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Seeking asylum during a pandemic: A postcolonial media discourse analysis 在大流行病期间寻求庇护:后殖民主义媒体话语分析
Pub Date : 2024-07-28 DOI: 10.1177/00207152241260722
Ally Victoria Shepherd
The beginning of the COVID-19 pandemic in 2020 saw an increase in people seeking asylum in the UK via small boats across the English Channel. The small boat arrivals reported in the news were analyzed using critical discourse analysis to investigate how different outlets framed people seeking sanctuary both visually and linguistically, as well as how postcolonial theory assists an understanding of such discourses. This research conceptualizes common findings in the literature of forced migrants as dehumanized and “othered,” arguing that humanitarian securitization is not an oxymoron but an extension of colonial logic in post-Brexit Britain. The article ends with recommendations for critical reporting of forced migration and for representing people seeking sanctuary in more humanizing ways.
2020 年 COVID-19 大流行开始时,通过小船横渡英吉利海峡到英国寻求庇护的人数有所增加。我们使用批判性话语分析对新闻中报道的小船抵达事件进行了分析,以研究不同媒体如何从视觉和语言两方面对寻求庇护者进行定格,以及后殖民理论如何帮助理解此类话语。这项研究将文献中关于被迫移民非人化和 "他者化 "的共同发现概念化,认为人道主义安全化并非矛盾论,而是英国脱欧后殖民逻辑的延伸。文章最后建议对被迫移民进行批判性报道,并以更人性化的方式表现寻求庇护的人们。
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引用次数: 0
The urban logic of dispossession and nomadism in neoliberal Bangladesh 新自由主义孟加拉国的剥夺与游牧的城市逻辑
Pub Date : 2024-07-26 DOI: 10.1177/00207152241261973
Lipon Mondal
Through quantitative and qualitative evidence collected in 2017–2018 in Dhaka, Bangladesh, this article investigates the detrimental impact of coercive evictions on urban nomads. It conceptualizes urban nomads as an ever-growing army of dispossessed who are forced to frequently move from one place to another within a city for shelter and work. They have few belongings and little social support and are culturally and politically marginalized. Forced evictions dispossess them in co-constitutive economic, social, cultural, and political ways, which relate to Pierre Bourdieu’s four types of capital. The article argues that coercive evictions produce and reproduce a nomadic urban community that experiences various kinds of dispossession after losing control over different forms of capital.
本文通过 2017-2018 年在孟加拉国达卡收集的定量和定性证据,调查了强制搬迁对城市游牧民的有害影响。文章将城市游牧民概念化为一支不断壮大的被剥夺者大军,他们为了住所和工作而被迫在城市中频繁地从一个地方迁移到另一个地方。他们没有什么财产,也没有什么社会支持,在文化和政治上被边缘化。强制搬迁以经济、社会、文化和政治共存的方式剥夺了他们的财产,这与皮埃尔-布尔迪厄(Pierre Bourdieu)的四种资本类型有关。文章认为,强制搬迁产生并复制了一个游牧城市社区,该社区在失去对不同形式资本的控制后经历了各种剥夺。
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引用次数: 0
A virtuous cycle? Migrant integration policies, attitudes toward immigration, and populist radical right voting in Europe 良性循环?欧洲的移民融入政策、移民态度和激进右翼民粹主义投票
Pub Date : 2024-05-12 DOI: 10.1177/00207152241249964
Piotr Zagórski, Laura Díaz Chorne, Javier Lorenzo Rodríguez
Are citizens less likely to support populist radical right parties (PRRPs) in countries with more inclusive migrant integration policies? Studies show that integration policies foster positive attitudes toward migrants, which, in turn, are associated with a lower likelihood of supporting PRRPs. However, the impact of integration policies on PRRP voting has not been assessed yet on a cross-country level—neither direct nor dependent on (anti)immigration attitudes. Using data from the European Social Survey 2016 and the Migrant Integration Policy Index (MIPEX) from 2011 and 2015 for 15 EU member states, we show that more inclusive integration policies are associated with a lower likelihood to support PRRPs. We also find a moderating effect of these policies on the impact of attitudes toward migrants on PRRP voting. However, the effect of migration policy change seems to be more context dependent.
在移民融入政策更具包容性的国家,公民是否不太可能支持民粹主义激进右翼政党?研究表明,移民融入政策会促进人们对移民的积极态度,而这种积极态度又会降低人们支持激进右翼政党的可能性。然而,融合政策对减贫项目投票的影响尚未在跨国层面进行评估,既没有直接评估,也没有依赖于(反)移民态度。利用《2016 年欧洲社会调查》(European Social Survey 2016)的数据以及 2011 年和 2015 年 15 个欧盟成员国的移民融入政策指数(Migrant Integration Policy Index,MIPEX),我们发现,更具包容性的融入政策与支持 PRRP 的可能性较低有关。我们还发现,这些政策对移民态度对减贫项目投票的影响具有调节作用。然而,移民政策变化的影响似乎更多取决于具体情况。
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引用次数: 0
Multiple scripts, multiple institutions: Introducing complexity into the understanding of women’s empowerment 多重脚本,多重机构:将复杂性引入对妇女赋权的理解
Pub Date : 2024-05-08 DOI: 10.1177/00207152241244540
Nir Rotem, Elizabeth Heger Boyle
Partial enactment of women’s rights is at the crux of this analysis, which identifies factors associated with the adoption of some global women’s rights scripts but not others. Women who partially enact global principles are an important group, and focusing on them provides clues into when, where, and how institutionalized scripts are in competition. To explore this issue, Demographic and Health Survey data from 25 low- and middle-income countries across two time periods are used, with a focus on two dimensions of women’s empowerment: a woman’s household decision-making power and her attitudes toward intimate partner violence. Multinomial regressions reveal that exposure to global culture is associated with dual enactment of the two dimensions. Among partial adopters, enactment privileging physical integrity is mediated through local community institutions, including religions, whereas partial-enactment privileging decision making is associated with women’s household bargaining power.
部分实施妇女权利是本分析的核心,它确定了与采用某些全球妇女权利脚本而非其他脚本相关的因素。部分实施全球原则的妇女是一个重要的群体,关注她们可以为了解制度化的脚本在何时、何地以及如何发生竞争提供线索。为了探讨这个问题,我们使用了 25 个中低收入国家在两个时期的人口与健康调查数据,重点关注妇女赋权的两个方面:妇女的家庭决策权及其对亲密伴侣暴力的态度。多项式回归显示,接触全球文化与这两个维度的双重颁布有关。在部分采纳者中,身体完整性优先原则的实施是通过当地社区机构(包括宗教)来实现的,而决策权优先原则的部分实施则与妇女的家庭议价能力有关。
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引用次数: 0
Introduction to the special issue of the International Journal of Comparative Sociology on “National identity, nationalism, patriotism, and globalization” 国际比较社会学杂志》"国家认同、民族主义、爱国主义和全球化 "特刊导言
Pub Date : 2024-02-19 DOI: 10.1177/00207152241232577
Markus Quandt, Peter Schmidt
This editors’ introduction into the themed issue of IJCS dedicated to the analysis of comparative survey work on national identity and globalization presents a very brief overview of core hypotheses from the five articles collected in the issue. The articles offer a variety of new, rather differentiated insights into how individual-level national identity attitudes and sibling concepts like national pride, patriotism, and nationalist chauvinism are related to societal-level variables that tend to vary with exposure to aspects of globalization, such as migrant influx and economic competition. Aside from the focus on those new contributions, the introduction also offers a few observations on the challenges that the wider national identity research field still faces. Given that the field is dealing with several overlapping attitude concepts, this centrally concerns a partial lack of conceptual clarity, which sometimes translates into ambiguous operationalizations and incomplete or imprecise explication of theoretical mechanisms. We conclude that the contributions of the themed issue, with their careful attention to particular aspects of measures and multi-level processes, may serve as another stepping stone for overcoming at least some of those challenges in the future.
本期《国际期刊通讯》(IJCS)的主题刊物专门分析了有关国家认同和全球化的比较调查工作,本期编辑导言简要概述了刊物中收录的五篇文章的核心假设。这些文章就个人层面的国家认同态度以及民族自豪感、爱国主义和民族沙文主义等同类概念如何与社会层面的变量(这些变量往往随着移民涌入和经济竞争等全球化方面的影响而变化)相关联的问题提出了各种颇具差异的新见解。除了关注这些新贡献之外,导言还对更广泛的国家认同研究领域仍然面临的挑战提出了一些看法。鉴于该领域正在处理多个相互重叠的态度概念,这主要涉及部分概念缺乏清晰性,这有时会转化为模棱两可的操作方法以及不完整或不精确的理论机制阐述。我们的结论是,本专题的研究成果对测量方法和多层次过程的特定方面给予了细致的关注,可以作为未来克服至少其中部分挑战的另一块垫脚石。
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引用次数: 0
Institutional characteristics of education systems and inequalities: Introduction III 教育系统的体制特点与不平等:导言 III
Pub Date : 2024-02-01 DOI: 10.1177/00207152231221582
Christiane Gross, Andreas Hadjar
This is the third and final of multiple themed issues of International Journal of Comparative Sociology ( IJCS) dedicated to the question of how education systems shape educational inequalities in terms of systematic variations access to and uptake of education along certain axes of inequality such as social origin, gender, and immigrant background. While the previous introductions dealt with the research program, conceptual background, and methodological challenges in the study of the link between institutional characteristics of education systems and educational inequalities (Introduction I) as well as with the state-of-research (Introduction II), this third and final introduction is dedicated to discuss certain research desiderata in terms of an outlook with an eye on the latest major studies in this vibrant research field.
本期是《国际比较社会学杂志》(IJCS)多期主题刊物中的第三期,也是最后一期,专门讨论教育制度如何形成教育不平等的问题,即教育制度如何在社会出身、性别和移民背景等某些不平等轴线上形成系统性的受教育机会和接受教育的差异。前几篇导论论述了教育系统的制度特征与教育不平等之间联系的研究计划、概念背景和方法论挑战(导论 I)以及研究现状(导论 II),而这第三篇,也是最后一篇导论,则致力于从展望的角度来讨论某些研究需求,并着眼于这一充满活力的研究领域的最新主要研究。
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引用次数: 0
The impact of marketization on school segregation and educational equity and effectiveness: Evidence from Australia and Canada 市场化对学校隔离以及教育公平和有效性的影响:澳大利亚和加拿大的证据
Pub Date : 2024-01-30 DOI: 10.1177/00207152241227810
Laura B. Perry, Ee-Seul Yoon, M. Sciffer, Christopher Lubienski
While marketization has been promoted as a mechanism for improving educational equity and effectiveness, substantial evidence suggests that it may have the opposite effect. We contribute to this debate by examining educational equity and effectiveness in two similar countries that have embraced educational marketization to different degrees. Drawing on data from the Program for International Student Assessment and a causal-comparative design, we show that Australian schooling has more choice and competition, is more socially segregated, has larger school stratification of human and material resources, and has greater inequalities of educational outcomes and overall lower effectiveness than Canadian schooling. Our findings suggest that educational marketization reduces educational equity and effectiveness by increasing school social segregation and stratification of resources.
虽然市场化一直被宣传为提高教育公平和效率的机制,但大量证据表明,它可能会产生相反的效果。我们通过研究两个在不同程度上接受了教育市场化的类似国家的教育公平和效率,为这一争论做出了贡献。我们利用国际学生评估项目(Program for International Student Assessment)的数据和因果比较设计,表明澳大利亚的学校教育比加拿大的学校教育有更多的选择和竞争,社会隔离程度更高,学校的人力和物力资源分层更大,教育结果的不平等程度更高,总体效率更低。我们的研究结果表明,教育市场化加剧了学校的社会隔离和资源分层,从而降低了教育的公平性和有效性。
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引用次数: 0
Visualized values on Instagram: A comparison of visual practices among German and Ukrainian Instagram users Instagram 上的可视化价值观:德国和乌克兰 Instagram 用户的视觉实践比较
Pub Date : 2024-01-28 DOI: 10.1177/00207152241227462
Ekateryna Bataeva
This article focuses on the similarities and differences between visual value content on German and Ukrainian Instagram, employing the methodology of traditional, modernist, and postmodernist values. In particular, we investigate the gender aspect of visualized values on Instagram in a cross-cultural comparative perspective. The results of content analysis of 2095 photos on German Instagram and 2657 photos on Ukrainian Instagram reveal that most often, in the social practices of Ukrainian and German Instagram users, modernist and postmodernist values are visualized. Our findings support the argument that Instagram is a specific field of social practices that contributes to the unification of the visual practices of users and the homogenization of the visualized values as a result of cultural convergence.
本文采用传统、现代主义和后现代主义价值观的方法,重点研究了德国和乌克兰 Instagram 上视觉价值观内容的异同。特别是,我们从跨文化比较的角度研究了 Instagram 上视觉化价值观的性别方面。对德国 Instagram 上的 2095 张照片和乌克兰 Instagram 上的 2657 张照片进行内容分析的结果表明,在乌克兰和德国 Instagram 用户的社会实践中,现代主义和后现代主义价值观最常被视觉化。我们的研究结果支持以下论点:Instagram 是一个特殊的社会实践领域,它有助于统一用户的视觉实践,并由于文化趋同而使视觉化的价值观趋于一致。
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引用次数: 0
Multidimensional domestic gender inequality and the global diffusion of women’s ministries, 1975–2015 1975-2015 年国内多层面性别不平等与妇女事务部的全球扩展
Pub Date : 2024-01-17 DOI: 10.1177/00207152231222919
Juan J. Fernández, Silvia Clavería, Margarita Torre
Since the 1970s, many countries have passed policy and institutional reforms to promote gender equality and the wellbeing of women. The global diffusion of gender and women’s ministries constitutes a manifestation of this process. However, our understanding of the diffusion of this organizational form is very limited. To fill this gap, we examine the adoption of cabinet-level, women’s ministries worldwide, between 1975 and 2015. Our argument builds on the fact that, within a given country, gender (in)equality is heterogeneous across the economic, political and social domains, and that shifts in women’s descriptive political representation and feminization of the labor force hasten the adoption of these ministries. As women expand their formal political power, they are better able to foster the perception of a linked fate and promote the creation of women’s machineries. Moreover, rapid feminization of the labor force increases the opportunity costs of all forms of gender discrimination and improves women’s collective socio-political economic resources to act against all forms of discrimination. Commensurate with our argument, penalized maximum likelihood fixed-effects (PML-FE) models indicate that countries which observe faster increases in women’s presence in the political elite and feminization of the labor force are more likely to adopt a women’s ministry.
自 20 世纪 70 年代以来,许多国家通过政策和机构改革来促进性别平等和妇女福祉。性别平等部和妇女部在全球的推广就是这一进程的体现。然而,我们对这种组织形式的传播的了解非常有限。为了填补这一空白,我们研究了 1975 年至 2015 年间全球采用内阁级妇女事务部的情况。我们的论点基于这样一个事实,即在一个特定的国家,性别(不)平等在经济、政治和社会领域存在差异,女性政治代表权的变化和劳动力的女性化加速了这些部委的采用。随着妇女正式政治权力的扩大,她们能够更好地促进命运相连的观念,并推动妇女机构的建立。此外,劳动力的快速女性化增加了各种形式性别歧视的机会成本,并改善了妇女的集体社会政治经济资源,以采取行动反对各种形式的歧视。与我们的论点相吻合的是,惩罚最大似然固定效应模型(PML-FE)表明,观察到妇女在政治精英中的存在和劳动力女性化增长较快的国家更有可能设立妇女事务部。
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引用次数: 0
Trust repertoires and the reception of institutional responses to the COVID-19 crisis in Europe: A latent class analysis 信任再现与欧洲机构对 COVID-19 危机的反应:潜类分析
Pub Date : 2024-01-17 DOI: 10.1177/00207152231223730
Marc Verboord
This article examines the role of institutional trust in current European societies. Based on a secondary data analysis of Eurobarometer data (response rate 39.6%), it maps institutional trust repertoires and analyzes their consequences for a crisis that disturbed public life immensely in 2020 and 2021—the COVID-19 pandemic and the measures to fight this. Methodologically, it applies a multilevel latent class analysis of 18 institutions. Taking inspiration from “cultural backlash” theory, the explanatory analyses incorporate socio-political values and geographical identifications. The results show that there are seven different trust repertoires in the European Union (EU) countries, ranging from 24 percent mostly trustful to 11 percent mostly distrustful. EU Countries can be clustered into four classes, each with specific repertoire distributions. Particularly satisfaction with one’s own life and world developments is associated with higher trust. Compliance with COVID-19 policies is most likely when citizens trust both national political institutions and media institutions; other institutions matter less. Country health expenditure has a limited effect on the reception of COVID-19 policies but does influence membership of trust repertoires.
本文探讨了机构信任在当前欧洲社会中的作用。基于对欧洲晴雨表数据(回复率为 39.6%)的二次数据分析,文章描绘了机构信任的再现,并分析了其对 2020 年和 2021 年严重扰乱公共生活的危机--COVID-19 大流行病--的影响以及应对措施。在方法论上,本报告对 18 个机构进行了多层次的潜类分析。受 "文化反弹 "理论的启发,解释性分析纳入了社会政治价值观和地域认同。结果显示,欧盟国家存在七种不同的信任再现,从 24% 的大部分信任到 11% 的大部分不信任不等。欧盟国家可划分为四个等级,每个等级都有特定的剧目分布。对自身生活和世界发展的满意度尤其与较高的信任度相关。当公民同时信任国家政治机构和媒体机构时,最有可能遵守 COVID-19 政策;其他机构的重要性较低。国家卫生支出对接受 COVID-19 政策的影响有限,但确实会影响到信任关系中的成员。
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引用次数: 0
期刊
International Journal of Comparative Sociology
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