This article discusses the independence of the Constitutional Court in reviewing legislation created by President Joko Widodo. There are three main questions posted: What is the character of legal policy under President Joko Widodo, how has the role of the Constitutional Court shifted in the last decade and what is the character of the Constitutional Court’s decisions in reviewing legislation enacted by President Joko Widodo. These questions are discussed using normative research on Constitutional Court decisions. Data from the results of this research are deployed quantitatively and qualitatively. Quantitative data is displayed to show legislative trends and Constitutional Court decisions. Analysis was carried out on 78 laws and 277 Constitutional Court Decisions. Meanwhile, qualitative research is to assess the character of legislation and Constitutional Court decisions through case studies of several Constitutional Court decisions related to politics, economics, law enforcement institutions and civil liberties. This article shows that the Constitutional Court has not been effective in exercising judicial review of legislation enacted under President Joko Widodo, amidst an increasingly abusive legislative process.
{"title":"Legal Policy of President Joko Widodo and the Independence of Constitutional Court","authors":"Yance Arizona","doi":"10.31078/jk2113","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.31078/jk2113","url":null,"abstract":"This article discusses the independence of the Constitutional Court in reviewing legislation created by President Joko Widodo. There are three main questions posted: What is the character of legal policy under President Joko Widodo, how has the role of the Constitutional Court shifted in the last decade and what is the character of the Constitutional Court’s decisions in reviewing legislation enacted by President Joko Widodo. These questions are discussed using normative research on Constitutional Court decisions. Data from the results of this research are deployed quantitatively and qualitatively. Quantitative data is displayed to show legislative trends and Constitutional Court decisions. Analysis was carried out on 78 laws and 277 Constitutional Court Decisions. Meanwhile, qualitative research is to assess the character of legislation and Constitutional Court decisions through case studies of several Constitutional Court decisions related to politics, economics, law enforcement institutions and civil liberties. This article shows that the Constitutional Court has not been effective in exercising judicial review of legislation enacted under President Joko Widodo, amidst an increasingly abusive legislative process.","PeriodicalId":509258,"journal":{"name":"Jurnal Konstitusi","volume":"29 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-03-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140405495","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Hak Menguasai Negara (HMN) memberikan otoritas kepada pemerintah dalam melakukan pemanfaatan terhadap bumi, air, dan kekayaan alam. HMN merupakan refleksi atas Pasal 33 ayat (3) UUD NRI tahun 1945. Kerusakan lingkungan yang semakin masif bahan bakar fosil mensyaratkan pentingnya transisi energi di Indonesia. Penggunaan energi terbarukan dapat menjadi sumber energi sekaligus mendukung pembangunan berkelanjutan. Penggunaan energi terbarukan yang ramah terhadap lingkungan seharusnya tidak menjadikannya sebagai suatu pilihan, melainkan sebagai kewajiban untuk digunakan secara meluas di Indonesia. Pokok permasalahan tersebut melahirkan pertanyaan yakni bagaimana konsepsi HMN dan hubungannya terhadap peran pemerintah dalam menciptakan iklim energi terbarukan di Indonesia. Penelitian hukum normatif digunakan dalam penelitian ini. Pada akhirnya diketahui bahwa konsep HMN telah memberikan kewenangan kepada pemerintah dalam melakukan peruntukan dan pemanfaatan sumber daya alam di Indonesia. Kewenangan pemerintah melalui HMN dapat menjadi sarana dalam membuat regulasi maupun kebijakan atas penggunaan energi terbarukan di Indonesia, serta ditujukan untuk menciptakan sebesar-besar kemakmuran rakyat.
Hak Menguasai Negara (HMN) 赋予政府利用土地、水和自然资源的权力。HMN 是 1945 年宪法第 33 条第 3 款的体现。化石燃料对环境造成的日益严重的破坏要求印尼必须进行能源转型。可再生能源的使用可以成为一种能源，同时支持可持续发展。使用对环境友好的可再生能源不应成为一种选择，而应成为在印尼广泛使用的一项义务。这一主题提出了一个问题：在印度尼西亚营造可再生能源氛围的过程中，HMN 的概念及其与政府作用之间的关系如何。本研究采用了规范性法律研究。最后，众所周知，HMN 概念赋予了政府在印度尼西亚自然资源分配和利用方面的权力。政府通过 HMN 获得的权力可以成为制定印尼可再生能源使用法规和政策的一种手段，其目的是为人民创造最大的繁荣。
{"title":"Hak Menguasai Negara: Konsep dan Implikasinya terhadap Penggunaan Energi Terbarukan di Indonesia","authors":"Riswandha Imawan, Al Yasir","doi":"10.31078/jk2119","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.31078/jk2119","url":null,"abstract":"Hak Menguasai Negara (HMN) memberikan otoritas kepada pemerintah dalam melakukan pemanfaatan terhadap bumi, air, dan kekayaan alam. HMN merupakan refleksi atas Pasal 33 ayat (3) UUD NRI tahun 1945. Kerusakan lingkungan yang semakin masif bahan bakar fosil mensyaratkan pentingnya transisi energi di Indonesia. Penggunaan energi terbarukan dapat menjadi sumber energi sekaligus mendukung pembangunan berkelanjutan. Penggunaan energi terbarukan yang ramah terhadap lingkungan seharusnya tidak menjadikannya sebagai suatu pilihan, melainkan sebagai kewajiban untuk digunakan secara meluas di Indonesia. Pokok permasalahan tersebut melahirkan pertanyaan yakni bagaimana konsepsi HMN dan hubungannya terhadap peran pemerintah dalam menciptakan iklim energi terbarukan di Indonesia. Penelitian hukum normatif digunakan dalam penelitian ini. Pada akhirnya diketahui bahwa konsep HMN telah memberikan kewenangan kepada pemerintah dalam melakukan peruntukan dan pemanfaatan sumber daya alam di Indonesia. Kewenangan pemerintah melalui HMN dapat menjadi sarana dalam membuat regulasi maupun kebijakan atas penggunaan energi terbarukan di Indonesia, serta ditujukan untuk menciptakan sebesar-besar kemakmuran rakyat.","PeriodicalId":509258,"journal":{"name":"Jurnal Konstitusi","volume":"273 14‐17","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-03-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140402513","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pancasila maupun Putusan Mahkamah Konstitusi keduanya sama-sama berkedudukan sebagai sumber hukum dalam pembentukan peraturan perundang-undangan. Oleh karena itu, tulisan ini bermaksud untuk menganalisis bagaimana relasi yang harus dibangun antara Pancasila dengan Putusan MK sebagai sumber hukum. Penelitian ini merupakan penelitian hukum normatif, data dalam tulisan bersumber pada bahan-bahan hukum baik bahan hukum primer, sekunder, maupun tersier. Oleh karena itu, teknik pengumpulan data yang dipilih adalah studi pustaka. Hasil penelitian ini menunjukan bahwa Putusan MK yang bersifat mengatur (konstitusional-inkonstitusional bersyarat dan yang merumuskan norma baru) menjadikan Putusan MK sebagai sumber hukum mengikat yang memiliki implikasi besar dalam mengkonstruksi pembentukan peraturan perundang-undangan. Pada titik ini, Hakim Konstitusi harus bisa merelasikan dan mensinkronkan putusan yang dibuatnya dengan Pancasila, mengingat sebagai sumber hukum Pancasila merupakan sumber hukum dasar nasional dan sumber segala sumber hukum di Indonesia.
{"title":"Relasi Pancasila dengan Putusan Mahkamah Konstitusi Sebagai Sumber Hukum di Indonesia","authors":"Labib Muttaqin, Sudjito Atmoredjo, Andy Omara","doi":"10.31078/jk2115","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.31078/jk2115","url":null,"abstract":"Pancasila maupun Putusan Mahkamah Konstitusi keduanya sama-sama berkedudukan sebagai sumber hukum dalam pembentukan peraturan perundang-undangan. Oleh karena itu, tulisan ini bermaksud untuk menganalisis bagaimana relasi yang harus dibangun antara Pancasila dengan Putusan MK sebagai sumber hukum. Penelitian ini merupakan penelitian hukum normatif, data dalam tulisan bersumber pada bahan-bahan hukum baik bahan hukum primer, sekunder, maupun tersier. Oleh karena itu, teknik pengumpulan data yang dipilih adalah studi pustaka. Hasil penelitian ini menunjukan bahwa Putusan MK yang bersifat mengatur (konstitusional-inkonstitusional bersyarat dan yang merumuskan norma baru) menjadikan Putusan MK sebagai sumber hukum mengikat yang memiliki implikasi besar dalam mengkonstruksi pembentukan peraturan perundang-undangan. Pada titik ini, Hakim Konstitusi harus bisa merelasikan dan mensinkronkan putusan yang dibuatnya dengan Pancasila, mengingat sebagai sumber hukum Pancasila merupakan sumber hukum dasar nasional dan sumber segala sumber hukum di Indonesia.","PeriodicalId":509258,"journal":{"name":"Jurnal Konstitusi","volume":"115 2","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-03-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140403292","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The state of law idea formulated in the provisions of Article 1 paragraph (3) of the 1945 Constitution of the Republic of Indonesia is a formulation containing normative statement that is still dubious and seems convincing. Embedding the nature of legality in the context of the idea of the rule of law through the statement that Pancasila is the source of legal norms need to be questioned. The idea of Pancasila is impossible to realize if it does not materialize into a living reality, not a dead one. The possibility if Pancasila is used as sources of law it will expand coercive actions and choices of legal imperatives. Pancasila must be able transforming and making itself relevant in midst of the challenges of social changes. The construction of the idea of a rule of law should not depend on absolute and certainty. It must be able to be created as a discursive space that is truly interpretive and not limitative. Pancasila is existed and recognized in the constitutional adjudication with presuppositions to explain the rationalization of legal reality. It must be carried out at the level of the goal for obtaining and achieving justice. The problem of the paradox of the rule of law idea can be raised through legal interpretations that are able to find a relationship between what should be normative and what is factual. Judges must be able to voice more than what is stated in the law and what is said by the law.
{"title":"PARADOX OF STATE OF LAW IDEA ON PANCASILA PHILOSOPHICAL JUSTIFICATION AS SOURCES OF LAW","authors":"Artha Debora Silalahi","doi":"10.31078/jk2114","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.31078/jk2114","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 \u0000 \u0000 \u0000The state of law idea formulated in the provisions of Article 1 paragraph (3) of the 1945 Constitution of the Republic of Indonesia is a formulation containing normative statement that is still dubious and seems convincing. Embedding the nature of legality in the context of the idea of the rule of law through the statement that Pancasila is the source of legal norms need to be questioned. The idea of Pancasila is impossible to realize if it does not materialize into a living reality, not a dead one. The possibility if Pancasila is used as sources of law it will expand coercive actions and choices of legal imperatives. Pancasila must be able transforming and making itself relevant in midst of the challenges of social changes. The construction of the idea of a rule of law should not depend on absolute and certainty. It must be able to be created as a discursive space that is truly interpretive and not limitative. Pancasila is existed and recognized in the constitutional adjudication with presuppositions to explain the rationalization of legal reality. It must be carried out at the level of the goal for obtaining and achieving justice. The problem of the paradox of the rule of law idea can be raised through legal interpretations that are able to find a relationship between what should be normative and what is factual. Judges must be able to voice more than what is stated in the law and what is said by the law. \u0000 \u0000 \u0000 \u0000 \u0000","PeriodicalId":509258,"journal":{"name":"Jurnal Konstitusi","volume":"221 2","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-03-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140402792","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Constitutional Court Decision Number 46/PUU-VIII/2010 impacts the position of a child out of wedlock. With the enactment of the decision, a legal relationship arises between the child out of wedlock and his biological father. This article discusses the position of children out of wedlock after the decision is made and how the decision is applied in a notarial deed. The method used in this study is the normative legal method, in which research analyzes norms, laws, regulations, and legal theory related to applying the abovementioned decisions in the context of civil relations of illegitimate children in a notarial deed. Constitutional Court Decision Number 46/PUU-VIII/2010 shows that it cannot be directly applied as a basis for kinship relations between illegitimate children and their fathers. However, this relationship can be recognized through a court decision taking into account science and technology and other relevant evidence.
{"title":"Antinomy of Biological Father's Liability to Out-of-Marriage Children in Notary Deed","authors":"Joshua Yohanes, Benny Djaja","doi":"10.31078/jk2118","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.31078/jk2118","url":null,"abstract":"Constitutional Court Decision Number 46/PUU-VIII/2010 impacts the position of a child out of wedlock. With the enactment of the decision, a legal relationship arises between the child out of wedlock and his biological father. This article discusses the position of children out of wedlock after the decision is made and how the decision is applied in a notarial deed. The method used in this study is the normative legal method, in which research analyzes norms, laws, regulations, and legal theory related to applying the abovementioned decisions in the context of civil relations of illegitimate children in a notarial deed. Constitutional Court Decision Number 46/PUU-VIII/2010 shows that it cannot be directly applied as a basis for kinship relations between illegitimate children and their fathers. However, this relationship can be recognized through a court decision taking into account science and technology and other relevant evidence.","PeriodicalId":509258,"journal":{"name":"Jurnal Konstitusi","volume":"59 23","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-03-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140399951","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Hingga saat ini, dualisme kelembagaan lembaga pengawas pemilu dan pilkada di Aceh masih terjadi. Kondisi tersebut masih menyisakan masalah dalam pelaksanaan pengawasan pemilu dan pilkada di Aceh. Artikel ini memfokuskan bahasan pada aspek pilihan kebijakan hukum yang dapat diambil untuk menyelesaikan dualisme tersebut. Penelitian ini merupakan penelitian hukum normatif yang sepenuhnya menggunakan data sekunder berupa bahan hukum primer dan sekunder. Kajian ini berkesimpulan bahwa akar persoalan dualisme lembaga pengawas pemilu dan pilkada di Aceh disebabkan tidak sinkronnya pengaturan UU Pemilu dan UU Pilkada dengan UU Pemerintahan Aceh. Hal itu juga diperkuat dengan Putusan MK yang menyatakan Pasal 557 dan Pasal 571 huruf d UU Pemilu bertentangan dengan UUD 1945 karena pembentukannya tidak sesuai dengan ketentuan perubahan UU Pemerintahan Aceh yang dimuat dalam UU Pemerintahan Aceh itu sendiri. Penelitian ini merekomendasikan agar dualisme kelembagaan lembaga pengawas pemilu dan pilkada di Aceh segera diakhiri melakukan perubahan terhadap UU Pemilu, UU Pilkada dan UU Pemerintahan Aceh
迄今为止，亚齐的选举和地方选举监督机构仍存在体制上的双重性。这种情况仍然给亚齐选举和地方选举监督的实施留下了问题。本文重点探讨了解决这种二元体制可采取的法律政策选择。本研究是一项规范性法律研究，充分使用了第一手和第二手法律资料形式的二手数据。研究认为，亚齐选举和地方选举监督机构二元化的根本原因在于《选举法》和《地方选举法》与《亚齐治理法》不一致。宪法法院关于《选举法》第 557 条和第 571 条 d 款违反 1945 年《宪法》的判决也进一步证实了这一点，因为这两条法律的制定不符合《亚齐政府法》本身所载的《亚齐政府法》修正案的规定。本研究建议通过修订《选举法》、《地方选举法》和《亚齐治理法》结束亚齐选举和地方选举监督机构的二元体制。
{"title":"Penyelesaian Dualisme Kelembagaan Lembaga Pengawas Pemilihan Umum di Provinsi Aceh","authors":"Khairul Fahmi, I. Putra, Beni Kharisma Arrasuli","doi":"10.31078/jk2111","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.31078/jk2111","url":null,"abstract":"Hingga saat ini, dualisme kelembagaan lembaga pengawas pemilu dan pilkada di Aceh masih terjadi. Kondisi tersebut masih menyisakan masalah dalam pelaksanaan pengawasan pemilu dan pilkada di Aceh. Artikel ini memfokuskan bahasan pada aspek pilihan kebijakan hukum yang dapat diambil untuk menyelesaikan dualisme tersebut. Penelitian ini merupakan penelitian hukum normatif yang sepenuhnya menggunakan data sekunder berupa bahan hukum primer dan sekunder. Kajian ini berkesimpulan bahwa akar persoalan dualisme lembaga pengawas pemilu dan pilkada di Aceh disebabkan tidak sinkronnya pengaturan UU Pemilu dan UU Pilkada dengan UU Pemerintahan Aceh. Hal itu juga diperkuat dengan Putusan MK yang menyatakan Pasal 557 dan Pasal 571 huruf d UU Pemilu bertentangan dengan UUD 1945 karena pembentukannya tidak sesuai dengan ketentuan perubahan UU Pemerintahan Aceh yang dimuat dalam UU Pemerintahan Aceh itu sendiri. Penelitian ini merekomendasikan agar dualisme kelembagaan lembaga pengawas pemilu dan pilkada di Aceh segera diakhiri melakukan perubahan terhadap UU Pemilu, UU Pilkada dan UU Pemerintahan Aceh","PeriodicalId":509258,"journal":{"name":"Jurnal Konstitusi","volume":"116 3","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-03-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140404810","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Muhammad RM Fayasy Failaq, Irma Aulia Pertiwi Nusantara
Energi terbarukan berbeda dengan energi konvensional karena sifat hijau serta persebaran dan potensi yang sangat besar pada daerah di Indonesia. Namun, saat ini belum terdapat regulasi terintegrasi terkait energi terbarukan karena masih menjadi Rancangan Undang-Undang (RUU) dalam Prolegnas tahun 2022. Penelitian ini akan memberikan pandangan terhadap beberapa undang-undang yang mengatur konsepsi kewenangan bagi pemerintah pusat dan daerah dalam pengelolaan energi terbarukan. Selanjutnya, akan dianalisis prospek pengaturan energi terbarukan dengan telaah penguasaan negara dan desentralisasi dengan mempertimbangkan potensi serta kesiapan daerah. Penelitian ini adalah yuridis normatif dengan metode penelitian kepustakaan. Sumber data dan bahan hukum yang diperoleh akan dianalisis secara kualitatif. Temuan dari penelitian ini, konsep penguasaan negara memiliki irisan dengan desentralisasi dalam pengelolaan sumber daya energi. Daerah di Indonesia memiliki potensi yang sangat besar namun bermasalah di kesiapan. Untuk itu perlu diundangkan RUU EBT sebagai dasar hukum untuk menunjang percepatan energi terbarukan di Indonesia. Dalamnya, lima fungsi penguasaan negara dijalankan berdasar desentralisasi secara ideal yang lebih cocok untuk pengembangan energi terbarukan.
{"title":"Irisan Penguasan Negara dan Desentralisasi dalam Prospek Pengaturan Energi Terbarukan di Indonesia","authors":"Muhammad RM Fayasy Failaq, Irma Aulia Pertiwi Nusantara","doi":"10.31078/jk2117","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.31078/jk2117","url":null,"abstract":"Energi terbarukan berbeda dengan energi konvensional karena sifat hijau serta persebaran dan potensi yang sangat besar pada daerah di Indonesia. Namun, saat ini belum terdapat regulasi terintegrasi terkait energi terbarukan karena masih menjadi Rancangan Undang-Undang (RUU) dalam Prolegnas tahun 2022. Penelitian ini akan memberikan pandangan terhadap beberapa undang-undang yang mengatur konsepsi kewenangan bagi pemerintah pusat dan daerah dalam pengelolaan energi terbarukan. Selanjutnya, akan dianalisis prospek pengaturan energi terbarukan dengan telaah penguasaan negara dan desentralisasi dengan mempertimbangkan potensi serta kesiapan daerah. Penelitian ini adalah yuridis normatif dengan metode penelitian kepustakaan. Sumber data dan bahan hukum yang diperoleh akan dianalisis secara kualitatif. Temuan dari penelitian ini, konsep penguasaan negara memiliki irisan dengan desentralisasi dalam pengelolaan sumber daya energi. Daerah di Indonesia memiliki potensi yang sangat besar namun bermasalah di kesiapan. Untuk itu perlu diundangkan RUU EBT sebagai dasar hukum untuk menunjang percepatan energi terbarukan di Indonesia. Dalamnya, lima fungsi penguasaan negara dijalankan berdasar desentralisasi secara ideal yang lebih cocok untuk pengembangan energi terbarukan.","PeriodicalId":509258,"journal":{"name":"Jurnal Konstitusi","volume":"300 2","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-03-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140402596","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The periodization system in the constitutional judges’ position has the opportunity to undermine the judges’ independence. the opportunity to be re-elected as an opening for political transactions between constitutional judges with the proposing institution. The enactment of Act No. 7/2020 is a new era for the system used in the constitutional judges’ term. The periodization of the Constitutional Court judges’ term was replaced based on the age limit of 70 years. This research examines the design of Constitutional Court judges’ terms after the enactment Act No. 7/ 2020. This article is written based on normative legal research. This study concludes that the transformation of the Constitutional Court judges’ term into non-periodization aims to strengthen the independence of Constitutional judges from any intervention. At the same time as a fortress from external pressure and ensures that judges do not face conflicts of interest arising from the possibility of extending the term.
{"title":"Transformation of the Constitutional Justices Tenure After the Constitutional Court’s New Act","authors":"M. B. Kurniawan, Dinora Refiasari","doi":"10.31078/jk2112","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.31078/jk2112","url":null,"abstract":"The periodization system in the constitutional judges’ position has the opportunity to undermine the judges’ independence. the opportunity to be re-elected as an opening for political transactions between constitutional judges with the proposing institution. The enactment of Act No. 7/2020 is a new era for the system used in the constitutional judges’ term. The periodization of the Constitutional Court judges’ term was replaced based on the age limit of 70 years. This research examines the design of Constitutional Court judges’ terms after the enactment Act No. 7/ 2020. This article is written based on normative legal research. This study concludes that the transformation of the Constitutional Court judges’ term into non-periodization aims to strengthen the independence of Constitutional judges from any intervention. At the same time as a fortress from external pressure and ensures that judges do not face conflicts of interest arising from the possibility of extending the term.","PeriodicalId":509258,"journal":{"name":"Jurnal Konstitusi","volume":"70 2","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-03-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140407367","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Cabang produksi yang penting bagi negara dan/atau menguasai hajat hidup orang banyak dikuasai oleh negara. Terkait dengan penilaian mengenai cabang produksi, berada di tangan Pemerintah bersama DPR. Permasalahan kemudian timbul, ketika tiadanya indicator untuk melakukan penilaian yang bermuara pada penyalahgunaan kekuasaan dan berujung pada privatisasi, hingga akhirnya menciderai hak menguasai negara. Atas dasar itu, MK hadir untuk melakukan penilaian atas penilaian Pemerintah bersama DPR. Tujuan penelitian ini adalah untuk mengetahui bagaimana peran MK dalam melakukan penilaian. Penelitian ini merupakan penelitian hukum normatif. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa MK telah melakukan kewenangan ini dengan memberikan penilaiannya melalui pengujian undang-undang. Ke depan, MK harus mengeluarkan indicator cabang produksi yang dikuasai oleh negara dengan berdasar pada Pasal 33 UUD NRI 1945.
{"title":"PENILAIAN MAHKAMAH KONSTITUSI TERHADAP CABANG PRODUKSI YANG DIKUASAI OLEH NEGARA","authors":"Desi Fitriyani","doi":"10.31078/jk2116","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.31078/jk2116","url":null,"abstract":"Cabang produksi yang penting bagi negara dan/atau menguasai hajat hidup orang banyak dikuasai oleh negara. Terkait dengan penilaian mengenai cabang produksi, berada di tangan Pemerintah bersama DPR. Permasalahan kemudian timbul, ketika tiadanya indicator untuk melakukan penilaian yang bermuara pada penyalahgunaan kekuasaan dan berujung pada privatisasi, hingga akhirnya menciderai hak menguasai negara. Atas dasar itu, MK hadir untuk melakukan penilaian atas penilaian Pemerintah bersama DPR. Tujuan penelitian ini adalah untuk mengetahui bagaimana peran MK dalam melakukan penilaian. Penelitian ini merupakan penelitian hukum normatif. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa MK telah melakukan kewenangan ini dengan memberikan penilaiannya melalui pengujian undang-undang. Ke depan, MK harus mengeluarkan indicator cabang produksi yang dikuasai oleh negara dengan berdasar pada Pasal 33 UUD NRI 1945.","PeriodicalId":509258,"journal":{"name":"Jurnal Konstitusi","volume":"24 4","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-03-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140405402","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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