanages who had extensive contacts outside. At the state level, until the end of the 19th century, there were no uniform sanitary norms and rules, as well as specialized schemes for their identification and con-trol. As the analysis shows, this resulted in the fact that the trustee boards of orphanages and doctors assigned to them were forced, sometimes with the help of police, to independently introduce restrictive measures at the ad-ministrative level, determine treatment methods and manage all emerging issues aimed at preserving health of the pupils, while often not having sufficient professional knowledge and experience for this. The documents sug-gest that due to the lack of established diagnostic system, the treatment methods practically did not differ for vari-ous infectious diseases, and the recommendations of doctors for a long time mainly consisted of changing the diet, purifying the air, isolating patients, and burning possessions of sick children. Considering religious education in all charitable institutions, lents and fast days were supposed to be observed, which required the approval of the clergy, who, although as a rule did not create serious obstacles, but granted individual and limited permits. In the beginning of the 19th century, smallpox vaccination began, and such practices gradually expanded thanks to the state and benefactors, but due to the lack of support from church, as well as conservatism and superstition of a significant proportion of parents, they did not become widespread and routine.
{"title":"Epidemic and infection control measures in charitable institutions for children in the 19th — early 20th century (based on the materials from Saint-Petersburg)","authors":"I. Sinova","doi":"10.20874/2071-0437-2024-65-2-16","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.20874/2071-0437-2024-65-2-16","url":null,"abstract":"Based on the documents stored in archives, here we present the analysis of the evolution of forms of the epidemic and infection control measures in charitable institutions for children in Saint-Petersburg with the deve-lopment of medicine, the introduction of sanitary and hygienic standards, and guidelines based on the acquired experience. The causes of mass infection of the pupils have been identified, which were associated with the lack of well-established daily hygienic practices for pupils, their close contact within the institution, and the presence of visiting caregivers in orphanages who had extensive contacts outside. At the state level, until the end of the 19th century, there were no uniform sanitary norms and rules, as well as specialized schemes for their identification and con-trol. As the analysis shows, this resulted in the fact that the trustee boards of orphanages and doctors assigned to them were forced, sometimes with the help of police, to independently introduce restrictive measures at the ad-ministrative level, determine treatment methods and manage all emerging issues aimed at preserving health of the pupils, while often not having sufficient professional knowledge and experience for this. The documents sug-gest that due to the lack of established diagnostic system, the treatment methods practically did not differ for vari-ous infectious diseases, and the recommendations of doctors for a long time mainly consisted of changing the diet, purifying the air, isolating patients, and burning possessions of sick children. Considering religious education in all charitable institutions, lents and fast days were supposed to be observed, which required the approval of the clergy, who, although as a rule did not create serious obstacles, but granted individual and limited permits. In the beginning of the 19th century, smallpox vaccination began, and such practices gradually expanded thanks to the state and benefactors, but due to the lack of support from church, as well as conservatism and superstition of a significant proportion of parents, they did not become widespread and routine.","PeriodicalId":506530,"journal":{"name":"VESTNIK ARHEOLOGII, ANTROPOLOGII I ETNOGRAFII","volume":"5 20","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-06-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141336952","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-03-15DOI: 10.20874/2071-0437-2024-64-1-6
P. Senotrusova, S. Khavrin, A.A. Ekkerdt, P. Mandryka
The article is concerned with bronze objects of the end of the Early Iron Age from the fully excavated burial ground of Pinchuga-6 in the Lower Angara River region. The cemetery is dated to the 3rd–4th centuries BC. All burials were made following the rite of burial on the side. Three categories of copper alloy products have been distinguished: belt set parts, jewelry, and cult castings. The components of the belt sets include flat openwork buckles, hoops and bird-shaped overlays. Flat openwork buck-les have no analogues in the neighbouring territories. They appeared on the basis of the circle of post-Hunnic cultures of South-ern Siberia and were used in the Angara taiga until the mid-1st millennium AD. One belt hoop with volutes and an openwork patch is of a typical Tashtyk Culture appearance. At the end of the Early Iron Age, bird-headed belt plates were used across a vast territory that stretched from the Ural Mountains in the west to the banks of the Yenisei and Angara Rivers in the east. The jewelry includes tubular cast and spiral beads, stripes and pendants. The majority of items are multi-functional — they could be worn different ways. All of them were widespread in the first half of the 1st millennium AD, and they do not have a clear cultural and chronological reference. At Pinchuga-6, various objects of cult casting were found, including ornitho-, zoo- and ichthyomor-phic images, and disks with a circular ornament. These items have similarities among the Ishim and Kholmogory collections, materials from the Aidashinskaya cave, and Tomsk and Ust-Abinsk burial grounds. Pinchuga-6 is currently the farthest north-eastern site where such objects have been found. The grave goods of the cemetery contain items of different cultural attribution made of copper-based alloys. In this single complex in the Angara River region, objects from Western Siberia, Khakass-Minusinsk depression, and, possibly, of local origin have been found. XRF analysis of the items has been carried out. Lead-tin and tin bronze prevail, although being in approximately equal quantities, individual objects are made of copper, a small amount of arsenic is traced in two buckles, one ornithomorphic image is cast from an alloy with a significant amount of silver. The clo-sest in this feature, as well as in the amount of tin and lead in the alloys, are the products of the Tomsk burial ground.
{"title":"Morphology of the bronze objects from the Pinchuga-6 burial ground","authors":"P. Senotrusova, S. Khavrin, A.A. Ekkerdt, P. Mandryka","doi":"10.20874/2071-0437-2024-64-1-6","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.20874/2071-0437-2024-64-1-6","url":null,"abstract":"The article is concerned with bronze objects of the end of the Early Iron Age from the fully excavated burial ground of Pinchuga-6 in the Lower Angara River region. The cemetery is dated to the 3rd–4th centuries BC. All burials were made following the rite of burial on the side. Three categories of copper alloy products have been distinguished: belt set parts, jewelry, and cult castings. The components of the belt sets include flat openwork buckles, hoops and bird-shaped overlays. Flat openwork buck-les have no analogues in the neighbouring territories. They appeared on the basis of the circle of post-Hunnic cultures of South-ern Siberia and were used in the Angara taiga until the mid-1st millennium AD. One belt hoop with volutes and an openwork patch is of a typical Tashtyk Culture appearance. At the end of the Early Iron Age, bird-headed belt plates were used across a vast territory that stretched from the Ural Mountains in the west to the banks of the Yenisei and Angara Rivers in the east. The jewelry includes tubular cast and spiral beads, stripes and pendants. The majority of items are multi-functional — they could be worn different ways. All of them were widespread in the first half of the 1st millennium AD, and they do not have a clear cultural and chronological reference. At Pinchuga-6, various objects of cult casting were found, including ornitho-, zoo- and ichthyomor-phic images, and disks with a circular ornament. These items have similarities among the Ishim and Kholmogory collections, materials from the Aidashinskaya cave, and Tomsk and Ust-Abinsk burial grounds. Pinchuga-6 is currently the farthest north-eastern site where such objects have been found. The grave goods of the cemetery contain items of different cultural attribution made of copper-based alloys. In this single complex in the Angara River region, objects from Western Siberia, Khakass-Minusinsk depression, and, possibly, of local origin have been found. XRF analysis of the items has been carried out. Lead-tin and tin bronze prevail, although being in approximately equal quantities, individual objects are made of copper, a small amount of arsenic is traced in two buckles, one ornithomorphic image is cast from an alloy with a significant amount of silver. The clo-sest in this feature, as well as in the amount of tin and lead in the alloys, are the products of the Tomsk burial ground.","PeriodicalId":506530,"journal":{"name":"VESTNIK ARHEOLOGII, ANTROPOLOGII I ETNOGRAFII","volume":"19 73","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-03-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140237114","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-03-15DOI: 10.20874/2071-0437-2024-64-1-10
T.V. Andreeva, M.G. Zhilin, A. B. Malyarchuk, A. Engovatova, A. Soshkina, M. Dobrovolskaya, A. Buzhilova, E. Rogaev
The genetic structure of the population of Northern Europe of the Mesolithic-Neolithic period currently remains poorly in-vestigated due to the small number of materials available for research. For the first time, the complete genome of an individual from the multilayer Meso-Neolithic site Ivanovskoe VII, located in the Upper Volga region in Yaroslavl Oblast, was studied. Ac-cording to stratigraphic data, an isolated skull of an adult male without a lower jaw was found in layer II containing ceramics of the Upper Volga Early Neolithic Culture. AMS date obtained from the scull bone. The calibrated age of the collagen sample was determined with a probability of 1σ (68 %) in the interval 6588–6498 cal.y.b. (UGAMS-67431 OxCal v4.4), wich corresponds to the Late Mesolithic. The dates of the peat containing layer II of the culture lie between 6000 and 7000 radiocarbon years ago. The main aim of the study is to elucidate the position of this individual in the context of the genomic landscape of Mesolithic and Neolithic Europe. It is shown that the genetic profile of the studied individual (DM5) fully coincides with the genetic diversity profile of the Eastern Hunter-Gatherers (EHG). Haplogroups of mitochondrial DNA (U5a2+16294) and Y-chromosome (R1b1a1) testify to its genetic connection with ancient Mesolithic populations of Europe. The DM5 sample has an additional substitution at position 54 of mtDNA in common with the most ancient samples of this mitochondrial haplogroup from the territory of Western Europe (England and France), which suggests the existence of a probable ancestor belonging to an even earlier period (Late Paleolithic), possibly on the territory of Western Europe. Specimen DM5 is clustered together with several ancient territorially and chronologically separated groups. First, with representatives of Mesolithic hunter-gatherers of northern Eastern Europe (South Oleniy Island, Karelia; Minino I and II, Vologda region; Peschanitsa, and Popovo, Arkhangelsk region). Second, DM5 is similar to Early Mesolithic materials from the Middle Volga region — the oldest representative of Mesolithic hunter-gatherers from Sidelkino and an Eneolithic specimen from Lebyazhinka, Samara region. Third, in the cluster of individuals close to DM5 there are representatives of later groups — from the Early Neolithic Yazykovo I, Tver region, Middle Neolithic Karavaikha, Vo-logda region and Eneolithic layers of the Murzikhinsky II burial ground, which is located near the village of Alekseevskoye (Tatarstan) in the mouth of the Kama River. The data we obtained do not exclude that the Early Eneolithic Upper Volga Culture has local Mesolithic roots, which indicates the long-term preservation of the oldest gene pool of Europe in the central part of the Russian Plain.
{"title":"Archaeogenomics of humans from the layer of the Upper Volga Culture revealed their greatest genetic similarity with Eastern European hunter-gatherers and ancient representatives of Mesolithic/Neolithic Europe","authors":"T.V. Andreeva, M.G. Zhilin, A. B. Malyarchuk, A. Engovatova, A. Soshkina, M. Dobrovolskaya, A. Buzhilova, E. Rogaev","doi":"10.20874/2071-0437-2024-64-1-10","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.20874/2071-0437-2024-64-1-10","url":null,"abstract":"The genetic structure of the population of Northern Europe of the Mesolithic-Neolithic period currently remains poorly in-vestigated due to the small number of materials available for research. For the first time, the complete genome of an individual from the multilayer Meso-Neolithic site Ivanovskoe VII, located in the Upper Volga region in Yaroslavl Oblast, was studied. Ac-cording to stratigraphic data, an isolated skull of an adult male without a lower jaw was found in layer II containing ceramics of the Upper Volga Early Neolithic Culture. AMS date obtained from the scull bone. The calibrated age of the collagen sample was determined with a probability of 1σ (68 %) in the interval 6588–6498 cal.y.b. (UGAMS-67431 OxCal v4.4), wich corresponds to the Late Mesolithic. The dates of the peat containing layer II of the culture lie between 6000 and 7000 radiocarbon years ago. The main aim of the study is to elucidate the position of this individual in the context of the genomic landscape of Mesolithic and Neolithic Europe. It is shown that the genetic profile of the studied individual (DM5) fully coincides with the genetic diversity profile of the Eastern Hunter-Gatherers (EHG). Haplogroups of mitochondrial DNA (U5a2+16294) and Y-chromosome (R1b1a1) testify to its genetic connection with ancient Mesolithic populations of Europe. The DM5 sample has an additional substitution at position 54 of mtDNA in common with the most ancient samples of this mitochondrial haplogroup from the territory of Western Europe (England and France), which suggests the existence of a probable ancestor belonging to an even earlier period (Late Paleolithic), possibly on the territory of Western Europe. Specimen DM5 is clustered together with several ancient territorially and chronologically separated groups. First, with representatives of Mesolithic hunter-gatherers of northern Eastern Europe (South Oleniy Island, Karelia; Minino I and II, Vologda region; Peschanitsa, and Popovo, Arkhangelsk region). Second, DM5 is similar to Early Mesolithic materials from the Middle Volga region — the oldest representative of Mesolithic hunter-gatherers from Sidelkino and an Eneolithic specimen from Lebyazhinka, Samara region. Third, in the cluster of individuals close to DM5 there are representatives of later groups — from the Early Neolithic Yazykovo I, Tver region, Middle Neolithic Karavaikha, Vo-logda region and Eneolithic layers of the Murzikhinsky II burial ground, which is located near the village of Alekseevskoye (Tatarstan) in the mouth of the Kama River. The data we obtained do not exclude that the Early Eneolithic Upper Volga Culture has local Mesolithic roots, which indicates the long-term preservation of the oldest gene pool of Europe in the central part of the Russian Plain.","PeriodicalId":506530,"journal":{"name":"VESTNIK ARHEOLOGII, ANTROPOLOGII I ETNOGRAFII","volume":"9 2","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-03-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140239240","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
京公网安备 11010802042870号
京ICP备2023020795号-1
扫码关注我们
求助内容：
应助结果提醒方式：